No edit summary Tags: Mobile edit Mobile web edit |
No edit summary Tags: Mobile edit Mobile web edit nowiki added |
||
| Line 50: | Line 50: | ||
After being released from jail in 1938 he met [[Muzaffar Ahmed (politician)|Muzaffar Ahmed]], [[Promode Dasgupta]], [[Abdul Halim]] and earned the membership of the [[Communist Party of India]] (CPI).<ref name="sansad">Sansad Bangla Charitbhidhan, p. 622, {{ISBN|81-85626-65-0}}</ref><ref name=":0" /> | After being released from jail in 1938 he met [[Muzaffar Ahmed (politician)|Muzaffar Ahmed]], [[Promode Dasgupta]], [[Abdul Halim]] and earned the membership of the [[Communist Party of India]] (CPI).<ref name="sansad">Sansad Bangla Charitbhidhan, p. 622, {{ISBN|81-85626-65-0}}</ref><ref name=":0" /> | ||
==Communist Party of India (Marxist)== | == Communist Party of India (Marxist) == | ||
He first worked among the workers in [[Kolkata|Calcutta]] and [[Howrah]]. After some months Comrade [[Benoy Choudhury|Benoy Chowdhury]] took him to Bardhaman district and he started working in the kisan (farmers) movement. In 1939, he participated in the Canal Tax protest in Bardhaman district. In 1940 he was banned by the British Government from entering [[Asansol]], [[Burnpur]] area and later on from Bardhaman district. But he still worked from underground in Bardhaman, and he was once arrested for few months.<ref name=":0" /> | He first worked among the workers in [[Kolkata|Calcutta]] and [[Howrah]]. After some months Comrade [[Benoy Choudhury|Benoy Chowdhury]] took him to Bardhaman district and he started working in the kisan (farmers) movement. In 1939, he participated in the Canal Tax protest in Bardhaman district. In 1940 he was banned by the British Government from entering [[Asansol]], [[Burnpur]] area and later on from Bardhaman district. But he still worked from underground in Bardhaman, and he was once arrested for few months.<ref name=":0" /> | ||
In 1944 he was again arrested and he was banned by the government to step out of [[Bardhaman|Bardhaman City]]. He played important role during the [[Ajay river]] Dam movement of 1943-1944 and second stage of Canal Tax protest of 1946–1947. While canvassing for elections in colliery area of Asansol he was physically assaulted by goons, and his legs were broken. In March 1948 when the CPI was banned, he was arrested immediately for 3 months. After being released he went into hiding and remained so until 1952. His chief role was maintaining communications between Kolkata, Bardhaman, Howrah and Hooghly in this time. He played an important role during the Food Movement of West Bengal in 1953, and Civil Disobedience movement in 1957, and was arrested both times. In 1962, when [[Sino-Indian War]] happened, he was arrested for a year under India Safety Act, and again for one and a half years in 1964 under the same Act.<ref name=":2">{{Cite book|title=Nirbachito Rochona Sonkolon Harekrishna Konar|publisher=National Book Agency|year=1978|location=Kolkata|pages=8}}</ref> | In 1944 he was again arrested and he was banned by the government to step out of [[Bardhaman|Bardhaman City]]. He played important role during the [[Ajay river]] Dam movement of 1943-1944 and second stage of Canal Tax protest of 1946–1947. While canvassing for elections in colliery area of Asansol he was physically assaulted by goons, and his legs were broken. In March 1948 when the CPI was banned, he was arrested immediately for 3 months. After being released he went into hiding and remained so until 1952. His chief role was maintaining communications between Kolkata, Bardhaman, Howrah and Hooghly in this time. He played an important role during the Food Movement of West Bengal in 1953, and Civil Disobedience movement in 1957, and was arrested both times. In 1962, when [[Sino-Indian War]] happened, he was arrested for a year under India Safety Act, and again for one and a half years in 1964 under the same Act.<ref name=":2">{{Cite book|title=Nirbachito Rochona Sonkolon Harekrishna Konar|publisher=National Book Agency|year=1978|location=Kolkata|pages=8}}</ref> | ||
[[File:Borsul A.I.K.S. Conferance (16).jpg|thumb|[[Jyoti Basu]], [[Harkishan Singh Surjeet]], [[A. K. Gopalan]], | [[File:Borsul A.I.K.S. Conferance (16).jpg|thumb|[[Jyoti Basu]], [[Harkishan Singh Surjeet]], [[A. K. Gopalan]], '''Hare Krishna Konar'''. (In [[All India Kisan Sabha (36 Canning Lane)|All India Kisan Sabha]] conference held in [[Kolkata]]).]] | ||
He was one of the co-founders of [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)]] when it was formed from [[Communist Party of India]] in 1964. From 1957 he was a member of the West Bengal State Council of [[Communist Party of India|CPI]]. From 1964 until his death he was a member of West Bengal State Committee of [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI(M)]]. From 1958 he was a member of National Council of CPI and from 1964 until his death he was a member of Central Committee of [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI(M)]].<ref name=":2" /><ref name=":1">{{Cite web|date=2015-08-11|title=Present Stage of Peasant Movement|url=https://www.cpim.org/content/present-stage-peasant-movement|access-date=2020-03-31|website=Communist Party of India (Marxist)|language=en}}</ref> From 1954 | He was one of the co-founders of [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)]] when it was formed from [[Communist Party of India]] in 1964. From 1957 he was a member of the West Bengal State Council of [[Communist Party of India|CPI]]. From 1964 until his death he was a member of West Bengal State Committee of [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI(M)]]. From 1958 he was a member of National Council of CPI and from 1964 until his death he was a member of Central Committee of [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI(M)]].<ref name=":2" /><ref name=":1">{{Cite web|date=2015-08-11|title=Present Stage of Peasant Movement|url=https://www.cpim.org/content/present-stage-peasant-movement|access-date=2020-03-31|website=Communist Party of India (Marxist)|language=en}}</ref> From 1954 until his death he was the Secretary of West Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha (part of [[All India Kisan Sabha]]) and Member of central council of [[All India Kisan Sabha]] [<nowiki/>[[Communist Party of India|CPI]]]. He was also the Member of [[Chinese Communist Party]] and [[Communist Party of Vietnam]]. From 1968 until his death He was the General Secretary of [[All India Kisan Sabha (36 Canning Lane)|All India Kisan Sabha]] [<nowiki/>[[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI(M)]]].<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":3">{{Cite book|title=Nirbachito Rochona Sonkolon Harekrishna Konar|publisher=National Book Agency|year=1978|location=Kolkata|pages=9}}</ref> | ||
As an representative of the [[Communist Party of India]], He had attended the [[Communist Party of Vietnam|Vietnam Communist Party's]] Conference in [[Hanoi]], Vietnam in 1960 | As an representative of the [[Communist Party of India]], He had attended the [[Communist Party of Vietnam|Vietnam Communist Party's]] Conference in [[Hanoi]], Vietnam in 1960; He had also attended [[Chinese Communist Party|Chinese Communist Party's]] Conference in [[Beijing]], China in 1960 and The [[Trade Union International of Agricultural, Forestry and Plantation Workers|Trade Union International of Agricultural, Forestry and Plantation Worker's]] Conference at [[Nicosia]], Cyprus in 1970; He attended the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Communist Party of the Soviet Union's]] Conference at [[Moscow]], Soviet Union (Present day [[Russia]]) in 1970; He had also attended [[Workers' Party of Korea|Worker's Party of Korea's]] Conference at [[Pyongyang]], North Korea in 1971; He attended [[Italian Communist Party (2016)|Italian Communist Party's]] Conference at [[Rome]], Italy in 1971; [[Communist Party of Czechoslovakia|Czechoslovakia Communist Party's]] Conference at [[Prague]], Czechoslovakia in 1972 and [[Communist Party of Germany|Communist Party of Germany's]] Conference at [[Berlin]], Germany in 1973.<ref name=":3" /> | ||
• | ===Naxalbari Movement=== | ||
It was exactly 55 years ago in 1967 that a minor clash between a police force and a group of armed peasants took place in an obscure corner of West Bengal. But it unleashed a force of events, which escalated over the years into a political movement, that derived its name from that area and brought about far-reaching changes in India's socio-cultural scene. Today it evokes a variety of strong emotions ranging from admiration to denunciation, cutting across the political lines of the established parties. The movement itself is also hard pressed by new challenges and endemic splits. Yet, we cannot deny that even after four decades of its tortuous and self-divisive and often self- destructive odyssey, the movement that started in Naxalbari and now known as the [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)|Naxalite movement]], still remains a force to reckon with. What is peculiar to the [[Naxalite–Maoist insurgency|Naxalite]] Movement is not its physical occupation of, and administrative control over, land, but its abiding appeal among the dispossessed and underprivileged rural poor in certain parts of the country. The movement asserted the demands of the poor and landless peasantry in a way that shook the then atrophied Indian political scene. It sensitized the rest of our society to their desperate efforts to escape the intolerable conditions of economic oppression and social humiliation. Ideology is a set of ideas that form the basis of an economic or political theory or a particular group or person who holds them. Every movement has its own ideology. To know the ideology of the [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)|Naxalite movement]] we will have to study the nature of the movement first. [[Naxalite–Maoist insurgency|Naxalism]] arose from certain basic factors-social injustice, economic inequality and the failure of the system to redress the grievances of large sections of people who suffered and continue to suffer. Here the idea is to create a classless society, which is free of any kind of inequity. Although land redistribution occupied the central stage of the movement, we should bear in mind that it is just an issue of the movement, which was popular at that point of time. The ultimate aim is to eradicate exploitation. The leaders behind the movement had a belief –“those who by economics judge every struggle by the amount of paddy seized or the size of land peasant received. They never judge by the yardstick whether the fighting consciousness of the peasants had increased. The fighting consciousness of the peasantry should be directed against the state machinery and the feudal class; without destroying the two no land reforms could be possible, since they stood against the interests of the landless and poor peasants.” One more important component of the ideology is the use of armed struggle. But we need to understand that it is just only a means to achieve a broader objective. As the upper classes are in a very dominant position, it is not possible to uproot them except through armed struggle. So [[Naxalite–Maoist insurgency|Naxalites]] resort to violence only when realize that it is indispensable to the movement. So violence is just only a means and not the end itself. Again [[Naxalite–Maoist insurgency|Naxalism]] should not be looked only for the benefit of agrarian peasants. It is something that transcends agrarian reality and relates to whatever field where there is inequality. So the Ideology behind the movement can be stated in the following points | |||
• India's [[Liberation theology|liberation]] could be achieved along [[China|China's]] path. | |||
• An arm struggle is the only way out. | • An arm struggle is the only way out. | ||
• Bringing a new social order, free of social inequality | • Bringing a new social order, free of [[social inequality]] and class disparity. | ||
<big>''Political Situation in West Bengal during the Movement'' :-</big> | |||
[[Naxalite–Maoist insurgency|Naxalite]] movement derives its name from Naxalbari, a small place in [[Siliguri]] subdivision of [[Darjeeling]] district of [[West Bengal]]. It all started in 1967 after the first non-congress government came into power under the name of [[United front|United Front]] Government. The dominant forces in the government were the Leftists. The main forces were the [[Communist Party of India|CPI]] and the [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI (M)]]. They represented the aspirations of the marginalized and the poor. The minister-in-charge of Land and Land Revenue was Hare Krishna Konar who was a veteran peasant leader. In an interview with his party mouthpiece [[Ganashakti]], he made his intentions clear about the quick distribution of surplus land and he further asked for peasant initiative and organized force. What he did not realize was that the aspirations of the poor peasantry were already on a high note and his invitation escalated them further. As the later developments showed they went far beyond his expectations. Although there were no doubts about the intentions of the leftists in the government about the redistribution, the path to achieve the goals was not that simple. There were some constraints before government. To name a few first they were not sure about how to recover the land from the landlords. Second the landlords could take the help of law to delay the seizure of land and thus postpone the redistribution for an indefinite period. Third was the working of the bureaucracy. There were some instances of even defying the orders of the ministers. As a result of these obstacles, the government could not implement the land reforms quickly. The [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)|CPI (M)]] was in a difficult situation because it was in the power so it could not totally do away the legal and official procedure and on the other hand the aspirations of the peasantry had to be satisfied. Everyone was not happy with government policy of redistributing the land through legal process. One of such prominent figures was [[Charu Majumdar|Charu Mazumdar]] who was attacking Hare Krishna Konar on three accounts. The first point was that he submitted to the bureaucrats and feudal gentry. The second point was that there might be disputes among the peasants who acquired the land through legal process and those who got it through forceful means. The third point was that the peasants who would acquire the land through legal process might eventually become a complacent middle farmer. Developments at Naxalbari: In this light a peasants’ conference was held under the auspices of CPI (M) at Naxalbari and it gave a call for ending the monopoly ownership of land by landlords, organization and arming of peasants to destroy the resistance of landlords. Among the sponsors of the conference were Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal who later became prominent leaders of the Naxalbari movement. Both of them were in favor of political propaganda and mass mobilization what was opposed by Charu Mazumdar. He wanted only action. So there were some differences on the part of the strategy to be followed but they were clear on many points such as that India's liberation could be achieved only through China's path, propagation of politics of agrarian struggle among the working class and the peasantry and building up a secret party to prepare cadres for this purpose. As a result of those differences pointed out already, Siliguri Local committee cadres decided to go on the path of mass movements whereas West Dinajpur unit decided to stick to the idea of Charu babu. Now the mobilization started on a large scale. From March to April (1967) all the villages of the Naxalbari were organized and 15000 to 20000 peasants were enrolled as whole time activists. They soon occupied the land in the name of peasants’ committees, burnt all land records, cancelled all hypothetical debts, and passed death sentences on oppressive landlords. They also formed armed bands by looting guns from the landlords, armed themselves with conventional weapons and set up a parallel administration to look after the villages. By May of that year itself three or four places were totally under the control of rebels. In the meantime Charu babu addressed a meeting of the cadres and asked them to always be on the side of the poor and landless peasant. He said that our relation with rich farmers would always be of struggling nature. Observing that the situation going out of control UF government woke up and Harekrishna Konar was sent to the Naxalbari region and he asked the rebels to put down their arms and file the petition for the distribution of land vested with the government. It was also agreed that the all the persons wanted by Police would also surrender. But the agreement was never implemented. Just after the return of minister from that place, a Police camp was established there. In the wake of these developments the first serious clash between Police and the peasants occurred on 23 May 1967, when a policeman was killed and in retaliation police opened fire on a crowd of villagers and killed nine people. Out of them six were women and two were children. This incident created tensions within and outside the United Front government. The West Bengal Secretariat condemned the incident and accused Chief Minister Ajoy Mukherjee, an ex-Congressman of laying ‘one sided stress on police measures to maintain law and order’. Meanwhile, news of clashes between peasants and landlords kept pouring in from Naxalbari and between 3rd and 10 June. There were as many as eighty incidents of dacoity, two murders and also one abduction. Mr. B. Chavan Union Home Minister told the [[Lok Sabha]] that a reign of terror has been created in Darjeeling. By the end of June while the leadership of CPI (M) was openly against the Naxalbari rebels. In Calcutta several groups within and outside CPI (M) were coming together. These groups formed the Naxalbari Peasants’ Struggle Aid Committee, which became a nucleus of separate party of the future. CPI (M) expelled 19 members in the light of the formation of the committee. In the meantime some other important developments were also taking place. On 28 June Radio Peking supported the movement and dubbed the United Front government as a ‘tool of Indian reactionaries to deceive the people’. This was the first incident of Chinese support to rebels and of Peking's disenchantment with CPI (M). On 12 July a major police action was launched. Although Chief Minister claimed that it was cabinet's decision, but CPI (M) tried to dissociate itself from the police action. The Chief Minister also came under attack. By 20 July the prominent leaders like Jangal Santhal were arrested and by October 1967 an apparent lull was set in Naxalbari. Assessment of the Naxalbari Movement and causes for its failure: Coming to the evaluation of the Naxalbari Movement, we should keep in mind that although it was a moderate success it was suppressed within a few months. It enjoyed immense mass support, but it could not sustain for a long period of time. There are mainly two versions for the failure of the movement. One is from the point of view of [[Kanu Sanyal]] and other one is from the point of view of supporters of [[Charu Majumdar|Charu Mazumdar]]. [[Kanu Sanyal|Kanu Sanyal's]] in his famous Report on the Terai Peasants’ Movement has penned down some of the reasons. The main reason according to him was excessive reliance on the spontaneity of the masses and taking them as armed forces. Among the other reasons were the inclusion of some vagabonds and making them leaders of the movement. Lack of proper plan for the redistribution of grabbed land led to conflicts among the peasants. But according to him the main defect was failure to establish a powerful mass base. Talking about military weakness of the movement, Sanyal admitted that the revolutionaries underrated the strength of the State machinery and thought that United Front Government would not go to the extent of suppressing the movement.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Chatterjee|first=Rajiv|date=2010-01-24|title=Between a bullet and a target...: The Naxalbari Movement in West Bengal|url=http://rajivchatterjee.blogspot.com/2010/01/naxalbari-movement-in-west-bengal.html|access-date=2022-01-07|website=Between a bullet and a target...}}</ref> | |||
==Land reforms== | ==Land reforms== | ||
Revision as of 14:55, 8 January 2022
Hare Krishna Konar | |
|---|---|
হরেকৃষ্ণ কোঙার | |
| File:1978615 305312579640429 709349804457241533 m.jpg | |
| Member of Central Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist) | |
| In office 1964 - 1974 | |
| General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha | |
| In office 1968 - 1974 | |
| Preceded by | N. G. Ranga |
| Succeeded by | Hannan Mollah |
| Member of West Bengal State Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist) | |
| In office 1964 - 1974 | |
| Minister of Land and Land Revenue, Government of West Bengal | |
| In office 1967, 1969 - 1970 | |
| Member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly | |
| In office 1957 - 1972 | |
| Preceded by | Baidyanath Santal, Rash Behari Sen |
| Succeeded by | Anjali Mondal |
| Constituency | Kalna |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 5 August 1915 Kamargoria village, Raina sub-division, Bardhaman District, Bengal Presidency, British India (present-day West Bengal, India) |
| Died | 23 July 1974 (aged 58) Calcutta |
| Cause of death | Cancer |
| Political party | Communist Party of India (Marxist) (1964 - 1974) Communist Party of India (1938 - 1964) |
| Spouse(s) | Biva Konar |
| Parent(s) | Sharatchandra Konar (Father), Satyabala Devi (Mother) |
| Residence | Memari |
| Alma mater | Kamargoria Prathmik Bidyalay, Memari Vidyasagar Smriti Vidyamandir, Bangabasi College, University of Calcutta |
| Occupation | Communist Leader •
politician • Minister • Revolutionary • |
Hare Krishna Konar (August 5, 1915 – July 23, 1974) was a fire brand politician, belonging to the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and one of the co-founders of communist party of India Marxist, who played a major role in land reforms in India and was the General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha. He was the Minister of Land and Land Revenue in West Bengal and the Member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly. He was also the revolutionary Freedom Fighter of India for his Movement against British he was send to Cellular Jail for 6years at the age of 18.[1][2]
Early life
Hare Krishna Konar was the eldest son of Sharatchandra Konar and Satyabala Devi. He was born on 5 August 1915 in Kamargoria village, under Raina Police Station in Bardhaman District of Bengal in British India. At first he used to study in Kamargoria Prathmik Bidyalay. At young age, he shifted to South Radhakantopur village of Memari with his father and started education there. In 1930 while studying at Memari Vidyasagar Smriti Vidyamandir in class 9, he participated in the Indian Civil disobedience movement of 1930 and was arrested for 6 months. While studying in Bangabasi College, under the University of Calcutta in 1932, was convicted for taking part in the Extremist Movement to uproot British Rule in India. At the age of 18, in 1932, he was condemned to the Cellular Jail in Andaman Islands for six years.[3][4]
Before being arrested in 1932, he was already in contact with communists like Abdul Halim, Bankim Mukherjee, Bhupendranath Dutta. In Andaman jail, he met Satish Pakrashi, Narayan Ray, Somnath Lahiri, Niranjan Sengupta among others and founded the Communist Consolidation with other communist prisoners.[3][4]
After being released from jail in 1938 he met Muzaffar Ahmed, Promode Dasgupta, Abdul Halim and earned the membership of the Communist Party of India (CPI).[3][4]
Communist Party of India (Marxist)
He first worked among the workers in Calcutta and Howrah. After some months Comrade Benoy Chowdhury took him to Bardhaman district and he started working in the kisan (farmers) movement. In 1939, he participated in the Canal Tax protest in Bardhaman district. In 1940 he was banned by the British Government from entering Asansol, Burnpur area and later on from Bardhaman district. But he still worked from underground in Bardhaman, and he was once arrested for few months.[4]
In 1944 he was again arrested and he was banned by the government to step out of Bardhaman City. He played important role during the Ajay river Dam movement of 1943-1944 and second stage of Canal Tax protest of 1946–1947. While canvassing for elections in colliery area of Asansol he was physically assaulted by goons, and his legs were broken. In March 1948 when the CPI was banned, he was arrested immediately for 3 months. After being released he went into hiding and remained so until 1952. His chief role was maintaining communications between Kolkata, Bardhaman, Howrah and Hooghly in this time. He played an important role during the Food Movement of West Bengal in 1953, and Civil Disobedience movement in 1957, and was arrested both times. In 1962, when Sino-Indian War happened, he was arrested for a year under India Safety Act, and again for one and a half years in 1964 under the same Act.[5]
He was one of the co-founders of Communist Party of India (Marxist) when it was formed from Communist Party of India in 1964. From 1957 he was a member of the West Bengal State Council of CPI. From 1964 until his death he was a member of West Bengal State Committee of CPI(M). From 1958 he was a member of National Council of CPI and from 1964 until his death he was a member of Central Committee of CPI(M).[5][6] From 1954 until his death he was the Secretary of West Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha (part of All India Kisan Sabha) and Member of central council of All India Kisan Sabha [CPI]. He was also the Member of Chinese Communist Party and Communist Party of Vietnam. From 1968 until his death He was the General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha [CPI(M)].[6][7]
As an representative of the Communist Party of India, He had attended the Vietnam Communist Party's Conference in Hanoi, Vietnam in 1960; He had also attended Chinese Communist Party's Conference in Beijing, China in 1960 and The Trade Union International of Agricultural, Forestry and Plantation Worker's Conference at Nicosia, Cyprus in 1970; He attended the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's Conference at Moscow, Soviet Union (Present day Russia) in 1970; He had also attended Worker's Party of Korea's Conference at Pyongyang, North Korea in 1971; He attended Italian Communist Party's Conference at Rome, Italy in 1971; Czechoslovakia Communist Party's Conference at Prague, Czechoslovakia in 1972 and Communist Party of Germany's Conference at Berlin, Germany in 1973.[7]
Naxalbari Movement
It was exactly 55 years ago in 1967 that a minor clash between a police force and a group of armed peasants took place in an obscure corner of West Bengal. But it unleashed a force of events, which escalated over the years into a political movement, that derived its name from that area and brought about far-reaching changes in India's socio-cultural scene. Today it evokes a variety of strong emotions ranging from admiration to denunciation, cutting across the political lines of the established parties. The movement itself is also hard pressed by new challenges and endemic splits. Yet, we cannot deny that even after four decades of its tortuous and self-divisive and often self- destructive odyssey, the movement that started in Naxalbari and now known as the Naxalite movement, still remains a force to reckon with. What is peculiar to the Naxalite Movement is not its physical occupation of, and administrative control over, land, but its abiding appeal among the dispossessed and underprivileged rural poor in certain parts of the country. The movement asserted the demands of the poor and landless peasantry in a way that shook the then atrophied Indian political scene. It sensitized the rest of our society to their desperate efforts to escape the intolerable conditions of economic oppression and social humiliation. Ideology is a set of ideas that form the basis of an economic or political theory or a particular group or person who holds them. Every movement has its own ideology. To know the ideology of the Naxalite movement we will have to study the nature of the movement first. Naxalism arose from certain basic factors-social injustice, economic inequality and the failure of the system to redress the grievances of large sections of people who suffered and continue to suffer. Here the idea is to create a classless society, which is free of any kind of inequity. Although land redistribution occupied the central stage of the movement, we should bear in mind that it is just an issue of the movement, which was popular at that point of time. The ultimate aim is to eradicate exploitation. The leaders behind the movement had a belief –“those who by economics judge every struggle by the amount of paddy seized or the size of land peasant received. They never judge by the yardstick whether the fighting consciousness of the peasants had increased. The fighting consciousness of the peasantry should be directed against the state machinery and the feudal class; without destroying the two no land reforms could be possible, since they stood against the interests of the landless and poor peasants.” One more important component of the ideology is the use of armed struggle. But we need to understand that it is just only a means to achieve a broader objective. As the upper classes are in a very dominant position, it is not possible to uproot them except through armed struggle. So Naxalites resort to violence only when realize that it is indispensable to the movement. So violence is just only a means and not the end itself. Again Naxalism should not be looked only for the benefit of agrarian peasants. It is something that transcends agrarian reality and relates to whatever field where there is inequality. So the Ideology behind the movement can be stated in the following points
• India's liberation could be achieved along China's path.
• An arm struggle is the only way out.
• Bringing a new social order, free of social inequality and class disparity.
Political Situation in West Bengal during the Movement :- Naxalite movement derives its name from Naxalbari, a small place in Siliguri subdivision of Darjeeling district of West Bengal. It all started in 1967 after the first non-congress government came into power under the name of United Front Government. The dominant forces in the government were the Leftists. The main forces were the CPI and the CPI (M). They represented the aspirations of the marginalized and the poor. The minister-in-charge of Land and Land Revenue was Hare Krishna Konar who was a veteran peasant leader. In an interview with his party mouthpiece Ganashakti, he made his intentions clear about the quick distribution of surplus land and he further asked for peasant initiative and organized force. What he did not realize was that the aspirations of the poor peasantry were already on a high note and his invitation escalated them further. As the later developments showed they went far beyond his expectations. Although there were no doubts about the intentions of the leftists in the government about the redistribution, the path to achieve the goals was not that simple. There were some constraints before government. To name a few first they were not sure about how to recover the land from the landlords. Second the landlords could take the help of law to delay the seizure of land and thus postpone the redistribution for an indefinite period. Third was the working of the bureaucracy. There were some instances of even defying the orders of the ministers. As a result of these obstacles, the government could not implement the land reforms quickly. The CPI (M) was in a difficult situation because it was in the power so it could not totally do away the legal and official procedure and on the other hand the aspirations of the peasantry had to be satisfied. Everyone was not happy with government policy of redistributing the land through legal process. One of such prominent figures was Charu Mazumdar who was attacking Hare Krishna Konar on three accounts. The first point was that he submitted to the bureaucrats and feudal gentry. The second point was that there might be disputes among the peasants who acquired the land through legal process and those who got it through forceful means. The third point was that the peasants who would acquire the land through legal process might eventually become a complacent middle farmer. Developments at Naxalbari: In this light a peasants’ conference was held under the auspices of CPI (M) at Naxalbari and it gave a call for ending the monopoly ownership of land by landlords, organization and arming of peasants to destroy the resistance of landlords. Among the sponsors of the conference were Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal who later became prominent leaders of the Naxalbari movement. Both of them were in favor of political propaganda and mass mobilization what was opposed by Charu Mazumdar. He wanted only action. So there were some differences on the part of the strategy to be followed but they were clear on many points such as that India's liberation could be achieved only through China's path, propagation of politics of agrarian struggle among the working class and the peasantry and building up a secret party to prepare cadres for this purpose. As a result of those differences pointed out already, Siliguri Local committee cadres decided to go on the path of mass movements whereas West Dinajpur unit decided to stick to the idea of Charu babu. Now the mobilization started on a large scale. From March to April (1967) all the villages of the Naxalbari were organized and 15000 to 20000 peasants were enrolled as whole time activists. They soon occupied the land in the name of peasants’ committees, burnt all land records, cancelled all hypothetical debts, and passed death sentences on oppressive landlords. They also formed armed bands by looting guns from the landlords, armed themselves with conventional weapons and set up a parallel administration to look after the villages. By May of that year itself three or four places were totally under the control of rebels. In the meantime Charu babu addressed a meeting of the cadres and asked them to always be on the side of the poor and landless peasant. He said that our relation with rich farmers would always be of struggling nature. Observing that the situation going out of control UF government woke up and Harekrishna Konar was sent to the Naxalbari region and he asked the rebels to put down their arms and file the petition for the distribution of land vested with the government. It was also agreed that the all the persons wanted by Police would also surrender. But the agreement was never implemented. Just after the return of minister from that place, a Police camp was established there. In the wake of these developments the first serious clash between Police and the peasants occurred on 23 May 1967, when a policeman was killed and in retaliation police opened fire on a crowd of villagers and killed nine people. Out of them six were women and two were children. This incident created tensions within and outside the United Front government. The West Bengal Secretariat condemned the incident and accused Chief Minister Ajoy Mukherjee, an ex-Congressman of laying ‘one sided stress on police measures to maintain law and order’. Meanwhile, news of clashes between peasants and landlords kept pouring in from Naxalbari and between 3rd and 10 June. There were as many as eighty incidents of dacoity, two murders and also one abduction. Mr. B. Chavan Union Home Minister told the Lok Sabha that a reign of terror has been created in Darjeeling. By the end of June while the leadership of CPI (M) was openly against the Naxalbari rebels. In Calcutta several groups within and outside CPI (M) were coming together. These groups formed the Naxalbari Peasants’ Struggle Aid Committee, which became a nucleus of separate party of the future. CPI (M) expelled 19 members in the light of the formation of the committee. In the meantime some other important developments were also taking place. On 28 June Radio Peking supported the movement and dubbed the United Front government as a ‘tool of Indian reactionaries to deceive the people’. This was the first incident of Chinese support to rebels and of Peking's disenchantment with CPI (M). On 12 July a major police action was launched. Although Chief Minister claimed that it was cabinet's decision, but CPI (M) tried to dissociate itself from the police action. The Chief Minister also came under attack. By 20 July the prominent leaders like Jangal Santhal were arrested and by October 1967 an apparent lull was set in Naxalbari. Assessment of the Naxalbari Movement and causes for its failure: Coming to the evaluation of the Naxalbari Movement, we should keep in mind that although it was a moderate success it was suppressed within a few months. It enjoyed immense mass support, but it could not sustain for a long period of time. There are mainly two versions for the failure of the movement. One is from the point of view of Kanu Sanyal and other one is from the point of view of supporters of Charu Mazumdar. Kanu Sanyal's in his famous Report on the Terai Peasants’ Movement has penned down some of the reasons. The main reason according to him was excessive reliance on the spontaneity of the masses and taking them as armed forces. Among the other reasons were the inclusion of some vagabonds and making them leaders of the movement. Lack of proper plan for the redistribution of grabbed land led to conflicts among the peasants. But according to him the main defect was failure to establish a powerful mass base. Talking about military weakness of the movement, Sanyal admitted that the revolutionaries underrated the strength of the State machinery and thought that United Front Government would not go to the extent of suppressing the movement.[8]
Land reforms
Hare Krishna Konar played a leading role in getting surplus land held by big land owners in excess of land ceiling laws and kept ‘benami’ (or false names) vested with the state. The quantum of land thus vested was around one million acres (4,000 km2) of good agricultural land. Subsequently, under the leadership of Hare Krishna Konar and Benoy Choudhury land was distributed amongst 2.4 million landless and poor farmers. It has been argued that this land reform along with Operation Barga formed the base for the Left Front victory in subsequent elections.[9]
Barga Operation was his notable contribution. To begin with, group meetings between Officials and Bargadars were organized during "settlement camps" (also called "Reorientation camps"), where the bargadars could discuss their grievances. The first such camp was held at Halusai in Polba taluk in Hooghly district from 18 to 20 May 1978. In noted camp two Adibashi Borgaders objected procedure adopted by the official for Barga Operation. They suggested to start it organising people in the field instead of sitting in the houses of rural rich people or the places dominated by them. Having that report Hare Krishna Konar immediately reorganised action plan and successful Barga Operation was done.[7]
Achievements
He won the elections to the state assembly from Kalna (Vidhan Sabha constituency) in 1957 - 1971.[10]
He was Minister for Land and Land Revenue in the United Front ministries in 1967, 1969-1970.[3][7]
He was the General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha from 1968 to 1974.[11]
He was the Member of Central Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist) from 1964 - 1974.
He was the Member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Kalna in 1957 to 1972.[12]
He is one of the co-founders of Communist Party of India (Marxist).[13]
He was the Founder of Communist Consolidation.[14]
He was the main leader to successfully granted the Land Reform system in India.[15]
He was the Member of West Bengal State Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist)from 1964 - 1974.
Death
A great loss for Communist Party of India (Marxist) on 23 July 1974 in Kolkata only at the age of 58[7] Legendary politician Hare Krishna Konar died due to his cancer. His sacrifice for Communist Party of India (Marxist) will never be forgoted. LAL SALAM COMRADE.[16]
Album
Some old pictures of comrade Hare Krishna Konar.
References
- ↑ "Remembrance:konar". ganashakti.tripod.com. Retrieved 31 March 2020.
- ↑ "Cellular Jail", Wikipedia, 16 December 2021, retrieved 3 January 2022
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Sansad Bangla Charitbhidhan, p. 622, ISBN 81-85626-65-0
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Nirbachito Rochona Sonkolon Harekrishna Konar. Kolkata: National Book Agency. 1978. p. 7.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 Nirbachito Rochona Sonkolon Harekrishna Konar. Kolkata: National Book Agency. 1978. p. 8.
- ↑ 6.0 6.1 "Present Stage of Peasant Movement". Communist Party of India (Marxist). 11 August 2015. Retrieved 31 March 2020.
- ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 Nirbachito Rochona Sonkolon Harekrishna Konar. Kolkata: National Book Agency. 1978. p. 9.
- ↑ Chatterjee, Rajiv (24 January 2010). "Between a bullet and a target...: The Naxalbari Movement in West Bengal". Between a bullet and a target... Retrieved 7 January 2022.
- ↑ "The story of a pretender". The Statesman, 9 February 2010. Archived from the original on 7 August 2011. Retrieved 12 November 2010.
- ↑ "Statistical Reports of Assembly Elections". General Election Results and Statistics. Election Commission of India. Archived from the original on 5 October 2010. Retrieved 12 November 2010.
- ↑ "All India Kisan Sabha (36 Canning Lane)", Wikipedia, 26 December 2021, retrieved 2 January 2022
- ↑ "Kalna (Vidhan Sabha constituency)", Wikipedia, 9 December 2021, retrieved 2 January 2022
- ↑ "Communist Party of India (Marxist)", Wikipedia, 31 December 2021, retrieved 2 January 2022
- ↑ "Communist Consolidation", Wikipedia, 5 January 2022, retrieved 6 January 2022
- ↑ "Present Stage of Peasant Movement". Communist Party of India (Marxist). 11 August 2015. Retrieved 2 January 2022.
- ↑ "The Birth Centenary of Comrade HareKrishna Konar | Peoples Democracy". peoplesdemocracy.in. Retrieved 2 January 2022.
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
 | This article about a Communist Party of India (Marxist) politician is a stub. You can help Bharatpedia by expanding it. |