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Kamarupa Kingdom

The 7th and 8th century extent of Kamarupa kingdom, located on the eastern region of the Indian subcontinent, what is today modern-day Assam, Bengal and Bhutan.[1] Kamarupa at its height covered the entire Brahmaputra Valley, North Bengal, Bhutan and northern part of Bangladesh, and at times portions of West Bengal and Bihar.[2]
The 7th and 8th century extent of Kamarupa kingdom, located on the eastern region of the Indian subcontinent, what is today modern-day Assam, Bengal and Bhutan.[1] Kamarupa at its height covered the entire Brahmaputra Valley, North Bengal, Bhutan and northern part of Bangladesh, and at times portions of West Bengal and Bihar.[2]
Common languagesKamarupi Prakrit, Sanskrit, Austroasiatic, Tibeto-Burman[3]
Hinduism, Tribal religion[4]
GovernmentAbsolute monarchy[5]
Historical eraClassical India
• Established
• Disestablished
Succeeded by
Ahom kingdom
Kamata kingdom
Kachari kingdom
Chutiya Kingdom File:Sutiyakingdom.jpg
Baro Bhuyans
Today part ofIndia

Kamarupa (/ˈkɑːməˌrpə/; also called Pragjyotisha or Pragjyotisha-Kamarupa), an early state[6] during the Classical period on the Indian subcontinent, was (along with Davaka) the first historical kingdom of Assam.[7]

Though Kamarupa prevailed from 350 CE to 1140 CE, Davaka was absorbed by Kamarupa in the 5th century CE.[8][9] Ruled by three dynasties from their capitals in present-day Guwahati, North Guwahati and Tezpur, Kamarupa at its height covered the entire Brahmaputra Valley, North Bengal,[10] Bhutan and northern part of Bangladesh, and at times portions of what is now West Bengal, Bihar and Sylhet.[2][11]

Though the historical kingdom disappeared by the 12th century to be replaced by smaller political entities, the notion of Kamarupa persisted and ancient and medieval chroniclers continued to call a part of this kingdom Kamrup.[12] In the 16th century the Ahom kingdom came into prominence and assumed for themselves the legacy of the ancient Kamarupa kingdom and aspired to extend their kingdom to the Karatoya River.[13]


The earliest use of the name Kamarupa to denote the kingdom is from the 4th-century,[14] when Samudragupta's pillar inscription mentions it as a frontier kingdom. Kamarupa finds no mention in the epics—Mahabharata or Ramayana—and in the early and late vedic, Buddhist, and Jain literatures the references to Kamarupa are not about a kingdom.[15] An explanation of the name Kamarupa emerged first in the 10th-century Kalika Purana, six centuries after the first use of the name, as the kingdom where Kamadeva (Kama) regained his form (rupa).[16]

The name Pragjyotisha, on the other hand, is mentioned in the epics, but it did not become associated with the Kamarupa kingdom till the 7th century when Bhaskaravarman associated his kingdom with the Pragjyotisha of the epics and traced his dynastic lineage to Bhagadatta and Naraka.[17] In the 9th century, Pragjyotishpura is named as the legendary city from which Naraka reigned after his conquest of Kamarupa.[18][19]


Kamarupa is not included in the list of sixteen Mahajanapadas from the sixth to fourth centuries BCE;[20] nor does it or the northeast Indian region find any mention in the Ashokan records (3rd century BCE)[21]—it was not part of the Mauryan Empire.[22] The 3rd-2nd century BCE Baudhayana Dharmasutra mentions Anga (eastern Bihar), Magadha (southern Bihar), Pundra (northern Bengal) and Vanga (southern Bengal), and that a Brahmin required purification after visiting these places[23]—but it does not mention Kamarupa, thereby indicating it was beyond the ambit and recognition of the Brahminical culture in the second half of the first millennium BCE.[24]

Early dated mentions come from the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century) and Ptolemy's Geographia (2nd century) which call the region Kirrhadia after the Kirata population.[25] Arthashastra (early centuries of the Christian era[26]) mentions "Lauhitya", which is identified with Brahmaputra valley by a later commentator.[27] These early references speak about the economic activity of a tribal belt, and they do not mention any state.[28]

The earliest mention of a kingdom comes from the 4th-century Allahabad inscription of Samudragupta that calls the kings of Kamarupa and Davaka frontier rulers (pratyanta nripati).[29] The Chinese traveller Xuanzang visited the kingdom in the 7th century, then ruled by Bhaskaravarman.[30] The corpus of Kamarupa inscriptions left by the rulers of Kamarupa at various places in Assam and present-day Bangladesh are important sources of information. Nevertheless, local grants completely eschew the name Kamarupa; instead they use the name Pragjyotisha, with the kings called Pragjyotishadhipati.[31]

The fragmentary Nagajari-Khanikargaon rock inscription, written in Sanskrit and probably a land grant, is dated to approximately the 5th century. It was found in Sarupathar in the Golaghat district of Assam. It supports the idea that Sanskritisation spread to the east very quickly.[32] While this dating coincides with the time-span of the Varman dynasty, the inscription does not identify the state formation that issued the grant; the Varman dynasty may not have been responsible. One cannot completely "rule out the possibility of several simultaneous political powers in different sub-regional levels of north-eastern India around or even before the fourth century." Indeed, archaeological discoveries in the Doiyang Dhansiri Valley suggests that early state formation in the region may have begun before the second century.[33]


The findspots of inscriptions[34] associated with the Kamarupa kingdom give an estimate of its geographical location and extent.

Over the course of its prevalence, the boundaries of Kamarupa had fluctuated.[35] Nevertheless, the traditional boundary of Kamarupa is held by scholars to be—Karatoya river in the west,[36] Sadiya in the east,[37][38][39][40] between the Dhaka and Mymensingh districts in Bangladesh in the south,[41] and Kanchenjanga in the north.[42] The traditional boundaries are drawn from the textual references two of which are contemporneous—Xuanzang (7th century),[43] and Kalika Purana (10th century)—and a late medieval source Yogini Tantra (16th century)[44] though none of these claims are backed by any inscriptional record.[45] Thus based on these references Kamarupa is considered to span the entire Brahmaputra valley and Northeast India and at various times thought to include parts of present-day Bhutan, Bangladesh and Nepal.[46]

Internal divisions

Kamarupa is not understood to have been a homogeneous unified entity.[47]The Kalika Purana mentions a second eastern limit at Lalitakanta near Guwahati.[48] Shin (2018) interprets this to mean that within Kamarupa the region between Karatoya and Lalitakanta was where sedentary life was the norm and the eastern region was the realm of non-sedentary society.[49] These internal divisions came to be understood in terms of pithas, which were abodes of goddesses.[50]

Various epigraphic records found scattered over the regions are used to postulate the size of the kingdom.[1] The kingdom is believed to have broken up entirely by the 13th century into smaller kingdoms

Political history

The name "Kāmarūpa" in later Brahmi script, in the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta (350-375 CE).[51]

Kamarupa, first mentioned on Samudragupta's Allahabad rock pillar as a frontier kingdom, began as a subordinate but sovereign ally of the Gupta empire around present-day Guwahati in the 4th century:[52]

"(Samudragupta, whose) formidable rule was propitiated with the payment of all tributes, execution of orders and visits (to his court) for obeisance by such frontier rulers as those of Samataṭa, Ḍavāka, Kāmarūpa, Nēpāla, and Kartṛipura, and, by the Mālavas, Ārjunāyanas, Yaudhēyas, Mādrakas, Ābhīras, Prārjunas, Sanakānīkas, Kākas, Kharaparikas and other (tribes)."

— Lines 22–23 of the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (r.c.350-375 CE).[53]

It finds mention along with Davaka, a kingdom to the east of Kamarupa in the Kapili river valley in present-day Nagaon district, but which is never mentioned again as an independent political entity in later historical records. Kamarupa, which was probably one among many such state structures, grew territorially to encompass the entire Brahmaputra valley and beyond. As the Gupta Empire weakened, the Varmans, of indigenous origin, began asserting themselves politically by performing horse sacrifices and culturally by claiming semi-divine origins.[54] Under the rule of Bhaskaravarman Kamarupa reached its political zenith and the lineage of the Varmans from Narakasura, a demon, became a fixed tradition.[55] The Mlechchha dynasty, another set of indigenous rulers and the Pala dynasty (Kamarupa) that followed, too asserted political legitimacy by asserting descendancy from Narakasura.[56]

Varman dynasty (c. 350 – c. 650)

Template:South Asia in 350 CE Pushyavarman (350–374) established the Varman Dynasty, by fighting many enemies from within and without his kingdom; but his son Samudravarman (374–398), named after Samudragupta, was accepted as an overlord by many local rulers.[57] Nevertheless, subsequent kings continued their attempts to stabilise and expand the kingdom.[58] Kalyanavarman (422–446) occupied Davaka and Mahendravarman (470–494) further eastern areas.[8] Narayanavarma (494–518) and his son Bhutivarman (518–542) offered the ashwamedha (horse sacrifice);[59] and as the Nidhanpur inscription of Bhaskarvarman avers, these expansions included the region of Chandrapuri visaya, identified with present-day Sylhet division. Thus, the small but powerful kingdom that Pushyavarman established grew in fits and starts over many generations of kings and expanded to include adjoining possibly smaller kingdoms and parts of Bangladesh.

After the initial expansion till the beginning of Bhutivarman's reign, the kingdom came under attack from Yasodharman (525–535) of Malwa, the first major assault from the west.[60] Though it is unclear what the effect of this invasion was on the kingdom; that Bhutivarman's grandson, Sthitavarman (566–590), enjoyed victories over the Gauda Kingdom of Karnasuvarna and performed two aswamedha ceremonies suggests that the Kamarupa kingdom had recovered nearly in full. His son, Susthitavarman (590–600) came under the attack of Mahasenagupta of East Malwa. These back and forth invasions were a result of a system of alliances that pitted the Kamarupa kings (allied to the Maukharis) against the Gaur kings of Bengal (allied with the East Malwa kings).[61] Susthitavarman died as the Gaur invasion was on, and his two sons, Suprathisthitavarman and Bhaskarvarman fought against an elephant force and were captured and taken to Gaur. They were able to regain their kingdom due probably to a promise of allegiance.[62] Suprathisthitavarman's reign is given as 595–600, a very short period, at the end of which he died without an heir.

Supratisthitavarman was succeeded by his brother, Bhaskarvarman (600–650), the most illustrious of the Varman kings who succeeded in turning his kingdom and invading the very kingdom that had taken him captive. Bhaskarvarman had become strong enough to offer his alliance with Harshavardhana just as the Thanesar king ascended the throne in 606 after the murder of his brother, the previous king, by Shashanka of Gaur. Harshavardhana finally took control over the kingless Maukhari kingdom and moved his capital to Kanauj.[63] The alliance between Harshavardhana and Bhaskarvarman squeezed Shashanka from either side and reduced his kingdom, though it is unclear whether this alliance resulted in his complete defeat. Nevertheless, Bhaskarvarman did issue the Nidhanpur copper-plate inscription from his victory camp in the Gaur capital Karnasuvarna (present-day Murshidabad, West Bengal) to replace a grant issued earlier by Bhutivarman for a settlement in the Sylhet region of present-day Bangladesh.[64]

Mlechchha dynasty (c. 655 – c. 900 CE)

After Bhaskaravarman's death without an heir and a period of civil and political strife the kingdom passed into the hands of Salasthambha (655–670), possibly as erstwhile local governor[68] and a member of an aboriginal group called Mlechchha (or Mech). This dynasty too drew its lineage from the Naraka dynasty, though it had no dynastic relationship with the previous Varman dynasty. The capital of this dynasty was Haruppeshvara, now identified with modern Dah Parbatiya near Tezpur. The kingdom took on feudal characteristics[69] with political power shared between the king and second and third tier rulers called mahasamanta and samanta who enjoyed considerable autonomy.[70] The last ruler in this line was Tyāga Singha (890–900).

Pala dynasty (c. 900 – c. 1100)

After the death of Tyāgasimha without an heir, a member of the Bhauma family, Brahmapala (900–920), was elected as king by the ruling chieftains, just as Gopala of the Pala Empire of Bengal was elected. The original capital of this dynasty was Hadapeshvara, and was shifted to Durjaya built by Ratnapala (920–960), near modern Guwahati. The greatest of the Pala kings, Dharmapala (1035–1060) had his capital at Kamarupanagara, now identified with North Guwahati. The last Pala king was Jayapala (1075–1100).

Around this time, Kamarupa was attacked and the western portion was conquered by the Pala king Ramapala.


Template:Refimprove-section The extent of state structures can be culled from the numerous Kamarupa inscriptions left behind by the Kamarupa kings as well as accounts left by travellers such as those from Xuanzang.[71] Governance followed the classical saptanga structure of state.[72]

Kings and courts: The king was considered to be of divine origin. Succession was primogeniture, but two major breaks resulted in different dynasties. In the second, the high officials of the state elected a king, Brahmapala, after the previous king died without leaving an heir. The royal court consisted of a Rajaguru, poets, learned men and physicians. Different epigraphic records mention different officials of the palace: Mahavaradhipati, Mahapratihara, Mahallakapraudhika, etc.[citation needed]

Council of Ministers: The king was advised by a council of ministers (Mantriparisada), and Xuanzang mentions a meeting Bhaskaravarman had with his ministers. According to the Kamauli grant, these positions were filled by Brahmanas and were hereditary. State functions were specialised and there were different groups of officers looking after different departments.[citation needed]

Revenue: Land revenue (kara) was collected by special tax-collectors from cultivators. Cultivators who had no proprietary rights on the lands they tilled paid uparikara. Duties (sulka) were collected by toll collectors (Kaibarta) from merchants who plied keeled boats. The state maintained a monopoly on copper mines (kamalakara). The state maintained its stores and treasury via officials: Bhandagaradhikrita and Koshthagarika.[citation needed]

Grants: The king occasionally gave Brahmanas grants (brahmadeya), which consisted generally of villages, water resources, wastelands etc. (agraharas). Such grants conferred on the grantee the right to collect revenue and the right to be free of any regular tax himself and immunity from other harassments. Sometimes, the Brahmanas were relocated from North India, with a view to establish varnashramdharma. Nevertheless, the existence of donees indicate the existence of a feudal class. Grants made to temples and religious institutions were called dharmottara and devottara respectively.[citation needed]

Land survey: The land was surveyed and classified. Arable lands (kshetra) were held individually or by families, whereas wastelands (khila) and forests were held collectively. There were lands called bhucchidranyaya that were left unsurveyed by the state on which no tax was levied.[citation needed]

Administration: The entire kingdom was divided into a hierarchy of administrative divisions. From the highest to the lowest, they were bhukti, mandala, vishaya, pura (towns), agrahara (collection of villages) and grama (village). These units were administered by headed by rajanya, rajavallabha, vishayapati etc.[72] Some other offices were nyayakaranika, vyavaharika, kayastha etc., led by the adhikara. They dispensed judicial duties too, though the ultimate authority lay with the king. Law enforcement and punishments were made by officers called dandika, (magistrate) and dandapashika (one who executed the orders of a dandika).[citation needed]

Breakup and End of Kamarupa

Western Kamarupa

Ramapala could not keep control for long, and Timgyadeva (1110–1126) ruled western Kamarupa independently for some time. His son Kumarapala sent Vaidyadeva against Timgyadeva who installed himself at Hamshkonchi in the Kamrup region. Though Vaidyadeva maintained friendly relationships with Kumarapala, he styled himself after the Kamarupa kings issuing grants under the elephant seal of erstwhile Kamarupa kings and assuming the title of Maharajadhiraja, though he did not call himself Pragjyotisadhipati like the Kamarupa kings did. He controlled a portion of Kamrup, Goalpara and North Bengal but not Kamarupanagara, the seat of the last Kamarupa kings.[73]

Central Kamarupa

It is estimated that with the withering away of the Kamarupa kingdom, parts of Kamrup, Darrang and Sonitpur districts on the north bank of the Brahmaputra river came under the control of one Bhaskara.[74] A single inscription (1185) gives a list of four rulers that have been called the Lunar dynasty—Bhaskara, Rayarideva, Udayakarna and Vallabhadeva—with their reign dated to 1120–1200.[75]

Southern Kamarupa

In the Sylhet region, there emerged rulers called Kharabana, Gokuladeva, Narayana and Kesavadeva.[74]

Kamarupa Proper

Kamarupa proper was confined to the south bank of Brahmaputra, with the power center still at Kamarupanagara,[76] with three rulers associated with it: Prithu, Samudrapala and Sandhya.[77]

In 1206 the Turko Afghan Bakhtiyar Khalji passed through Kamarupa against Tibet which ended in disaster, the first of many Turko-Afghan invasions. The ruler of Kamarupa at this point was Raja Prithu (d. 1228, called Britu in Tabaqat-i Nasiri),[78] who is sometimes identified with Visvasundara, the son of Vallabhadeva of the Lunar dynasty, mentioned in the Gachtal inscription of 1232 A.D.[79] Prithu withstood invasions (1226–27) from Ghiyasuddin Iwaj Shah of Gauda[78] who retreated back to his capital to defend it from Nasiruddin Mahmud but was defeated, captured and killed in 1228.[80] Nasir-ud-din installed a tributary king but after his death in 1229 the control of Kamarupa lapsed back to local rulers.[81]

Beginning of Kamata

From among the local rulers, there emerged a strong ruler named Sandhya (c.1250–1270), the Rai of Kamrup, with his capital at Kamarupanagara, the seat of the last Pala kings. Malik Ikhtiyaruddin Iuzbak, a governor of Gaur for the Mamluk rulers of Delhi, attempted an invasive attack on Sandhya's domain in 1257; and Sandhya, with the help of the spring floods that same year, captured and killed the Sultan.[82] Subsequent to this attack, Sandhya moved his capital from Kamarupanagara to Kamatapur (North Bengal) and established a new kingdom, that came to be called Kamata.[83]

At that time, western Kamarupa was the domain of the Koch and Mech peoples.[84] In other parts of the erstwhile Kamarupa the Kachari kingdom (central Assam, South bank), Baro Bhuyans (central Assam, North bank), and the Chutiya kingdom (east) were emerging. The Ahoms, who would establish a strong and independent kingdom later, began building their state structures in the region between the Kachari and the Chutiya kingdoms in 1228.

Alauddin Hussain Shah issued coins in his name to be "Conqueror of Kamarup and Kamata".[85]

See also


  1. 1.0 1.1 (Dutta 2008:281), reproduced from (Acharya 1968).
  2. 2.0 2.1 Sircar (1990a), pp. 63–68.
  3. "... (it shows) that in Ancient Assam there were three languages viz. (1) Sanskrit as the official language and the language of the learned few, (2) Non-Aryan tribal languages of the Austric and Tibeto-Burman families, and (3) a local variety of Prakrit (ie a MIA) wherefrom, in course of time, the modern Assamese language as a MIL, emerged." (Sharma 1978, pp. 0.24-0.28)
  4. (A)ccording to the Yogina Tantra—a product of seventeenth-century Assam—the entire religion of Kamarupa is itself described as kirata dharma, that is, the religion of the northeast hill tribes"(Urban 2011:237)
  5. "The government of Kamarupa state was absolute monarchy in nature with the king at the top of the political structure." (Boruah 2005:1465)
  6. "Pragjyotisa-Kamarupa had emerged as an 'early state' by covering a large part of present north-east India, part of neighbouring west-Bengal and Bangladesh in the period between the 4th to the 12th century." (Boruah 2005:1464)
  7. Suresh Kant Sharma, Usha Sharma - 2005,"Discovery of North-East India: Geography, History, Culture, ... - Volume 3", Page 248, Davaka (Nowgong) and Kamarupa as separate and submissive friendly kingdoms.
  8. 8.0 8.1 "As regards the eastern limits of the kingdom, Davaka was absorbed within Kamarupa under Kalyanavarman and the outlying regions were brought under subjugation by Mahendravarman." (Choudhury 1959, p. 47)
  9. "It is presumed that (Kalyanavarman) conquered Davaka, incorporating it within the kingdom of Kamarupa" (Puri 1968, p. 11)
  10. "According to the Kalika Purana and the Yogonitantra, the ancient Kamarupa included, besides the districts of modern Assam, Cooch-Behar, Rang-pura, Jalpaiguri and Dinajpur within its territory." (Saikia 1997, p. 3)
  11. "Before (the 10th century), copper plate inscriptions indicate that land around the Kushiara was more densely populated, because Kamarupa kings had granted large tracts of land to immigrant brahmans and their supporting castes, to make this region part of Assam (Khanda Kamarupa). (Ludden 2003:5081)
  12. In the medieval times the region between the Sankosh river and the Barnadi river on the northern bank of the Brahmaputra river was defined as Kamrup (or Koch Hajo in Persian chronicles)(Sarkar 1990:95)
  13. "They also looked upon themselves as the heirs of the glory that was ancient Kamarupa by right of conquest, and they long cherished infructuously their unfulfilled hopes of expanding up to that frontier." (Guha 1983:24). 'An Ahom force reached the banks of the Karatoya in hot pursuit of an invading Turko-Afghan army in the 1530s. Since then "the washing of the sword in the Karatoya" became a symbol of the Assamese aspirations, repeatedly evoked in the Bar-Mels and mentioned in the chronicles." (Guha 1983:33)
  14. (Sirkar 1990a:57)
  15. "There is no definite reference to Kamarupa in the early/later Vedic literature and the early Buddhist/Jain canonical works. The two Epics are also silent on Kamarupa, despite mentioning Pragjyotisha." (Shin 2018:28)
  16. Barua, Birinchi Kumar; Kakati, Banikanta (1969). A cultural history of Assam - Volume 1. p. 15.
  17. "Considering the historical context of the seventh century Kamarupa, especially during the reign of Bhaskaravarman when the Varmans was ascending to one of the important powers in north India, it appears that they projected Kamarupa on a larger geopolitical map by combining it with Pragjyotisha, the Epic kingdom." (Shin 2018:38)
  18. "The earliest name of Assam is Pragjyotisha, i.e. the territory of around the city of that name, while Kamarupa, later used as the name of the country, (was a) synonym of Pragjyotisha." (Sircar 1990a:57)
  19. "Pragjyotisha was, however, redefined in the Uttar Barbil and the Nowgong plates dated to the last quarter of the ninth century. Both record that Naraka, the conqueror of Kamarupa (jitakamarupa), used to live in a city (pura) named Pragjyotisha in Kamarupa." (Shin 2018:39)
  20. "Kamarupa was not included in the 16 Mahajanapadas during the time of the Buddha."(Shin 2018:28)
  21. (Puri 1968, p. 4)
  22. "(T)he north-eastern region was outside the Maurya Empire." (Shin 2018:28)
  23. "Angas, Magadhas, Pundras and Vangas are mentioned in the Baudhiiyana Dharmasiitra (1.2.14-6) dated to the period between the early third and mid-second centuries BCE. The Angas and Magadhas lived in eastern and southern Bihar respectively, and the Pundras and the Vangas in northern and southern Bengal, respectively. . It is prescribed that a brahmana must have purification by the performance of punastoma or sarvarishtha after visiting their places. (Shin 2018:28)
  24. (Shin 2018:28)
  25. "The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea (last quarter of the first century A.D) and Ptolemy's Geography (middle of the second century A.D) appear to call the land including Assam Kirrhadia after its Kirata population." (Sircar 1990:60–61)
  26. "...the Arthashastra in its present form has to be assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era and the commentaries to much later dates." (Sircar 1990, p. 61)
  27. "If we go by Bhattaswamin's commentary on Arthashastra Magadha was already importing certain items of trade from this [Brahmaputra] Valley in Kautilya's days" (Guha 1984, p. 76)
  28. "Kautilya's Arthashastra, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, the Geography of Ptolemy and other early literary works only speak of economic pursuits of the tribal belt of the north-eastern region...but had nothing to say about their kingdoms." (Shin 2018, p. 28)
  29. (Sharma 1978, p. xv)
  30. Bhushan 2005, p. 21.
  31. "The name Kamarupa does not appear in local grants where Pragjyotisha alone figures with the local rulers called Pragjyotishadhipati." (Puri 1968, p. 3)
  32. The date of the Nagajari-Khanikargaon fragmentary stone inscription is considered to be earlier than that of the Umachal inscription of the Varmans. It is, nevertheless, too early to make any definite conclusion as the archaeological and inscriptional evidences are still limited to date. Furthermore, the absence of large-scale archaeological excavations in the region prevents us from tracing a detailed picture of society in the earlier period."(Shin 2019:28-29)
  33. Art and archaeology of the Doiyang Dhansiri valley of Assam. Hemendranath Dutta, author. Guide: Phukan, J N. PhD thesis. Page 219. Chapter 6. Conclusion. Gauhati University, completed 28/02/1997. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10603/66569 Downloaded from https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/66569/13/13_conclusion.pdf 7.1.2022
  34. Lahiri (1991), pp. 26–28.
  35. "As to the spatial extent of Kamarupa, it is futile to project any fixed boundary on it. The sphere of its political influence constantly changed, and the kingdom itself never constituted a single entity." (Shin 2018:40)
  36. "the Karatoya in the west" (Sircar 1990a:63) "The traditional western boundary of Pragjyotisha-Kamarupa is likewise supported by the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-tsang who traveled in India in the second quarter of the seventh century AD." (Sircar 1990a:64)
  37. "Scholars identify Dikkaravasini with goddess Tamresvari and locate her abode in Sadiya. It is deemed the eastern limit of Kamarupa. And this supposition is supported by the reference of the sixteenth century Yoginitantra describing the eastern limit of Kamarupa as the abode of Dikkaravasini." (Shin 2018:40)
  38. "There are, however, two rivers of the name Dikrang; one flowing on the east of Narayanpur in North Lakhimpur and the other in Sadiya. Dikkaravasini is perhaps the Dikrang river"(Dutta 2008:181) "The river Dikshu may, however, really be one in the Sadiya region such as the Dibang. The temple of Tamresvari-Dikkaravasini formerly stood near Paya in the same area as is indicated by an inscription of Saka 1364 (1442 AD)." (Sircar 1990a:64)
  39. "...the temple of the goddess Tameshwari (Dikkaravasini) is now located at modern Sadiya about 100 miles to the northeast of Sibsagar" (Sircar 1990a:63–64)
  40. "(T)he kingdom is demarcated as in the East, the Dikkaravasini and the river Dikshu (identified with Tamreswari temple and river Dibang of the Sadiya region respectively)" (Boruah 2007:32)
  41. "the confluence of the Brahmaputra" and "[T]he junction of the Brahmaputra and the Laksha (modern Lakhya) at the southern boundary now stands near the border between Dacca and Mymensingh Districts of Bangladesh." (Sircar 1990a:63)
  42. "The northern boundary mentioned as Mount Kanja or Kanchana in Nepala reminds us of the Kanchanjanga peak on the eastern border of Nepal." (Sircar 1990a:63)
  43. "He travelled from Pun-na-fa-tan-na (Pundravardhana) on the east more than 900 li or 150 miles; crossed a large river and reached Kia-no-leu-po (Kamarupa). The T'ang Shu refers to this large river as Ka-lo-tu which undoubtedly meant the Karatoya. The pilgrim further states that to the east of the country was a series of hills which reached as far as the confines of China." (Baruah 1986:75)
  44. "The boundaries of Pragjyotisha-Kamarupa are clearly indicated in the Yogini Tantra which is not earlier than the sixteenth century and this late medieval tradition is supported by earlier evidences." (Sircar 1990a:63). "As regards the eastern boundary of Pragjyotisha-Kamarupa which is also rarely mentioned, the Kalika Purana, the present version of which is assigned to the tenth or eleventh century AD supports the above late tradition in clear terms." (Sircar 1990a:64)
  45. "Scholars identify Dikkaravasini with goddess Tamresvari and locate her abode in Sadiya. It is deemed the eastern limit of Kamarupa. And this supposition is supported by the reference of the sixteenth century Yoginitantra describing the eastern limit of Kamarupa as the abode of Dikkaravasini. Based on these textual references, the so-called traditional boundary of Kamarupa is postulated. However, no inscriptional and material evidence confirms this conjecture."(Shin 2018:40)
  46. "(T)he kingdom of Kamarupa extended up to the river Karatoya in the west and included Manipur, Jaintiya, Cachar, parts of Mymensingh, Sylhet, Rangpur and portions of Nepal and Bhutan." (Baruah 1995:75)
  47. "The sphere of its political influence constantly changed, and the kingdom itself never constituted a single entity." (Shin 2018:40)
  48. "In the Kalikapurana, Kamarupa was defined as a region extending from the Karatoya in the west up to that place in the east Ganga, where goddess Lalitakanta resided. The location of Lalitakanta is roughly identified with the hill-streams Sandhya, which is not far from present Guwahati." (Shin 2018:40)
  49. "The contrast between the area from Lalitakanta to Dikkaravasini and that from the Karatoya to Lalitakanta is clear. The former was perceived as the place in which the Kiratas dwelt, while the latter denoted the place where brahmanas, sages and people of the varna order lived in. In other words, the former represented the realm of the tribal non-sedentary society, covering a vast area in the middle and upper Brahmaputra Valley, and the latter that of the Brahmanical sedentary society, occupying a small part of the region, probably limited to the present city of Guwahati and its environs." (Shin 2018:41)
  50. "It is worth noting that pitha (the abode of a goddess) signified the extent of Kamarupa, that is Lalitakanta pitha and Dikkaravasini pitha." (Shin 2018:41)
  51. Fleet, John Faithfull (1888). Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. 3. pp. 6–10.
  52. "Royal history of Cooch Behar". coochbehar.nic.in. Retrieved 26 March 2019.
  53. Fleet, John Faithfull (1888). Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. 3. pp. 6–10.
  54. "The fact that they are supposed descent from the demon Naraka probably indicates the indigenous origin Of the ruling family, though converted to the orthodox brahmanical religion (Majumdar 1962: 88). As Gupta rightly pointed out, it is possible that when Gupta power weakened, the Varman rulers asserted themselves not only politically by performing horse sacrifices, but also culturally by announcing their semidivine origin." (Shin 2011:177)
  55. "In this context, a suitable sacred genealogy for the great king, Bhaskaravarman was probably reformulated and became a fixed tradition."(Shin 2011:178)
  56. "It may be suggested that a story was fabricated by the brahmanas at the court of these kings to explain away their aboriginal origins (Sircar 1990b:124), though the content of story was not known due to the corroded portion [of the inscription]. Nevertheless, the Mlecchas also sought their political validation from the lineage of Naraka." (Shin 2011:177)
  57. Lahiri (1991), p. 68.
  58. Lahiri (1991), p. 72.
  59. (Sircar 1990b:101)
  60. (Lahiri 1991:70). Though the first evidence is from the Mansador stone pillar inscription of Yasodharman, there is no reference to this invasion in the Kamarupa inscriptions.
  61. (Sircar 1990b:106–107)
  62. (Sircar 1990b:109)
  63. (Sircar 1990b:113)
  64. Sircar (1990b), p. 115.
  65. "639 Identifier Documentation: aho – ISO 639-3". SIL International (formerly known as the Summer Institute of Linguistics). SIL International. Retrieved 29 June 2019. Ahom [aho]
  66. "Population by Religious Communities". Census India – 2001. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Retrieved 1 July 2019. Census Data Finder/C Series/Population by Religious Communities
  67. "Population by religion community – 2011". Census of India, 2011. The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Archived from the original on 25 August 2015.
  68. (Lahiri 1991:76)
  69. Lahiri (1991), pp. 77–79.
  70. Lahiri (1991), p. 78.
  71. Choudhury, P. C., (1959) The History of Civilization of the People of Assam, Guwahati
  72. 72.0 72.1 Puri (1968), p. 56.
  73. (Boruah 2011:80)
  74. 74.0 74.1 (Boruah 2011:81)
  75. (Sircar 1992:166)
  76. " The original Pragjyotisa-Kamarupa kingdom, after Jayapala could continue its political hold over a small area on the south bank of the Brahmaputra with its power centre at Kamarupanagara." (Boruah 2011:82)
  77. "Extant sources speak of three rulers after Jayapala who had ruled Pragjyotisa-Kamarupa till the mid 13th century. They were Prithu, Samudrapala and Sandhya." (Boruah 2011:82)
  78. 78.0 78.1 "[Prithu] is believed to be the Kamarupa ruler who had to face and had successfully repulsed the first two Turko-Afghan invasions which came from Bengal in 1205-06 and in 1226-28 AD." (Boruah 2011, p. 82)
  79. "Visvasundara (son and successor of Vallabhadeva), (?) was perhaps to be identified with Prithu or Bartu of Minhaj." (Sarkar 1992:37–38) (Note:11)
  80. (Sarkar 1992:38)
  81. "Notwithstanding the attempts by some of (Iuzbak's) daring predecessors to subjugate Kamarupa between Karatoya and Barnadi, it was still virtually a land unknown to the Sultans of Bengal, politically it was not unified but parceled among the Bodo, Koch and Mech Baro-Bhuyans, constituting a loose confederacy under the strongest of them." (Sarkar 1992:38)
  82. (Sarkar 1992, pp. 39–40)
  83. (Kamarupa) was reorganized as a new state, 'Kamata' by name with Kamatapur as capital. The exact time when the change was made is uncertain. But possibly it had been made by Sandhya (c. 1250 – 1270) as a safeguard against mounting dangers from the east and the west. Its control on the eastern regions beyond the Manah (Manas river) was lax."(Sarkar 1992, pp. 40–41)
  84. "The description of (Bakhtiyar Khalji's) disastrous campaign provides us with some information about the populations (Siraj 1881: 560-1):... Konch, sometimes written Koch, (the same hesitation occurs in Buchanan-Hamilton’s manuscripts), is what we today write as Koch. Mej or Meg is the name we write as Mech. We can safely conclude that these names described important groups of people in the 13th century, in the area between the Ganges and the Brahmaputra." (Jaquesson 2008:16–17)
  85. Sircar, D. C. (2008). Studies in Indian Coins. Motilal Banarsidass Publishe. ISBN 978-81-208-2973-2.


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