Chutia Kingdom

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Chutia Kingdom

CapitalSadiya (–1523-24)
Common languagesDeori language, Assamese language
Religion
Kechai Khaiti, Hinduism
GovernmentMonarchy
Monarch 
• Unknown–1524
Dhirnarayana (last)
Historical eraMedieval Assam
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Kamarupa
Ahom kingdom
Today part ofIndia

Template:Chutiya Dynasty

The Chutia Kingdom[1] (also Sadiya[2]) was a late medieval state that developed around Sadiya in present Assam and adjoining areas in Arunachal Pradesh.[3] It extended over almost the entire region of present districts of Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Tinsukia and some parts of Dibrugarh.[4] The kingdom fell in 1523-24 to the Ahom Kingdom after a series of conflicts and the capital area ruled by the Chutia rulers became the administrative domain of the office of Sadia Khowa Gohain of the Ahom kingdom.[5]

The Chutia kingdom was one among other ethnic groups (Ahom, Dimasa, Koch, Jaintia etc.) in the region that had emerged by the 13th century after the fall of the Kamarupa kingdom and had crystallised into rudimentary states by the 15th century.[6] Among these, the Chutia kingdom was the most advanced,[7] with its rural industries,[8] trade[9] surplus economy and advanced Sanskritisation.[10][11] After the Ahoms annexed the kingdom, the Chutia state was absorbed into the Ahom state—the nobility and the professional classes were given important positions in the Ahom officialdom[12] and the land was resettled for wet rice cultivation.[13]

Foundation and Polity[edit]

Though there is no doubt on the Chutia polity, the origins of this kingdom is obscure.[14] It is generally held that the Chutias originally had their habitat in the hills and that they established a state in the plains around Sadiya in the 13th century before the advent of the Ahoms in 1228.[15][16] The earliest Chutia king in the epigraphic records is Nandin or Nandisvara from the later half of the 14th century[17] mentioned in a grant by his son Satyanarayana who nevertheless draws his royal lineage from his maternal uncle[18] to asura origins.[19] On the other hand a later king Durlabhnarayana mentions that his grandfather Ratnanarayana (identified with Satyanarayana) was a Kamata king.[20] In these early inscriptions the kings are said to be seated in Sadhyapuri, identified with the present-day Sadiya;[21] which is why the kingdom is also called Sadiya. The Buranjis written is the Ahom language language called the kingdom Tiora whereas those written in the Assamese language called it Chutia.[1]

Vaishnava brahmins were instrumental in the sanskritisation of the rulers with references to Krishna legends but placed them lower in the Brahminical social hierarchy because of their autochthonous origins.[22] Though asura lineage of the Chutia rulers have similarities with the Narakasura lineage created for the three Kamarupa dynasties, the precise historical connection is not clear.[23] Though a majority of the brahmin donees of the royal grants were Vaishnavas[24] the rulers patronized the non-brahmanised Dikkaravasini too.[25] Dikkaravasini (also Tamresvari or Kesai-khaiti), was either a powerful tribal deity, or a Buddhist deity adopted for tribal worship.[26] This deity, noticed in the 10th century Kalika Purana well before the establishment of the Chutia kingdom, continued to be presided by a Deori-Chutia priesthood well into the Ahom rule and outside brahminical influence.[27]

Spurious accounts[edit]

Unfortunately, there are many manuscript accounts of the origin and lineage that do not agree with each other or with the epigraphic records and they have no historical moorings.[28][29] One such source is Chutiyar Rajar Vamsavali first published in Orunodoi in 1850 and reprinted in Deodhai Asam Buranji.[30] Historians consider this document to have been composed in the early 19th century—to legitimize the Matak kingdom around 1805—or after the end of Ahom rule in 1826.[31] This document relates the legend of Birpal. Yet another Assamese document, retrieved by Ney Elias from Burmese sources, relates an alternative legend of Asambhinna.[32] These different legends suggest that the genealogical claims of the Chutias have changed over time and that these are efforts to construct (and reconstruct) the past.[33]

Rulers[edit]

Only a few recently compiled Buranjis provide the history of the Chutia kingdom;[34] though some sections of these compilations are old, the sections that contain the list of Chutiya rulers cannot be traced to earlier than 19th century[35] and scholars have shown great disdain for these accounts and legends.[36]

Neog (1977) compiled a list of rulers based on epigraphic records based crucially on identifying the donor-ruler named Dharmanarayan, mentioned as the son of Satyanarayana in the Bormurtiya grant[37] with the Dharmanarayan, the father of the donor-ruler Durlabhnarayana of the Chepakhowa grant.[38] This effectively results in identifying Satyanarayana with Ratnanarayana.[39]

List of Rulers from Neog [40]
Name Other names Reign Period Reign in Progress
Nandi Nandisara or Nandisvara late 14th century[41]
Satyanarayana Ratnanarayana late 14th century[41] 1392[42]
Lakshminarayana Dharmanarayana or Mukta-dharmanaryana[43] early 15th century 1392;[44] 1401;[45] 1442[46]
Durlabhnarayana early 15th century 1428[47]
Pratyaksanarayana[48]
Yasanarayana[48]

A late discovery of an inscription, published in a 2002 souvenir of the All Assam Chutiya Sanmilan[49] seems to geneologically connect the last historically known king, Dhirnarayan with Neog's list above.

List of Additional Rulers
Name Other names Reign Period Reign in progress
Yasamanarayana [50]
Purandarnarayana late 15th century
Dhirnarayana early 16th century 1522[51]

Though it is accepted that the rule of the Chutia rulers ended in 1523-24, different sources give different accounts.[52] The extant Ahom Buranji and the Deodhai Asam Buranji mention that in the final battles and the aftermath both the king Dhirnarayan and the heir-apparent Sadhaknarayan were killed; whereas according to the Chutiyar Katha, an 18th/19th century document incorporated into the Deodhai Asam Buranji Nitipal, Dhirnarayan's son-in-law and the reigning king, was killed and the life of Sadhaknarayan, the minor son of Dhirnarayan, was spared.[53] The Ahom Buranji-Harakanta Barua mentions that the remnant of the royal family was deported to Pakariguri, Nagaon, on which the views of scholars differ.[54][55]

Domain[edit]

The extent of the power of the kings of the Chutia kingdom is not known in detail.[56] Nevertheless, it is estimated by most modern scholarship that Chutias held the areas on the north bank of Brahmaputra from Parshuram Kund in the east and included the present districts of Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Tinsukia and some parts of Dibrugarh.[4][57] Between 1228 and 1253 when Sukaphaa, the founder of the Ahom kingdom, was searching for a place to settle in Upper Assam, he and his followers did not encounter any resistance from the Chutia state[58] (although he encountered some Chutia families[59] like Som-chiring and Changsai), implying that the Chutia state must have been of little significance till atleast the mid 14th century[60] when the Ahom chronicles mention them for the first time. At its largest extent, the Chutia influence might have extended up to Viswanath in the present Darrang district of Assam ,[61][62][63] though the control was confined to the river valleys of Subansiri, Brahmaputra, Lohit and Dihing and hardly extended to the hills even at its zenith.[64]

Downfall[edit]

File:Sutiyaswords2.jpg
Some existing weaponry used by the Chutia kings

Chutia-Ahom conflicts (1512–1524)[edit]

Suhungmung, the Ahom king, followed an expansionist policy and annexed Habung and Panbari in either 1510 or 1512, which according to Swarnalata Baruah was ruled by Bhuyans[65] while according to Amalendu Guha, it was a Chutia dependency.[66] In 1513 a border conflict triggered the Chutia king Dhirnarayan to advance to Dikhowmukh and build a stockade of banana trees (Posola-garh).[67] This fort was attacked by a force led by the Ahom king himself leading to a rout of the Chutia soldiers. In 1520 the Chutias again attacked the Ahom fort Mungkhrang and occupied it, but the Ahoms recovered it soon and erected an offensive fort on the banks of Dibru river. In 1523 the Chutia king attacked the fort at Dibru but was routed. The Ahom king and the nobles hotly pursued the retreating Chutia king who sued for peace. The peace overtures failed and the king finally fell to Ahom forces, bringing an end to the Chutia kingdom.[68] Though some late manuscripts mention the fallen king as Nitipal (or Chandranarayan) extant records from the Buranjis such as the Ahom Buranji and the Deodhai Ahom Buranji mention those who were killed included the Chutia king Dhirnarayan and his son Sadhaknarayan.[53]

Aftermath[edit]

The Ahom kingdom took complete possession of the royal insignia and other assets of the erstwhile kingdom.[69] The rest of the royal family was dispersed, and the nobles were disbanded and the territory was placed under the newly created office of the Sadiakhowa Gohain.[70] Besides the material assets and territories, the Ahoms also took possession of the people according to their professions. Many of Brahmans, Kayasthas, Kalitas and Daivajna's (the caste Hindus), as well as the artisans such as bell-metal workers, goldsmiths, blacksmiths and others were moved to the Ahom capital and this movement greatly increased the admixture of the Chutia and Ahom populations.[69]

After annexing the Chutia kingdom, offices of the Ahom kingdom, Thao-mung Mung-teu(Bhatialia Gohain) with headquarters at Habung (Lakhimpur), Thao-mung Ban-lung(Banlungia Gohain) at Banlung (Dhemaji), Thao-mung Mung-klang(Dihingia gohain) at Dihing (Dibrugarh, Majuli and northern Sibsagar), Chaolung Shulung at Tiphao (northern Dibrugarh) were created to administer the newly acquired regions.[71][better source needed]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. 1.0 1.1 "In the past, there was a kingdom in Upper Assam that the Ahom chronicles called Tiora and the Assamese chronicles called Chutiya." (Jaquesson 2017:100)
  2. "Their kingdom called Sadiya..." (Gogoi 2002:20)
  3. "(T)he Chutiyas seem to have assumed political power in Sadiya and contiguous areas falling within modern Arunachal Pradesh." (Shin 2020:51)
  4. 4.0 4.1 "Their kingdom called Sadiya extended in the north over the entire region from the Sisi in the west to the Brahmaputra in the east. The hills and the river Buri Dihing formed its norther and southern boundaries respectively. Thus the Chutiya territory extended over almost the entire region of present districts of Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Tinsukia and some parts of Dibrugarh." (Gogoi 2002:20-21)
  5. "The Chutiya power lasted until 1523 when the Ahom king Suhungmung, alias Dihingia Rāja (1497–1539), conquered their kingdom and annexed it to his sphere of influence. A new officer of Ahom state, known as Sadiya Khowa Gohain, was appointed to administer the area ruled by the Chutiyas." (Shin 2020:52)
  6. "The period from the 13th to the 16th century saw the emergence and development of a large number of tribal political formations in north-east India. The Chutiya, the Tai-Ahom, the Koch, the Dimasa (Kachari), the Tripuri, the Meithei (Manipuri), the Khasi (Khyriem) and the Pamar (Jaintia)—all these tribes crystallised into rudimentary state formations by the 15th century." (Guha 1983:5)
  7. "The most developed of the tribes in the 15th century were the Chutiya(Guha 1983:5)
  8. "The growth of a number of professions among the people of this kingdom like tanti (weaver), kahar (bell-metal worker), sonari (goldsmith) ... indicates the growth of some rural industries among the Chutiyas." (Gogoi 2002:22)
  9. " the Chutias, who held power by regulating the easterly trade and migration of people to and from Tibet, Southern China and Assam." (Saikia 2004:8)
  10. "(T)he Chutiyas were one of the earliest tribes to be Hinduised and to form a state, may point to their surplus economy." (Gogoi 2002:21-22)
  11. (At the time of annexation by the Ahoms) caste system had become prevalent in (the Chutiya) society." (Gogoi 2002:21)
  12. (Baruah 1985:186)
  13. "[T]he Chutiya kingdom consisted of a vast plan level and fertile territory which provided for the Ahoms possibility of easy extension of wet rice culture in the region." (Gogoi 2002:22)
  14. "The origin of the Chutiya state is obscure." (Buragohain 2013:120)
  15. "According to the present day Deori Chutiyas, the priests of the Chutiya people, they are originally inhabitants of the hills to the north of the Brahmaputra, perhaps the northwestern portion of the Dibang valley. Moving down from the hills to the plains of upper Assam, at some point of time before the entry of the Shans, a Tai ethnic group of Southeast Asia, the Chutiyas seem to have assumed political power in Sadiya and contiguous areas falling within modern Arunachal Pradesh." (Shin 2020:51)
  16. "(T)he Chutiyas formed a state earlier than the Ahoms in the thirteenth century." (Nath 2013:25)
  17. "On the basis of these records, Neog reconstructed a line of kings ruling this region as follows: Nandin (or Nandīśvara), Satyanārāyaṇa (or Ratnanārāyaṇa), Lakṣmīnārāyaṇa, Durlabhanārāyaṇa, Dharmanārāyaṇa, Pratyakṣanārāyaṇa and Yaśanārāyaṇa (or Yamanārāyaṇa). Furthermore, it is fairly certain from the dates available in the inscriptions that Nandin and Satyanārāyaṇa ruled Sadhayāpurī in the latter half of the fourteenth century." (Shin 2020:52)
  18. "The epigraphic record of Satyanārāyaṇa, whose lineage is named in reference to his maternal uncle, is therefore significant. It may constitute evidence of matrilineality of the Sadiya-based Chutiya ruling family, or that their system was not exclusively patrilineal. (Shin 2020:54)
  19. "Auspicious Satyanārāyaṇa had his origin in Daivakī’s womb, ‘forming part of the lineage of the enemy of the gods’ (suraripu-vaṃśāṃśa-bhūto), making the uplift of the burden of the earth. Neog interprets ‘the lineage of the enemy of the gods’ as the asura dynasty. The reason for his asura lineage is not explicitly explained in the inscription; but the two statements that his mother is ‘Daivakī’ and he has ‘the shape of maternal uncle (who was) given the name of Daitya’ (daityanāmāttamāmāmatiḥ) can be seen as an indirect reference to his lineage." (Shin 2020:53)
  20. "Ratnanãrãyana is called king of Kamatãpura and his grandson Durlabhanãrãyana is described as giving lands under the administration of the Governor of Häbunga province." (Neog 1977:818)
  21. "Furthermore, it is fairly certain from the dates available in the inscriptions that Nandin and Satyanārāyaṇa ruled Sadhayāpurī in the latter half of the fourteenth century, while Lakṣmīnārāyaṇa belonged to the beginning, and Dharmanārāyaṇa to the middle of the fifteenth century. It is also nearly clear that Sadhayāpurī (or Svadhayāpurī) mentioned in the inscriptions is the same as Sadhiyā or Sadiya of later times." (Shin 2020:52)
  22. "Vaiṣṇava brahmins seemed to play an important role in the making of both the royal lineages defined as ‘demonic’; and ... this demonic maternal ancestry was the way to accommodate the local ruling families in the Brahmanical social hierarchy, but only in a lower position." (Shin 2020:55)
  23. "Though it is not clear whether the asura lineage of Chutiya ruling family had a historical connection with this earlier tradition of Kāmarūpa, there are some common points between the two genealogical claims..." (Shin 2020:54-55)
  24. "Most names of brahmin donees have Vaiṣṇava affiliation." (Shin 2020:55)
  25. " The Pãyã-Tãmresvari (Dikkaravãsiní) temple inscription announces that King Dharmanãrãyana raised in 1364 Šaka a wall (prãkãra) around the temple of Dikkaravãsiní, popularly known as Tãmresvari." (Neog 1977:817)
  26. (Gogoi 2011:235-236)
  27. 'According to E.A. Gait, "The religion of the Chutiyas was a curious one. They worshipped various forms of Kali with the aid not of the Brahmanas but of their own tribal priests or Deoris. The favorite form in which they worshipped this deity was that of Kesai-khati 'the eater of raw flesh' to whom human sacrifices were offered. After their subjugation by the Ahoms, the Deoris were permitted to continue their ghastly rites; but they were usually given for this purpose, criminals who have been sentenced to capital punishment..."' (Gogoi & 2011 236)
  28. "There are various accounts and succession lists of the rulers of the Chutiyãs (I do not call them Chutiyã kings precisely because in these accounts they are not described as Chutiyãs except the last one of them) with dates also assigned to their reign ; but these accounts are too much at variance with one another to deserve serious consideration as being of proper historical value." (Neog 1977:814)
  29. "The legends relating to the origin of the Chutiyas is full of absurdities without any historical moorings." (Buragohai 2013:120)
  30. (Nath 2013:27)
  31. "[T]his so called ancient chronicle might have been a later work of some members of the Chutiya aristocracy, as is possibly an attempt to legitimize the claims of the Chutiyas over a part of Assam during the establishment of the Matak kingdom in the beginning of the 19th century (1805) or after the Ahom power was abolished." (Nath 2013:27)
  32. (Nath 2013:29-30)
  33. "What can be said for sure is that the genealogical claims of the Chutiyas changed in the course of time, and the related legend reflects a difference in the way the Chutiyas construct (or reconstruct) their past." (Shin 2020:58-59)
  34. "Only a few chronicles of comparatively recent date, including the Deodhai Asam Buranji, Ahom Buranji, Satsari Asam Buranji, Purani Asam Buranji and the Asam Buranji obtained from the family of Sukumar Mahanta, preserve only a small part of their history." (Shin:52)
  35. "The following list of rulers of the Chutiyãs is given in one of the two short chronicles of them incorporated by Dr. S. K. Bhuyan in his Deodhäi Asam Burañji from an old manuscript published by William Robinson in the Baptist journal, Orunodoi, December, 1850. It very nearly corroborates a similar list in the vamsävali obtained by Kellner from Amrtanãrãyana of a Chutiyã princely family. Even Kellner considered this chronology apocryphal (Brown, op. cit., p. 83 ). It is not yet known for certain when at all such lists were prepared; but at the moment it is not possible to ascribe them to a date earlier than the 19th century. The dates given in the lists do not thus have historical moorings." (Neog 1977:817-818)
  36. " It is not known for sure when the story of Birpal was made nor when the list of kings was prepared; but at the moment, it is not possible for a scholar like Neog to ascribe them a date earlier than the nineteenth century. Scholars, therefore, questioned the accuracy of the historical information in these accounts and showed great disdain for the related legends.(Shin 2020:52)
  37. (Neog 1977:816)
  38. "An attempt might perhaps be made to correlate all these finds into the reconstruction of a line of kings ruling in this region. If we consider Dharmanãrãyana of the epigraphs [Bormurtiya], [Chepakhowa] and [Paya-Tamreshvari] as the same..." (Neog 1977:817)
  39. "We seek to identify Satyanãrãyana of Sadhayãpuri of Dhenukhanã, Ghilãmarã and Barmurtiyã- bil plates with Ratnanãrãyana of Kamatãpura of the Sadiyã-Chepã-khowã plate, as Dharmanãrãyana is described as Satyanäräyana's son in the Barmurtiyã-bil plate and as Ratnanârâyana's son in the Sadiyã-Chepãkhowâ plate, and, as already pointed out, more than one name seem to have been assumed by the kings of this region. (Neog 1977:818)
  40. (Neog 1977:817)
  41. 41.0 41.1 "It is, however, fairly certain from the dates available in the epigraphs that King Nandisvara and Satyanarayana ruled in Sadhayapuri in the last half of the 14th century A.D." (Neog 1977:820)
  42. "Dhenukhanã copperplate grant of King Satyanãrãyana, son of Nandi, Nandisara or Nandivara, of Sadhayâpurï or Svadhayãpuri, dated 1392." (Neog 1977:813)
  43. "Dr. D. C. Sircar seeks to read the name of the king as 'Muktãdharmanãrãyana' which may really have been 'yuvã-Dharmanãrãyana' contrasting well with the reference to the bṛddharãja' in the first line of the inscription." (Neog 1977:813)
  44. "Barmurtiyã-bil copperplate inscription of King Dharmanãrãyana, son of Satyanãrãyana, dated 1392" (Neog 1977:813)
  45. "Ghilãmarã copperplate grant of King Laksmlnãrãyana, son of Satyanãrãyana, dated 1401." (Neog 1977:813)
  46. "Pãyã-Tãmresvari (Dikkaravãsini) temple wall inscription of King Dharmanãrãyana, son-regent of Brddharãja (Old King), dated 1364 Šaka/1442 AD" (Neog 1977:813)
  47. "The Sadiyã-Chepãkhowã copperplate grant of King (Durlabha-)nãrãyana, son of Dharmanãrãyana and grandson of Ratnanãrãyana originally of Kamatãpura, dated 1350 Šaka/1428 AD." (Neog 1977:813)
  48. 48.0 48.1 "In the Dhenukhanã plate two later kings seem to have added postscripts to the original inscription of 1314 Šaka. They are Pratyaksanãrãyana and Yasanãrãyana or Yamanãrãyana. No dates are associated with them." (Neog 1977:819)
  49. (Nath 2013:43ff)
  50. (Barua 2007:124) "The plate discovered in 2001 identifies Yamkadnarayana or Yasamanarayana as the grandfather(pitamah) of Dhirnarayana. It is possible that this king was the same as Yasanarayana or Yamanarayana of the Dhenukhana plate."
  51. (Barua 2007:590-591)
  52. "Regarding the fate of the Chutia prince Sadhaknarayan and the identity of the Chutia king killed by the Ahoms in 1523-24, opinions differ." (Baruah 1983:229ff)
  53. 53.0 53.1 "The Ahom Buranji and the Deodhai Assam Buranji do not mention the name of Nitipal alias Chandranarayan. These sources ascribe the event to the reign of Dhirnarayan and state that in the final clash both the Chutia king (Dhirnarayan) and the prince (Sadhaknarayan) were killed." (Baruah 1986:229f)
  54. "Suhunmung then deported the Chutiya nobles and the prince Sadhaknarayan to his kingdom and established the later at Darrang with grants of land and labourers."(Gogoi 2002:21)
  55. (Baruah 1983:229ff)
  56. "(T)he geographical extent of these rulers' power is not yet known in detail..." (Shin 2020:52)
  57. Acharya.N.N., The History of Medieval Assam, 1966,p.232
  58. "The Assamese chronicles while recording the route of Sukapha across the Patkai hills till he reached Charaideo in the southeastern corner of the present Sibsagar district through the courses of the rivers Dihing, Brahmaputra and Dikhow do not mention a Chutiya state that offered any kind of resistance to the advancing forces of Sukapha." (Nath 2013:26)
  59. "Along the way, a number of people were captured. They were either Chutias, Morans or Borahis...given names according to the tasks they performed."(Saikia 2004:115)
  60. "This shows that if there was any Chutiya state it was of little significance till at least mid 14th century." (Nath 2013:26)
  61. (Nath 2013:27)
  62. "Though the geographical extent of these rulers' power is not yet known in detail, according to Neog, the present day North Lakhimpur district of Assam, which covers the find sites of most inscriptions, perhaps formed a part of their political dominion. If architectural continuity is admitted between the fortifications in the Sadiya region and the Burai river ruin site, it would be possible to believe that the kingdom of these rulers extended as far as the outer limit of Darrang district, in the westernmost extent of which Ahom conquerors settled the vanquished Chutiyas in the early part of the sixteenth century." (Shin 2020:52-53)
  63. "N.N Acharyya are of the opinion that the Chutiya kingdom extended upto Viswanath in the present Darrang district of Assam."(Datta 1985:28)
  64. "In the main, however, their territory was confined to the river valleys of the Suvansiri, Brahmaputra, Lohit and the Dihing and hardly extended to the hills at its zenith." (Nath 2013:27)
  65. "Both Habung and Panbari, neighbouring it, which was also, presumably ruled by a Bhuyan, were subjugated and annexed to the Ahom kingdom." (Baruah 1986:227)
  66. "He annexed Habung in 1512, a Chutiya dependency until then. Thereafter the whole of the Hinduized Chutiya Kingdom and parts of the present Nowgong district then ruled severally by baro-bhuyans and the Dimasa king,.."(Guha 1983:27)
  67. Baruah 1986, p. 227.
  68. Baruah 1986, pp. 228–229.
  69. 69.0 69.1 Baruah 1986, p. 230.
  70. Baruah 1986, p. 229.
  71. (Gait 1963:8) In 1525, Suhungmung proceeded in person to the Dihing country and appointed officers to administer the frontier provinces of Habung, Dihing and Banlung.

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