Narendra Modi (Chief Minister of Gujarat)
In 2001, Keshubhai Patel's health was failing and the BJP lost a few state assembly seats in by-elections. Allegations of abuse of power, corruption and poor administration were made, and Patel's standing had been damaged by his administration's handling of the earthquake in Bhuj in 2001.[1][2] The BJP national leadership sought a new candidate for the chief ministership, and Modi, who had expressed misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement. Although BJP leader L. K. Advani did not want to ostracise Patel and was concerned about Modi's lack of experience in government, Modi declined an offer to be Patel's deputy chief minister, telling Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On 3 October 2001 he replaced Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the BJP for the December 2002 elections.[3] Modi was sworn in as Chief Minister on 7 October 2001,[4] and entered the Gujarat state legislature on 24 February 2002 by winning a by-election to the Rajkot – II constituency, defeating Ashwin Mehta of the INC by 14,728 votes.[5]
File:Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi official portrait, 2021.jpg | |||||
Premiership of Narendra Modi 26 May 2014 – Present | |||||
Party | Bharatiya Janata Party | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
First term 26 May 2014 – 30 May 2019 | |||||
Cabinet | First | ||||
Election | 2014 | ||||
Appointed by | President Pranab Mukherjee | ||||
Seat | Varanasi | ||||
Second term 30 May 2019 – Present | |||||
Cabinet | Second | ||||
Election | 2019 | ||||
Appointed by | President Ram Nath Kovind | ||||
Seat | Varanasi | ||||
| |||||
narendramodi |
2002 Gujarat riotsEdit
On 27 February 2002, a train with several hundred passengers burned near Godhra, killing approximately 60 people.[lower-alpha 1] The train carried a large number of Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya after a religious ceremony at the site of the demolished Babri Masjid.[8][9] In making a public statement after the incident, Modi declared it a terrorist attack planned and orchestrated by local Muslims.[10][8][11] The next day, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad called for a bandh across the state.[12][13] Riots began during the bandh, and anti-Muslim violence spread through Gujarat.[8][12][13] The government's decision to move the bodies of the train victims from Godhra to Ahmedabad further inflamed the violence.[8][14] The state government stated later that 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were killed.[15] Independent sources put the death toll at over 2000.[8][16] Approximately 150,000 people were driven to refugee camps.[17] Numerous women and children were among the victims; the violence included mass rapes and mutilations of women.[18][19]
The government of Gujarat itself is generally considered by scholars to have been complicit in the riots,[20][18][10] and has otherwise received heavy criticism for its handling of the situation.[21] Several scholars have described the violence as a pogrom, while others have called it an example of state terrorism.[22][23][24] Summarising academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There is by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law."[18] The Modi government imposed a curfew in 26 major cities, issued shoot-at-sight orders and called for the army to patrol the streets, but was unable to prevent the violence from escalating.[12][13] The president of the state unit of the BJP expressed support for the bandh, despite such actions being illegal at the time.[10] State officials later prevented riot victims from leaving the refugee camps, and the camps were often unable to meet the needs of those living there.[25] Muslim victims of the riots were subject to further discrimination when the state government announced that compensation for Muslim victims would be half of that offered to Hindus, although this decision was later reversed after the issue was taken to court.[26] During the riots, police officers often did not intervene in situations where they were able.[18][11][27]
Modi's personal involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. During the riots, Modi said that "What is happening is a chain of action and reaction."[18] Later in 2002, Modi said the way in which he had handled the media was his only regret regarding the episode.[28] In March 2008, the Supreme Court reopened several cases related to the 2002 riots, including that of the Gulbarg Society massacre, and established a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to look into the issue.[21][29][30] In response to a petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the Gulbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court also asked the SIT to investigate the issue of Modi's complicity in the killings.[29] The SIT questioned Modi in March 2010; in May, it presented to the court a report finding no evidence against him.[29][31] In July 2011, the court-appointed amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran submitted his final report to the court. Contrary to the SIT's position, he said that Modi could be prosecuted based on the available evidence.[32][33] The Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate's court. The SIT examined Ramachandran's report, and in March 2012 submitted its final report, asking for the case to be closed. Zakia Jafri filed a protest petition in response. In December 2013 the magistrate's court rejected the protest petition, accepting the SIT's finding that there was no evidence against the chief minister.[34]
2002 electionEdit
In the aftermath of the violence there were widespread calls for Modi to resign as chief minister from within and outside the state, including from leaders of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Telugu Desam Party (allies in the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance coalition), and opposition parties stalled Parliament over the issue.[35] Modi submitted his resignation at the April 2002 BJP national executive meeting in Goa, but it was not accepted.[36] His cabinet had an emergency meeting on 19 July 2002, after which it offered its resignation to the Gujarat Governor S. S. Bhandari, and the state assembly was dissolved.[37][38] Despite opposition from the election commissioner, who said that a number of voters were still displaced, Modi succeeded in advancing the election to December 2002.[39] In the elections, the BJP won 127 seats in the 182-member assembly.[40] Although Modi later denied it, he made significant use of anti-Muslim rhetoric during his campaign,[41][42][43][44] and the BJP profited from religious polarisation among the voters.[39] He won the Maninagar constituency, receiving 113,589 of 154,981 votes and defeating INC candidate Yatin Oza by 75,333 votes.[45] On 22 December 2002, Bhandari swore Modi in for a second term.[46] Modi framed the criticism of his government for human rights violations as an attack upon Gujarati pride, a strategy which led to the BJP winning two-thirds of the seats in the state assembly.[20][41]
Second termEdit
During Modi's second term the rhetoric of the government shifted from Hindutva to Gujarat's economic development.[1][20][41] Modi curtailed the influence of Sangh Parivar organisations such as the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP),[47] entrenched in the state after the decline of Ahmedabad's textile industry,[1] and dropped Gordhan Zadafia (an ally of former Sangh co-worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia) from his cabinet. When the BKS staged a farmers' demonstration Modi ordered their eviction from state-provided houses, and his decision to demolish 200 illegal temples in Gandhinagar deepened the rift with the Vishva Hindu Parishad.[47][48] Sangh organisations were no longer consulted or informed in advance about Modi's administrative decisions.[47] Nonetheless, Modi retained connections with some Hindu nationalists. Modi wrote a foreword to a textbook by Dinanath Batra released in 2014, which stated that ancient India possessed technologies including test-tube babies.[49]
Modi's relationship with Muslims continued to attract criticism. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (who asked Modi for tolerance in the aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat violence and supported his resignation as chief minister)[50][51] distanced himself, reaching out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. After the elections Vajpayee called the violence in Gujarat a reason for the BJP's electoral defeat and said it had been a mistake to leave Modi in office after the riots.[52][53]
Questions about Modi's relationship with Muslims were also raised by many Western nations during his tenure as chief minister. Modi was barred from entering the United States by the State Department, in accordance with the recommendations of the Commission on International Religious Freedom formed under the aegis of the International Religious Freedom Act,[54][55] the only person denied a US visa under this law.[56] The UK and the European Union refused to admit him because of what they saw as his role in the riots. As Modi rose to prominence in India, the UK[57] and the EU[58] lifted their bans in October 2012 and March 2013, respectively, and after his election as prime minister he was invited to Washington.[59][60]
During the run-up to the 2007 Gujarat Legislative Assembly election and the 2009 Indian general election, the BJP intensified its rhetoric on terrorism.[61] In July 2006, Modi criticised Prime Minister Manmohan Singh " for his reluctance to revive anti-terror legislation" such as the 2002 Prevention of Terrorism Act. He asked the national government to allow states to invoke tougher laws in the wake of the 2006 Mumbai train bombings.[62] In 2007 Modi authored Karmayog, a 101-page booklet discussing manual scavenging. In it, Modi argued that scavenging was a "spiritual experience" for Valmiks, a sub-caste of Dalits.[63][64] However, this book was not circulated that time because of the election code of conduct.[65] After the November 2008 Mumbai attacks, Modi held a meeting to discuss the security of Gujarat's 1,600-kilometre (990 mi)-long coastline, resulting in government authorisation of 30 high-speed surveillance boats.[66] In July 2007 Modi completed 2,063 consecutive days as chief minister of Gujarat, making him the longest-serving holder of that post,[67] and the BJP won 122 of 182 state-assembly seats in that year's election.[68]
Development projectsEdit

As Chief Minister, Modi favoured privatisation and small government, which was at odds with the philosophy of the RSS, usually described as anti-privatisation and anti-globalisation. His policies during his second term have been credited with reducing corruption in the state. He established financial and technology parks in Gujarat and during the 2007 Vibrant Gujarat summit, real-estate investment deals worth ₹6.6 trillion were signed.[1]
The governments led by Patel and Modi supported NGOs and communities in the creation of groundwater-conservation projects. By December 2008, 500,000 structures had been built, of which 113,738 were check dams, which helped recharge the aquifers beneath them.[69] Sixty of the 112 tehsils which had depleted the water table in 2004 had regained their normal groundwater levels by 2010.[70] As a result, the state's production of genetically modified cotton increased to become the largest in India.[69] The boom in cotton production and its semi-arid land use[71] led to Gujarat's agricultural sector growing at an average rate of 9.6 percent from 2001 to 2007.[72] Public irrigation measures in central and southern Gujarat, such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam, were less successful. The Sardar Sarovar project only irrigated 4–6% of the area intended.[69] Nonetheless, from 2001 to 2010 Gujarat recorded an agricultural growth rate of 10.97 percent – the highest of any state.[71] However, sociologists have pointed out that the growth rate under the 1992–97 INC government was 12.9 percent.[73] In 2008 Modi offered land in Gujarat to Tata Motors to set up a plant manufacturing the Nano after a popular agitation had forced the company to move out of West Bengal. Several other companies followed the Tata to Gujarat.[74]
The Modi government finished the process of bringing electricity to every village in Gujarat that its predecessor had almost completed.[73] Modi significantly changed the state's system of power distribution, greatly impacting farmers. Gujarat expanded the Jyotigram Yojana scheme, in which agricultural electricity was separated from other rural electricity; the agricultural electricity was rationed to fit scheduled irrigation demands, reducing its cost. Although early protests by farmers ended when those who benefited found that their electricity supply had stabilised,[69] according to an assessment study corporations and large farmers benefited from the policy at the expense of small farmers and labourers.[75]
Development debateEdit

A contentious debate surrounds the assessment of Gujarat's economic development during Modi's tenure as chief minister. The state's GDP growth rate averaged 10% during Modi's tenure, a value similar to other highly industrialised states, and above that of the country as a whole.[74] Gujarat also had a high rate of economic growth in the 1990s, before Modi took office, and scholars have stated that growth did not accelerate during Modi's tenure.[76] Under Modi, Gujarat topped the World Bank's "ease of doing business" rankings among Indian states for two consecutive years.[77] In 2013, Gujarat was ranked first among Indian states for "economic freedom" by a report measuring governance, growth, citizens' rights and labour and business regulation among the country's 20 largest states.[74][78] In the later years of Modi's government, Gujarat's economic growth was frequently used as an argument to counter allegations of communalism.[20] Tax breaks for businesses were easier to obtain in Gujarat than in other states, as was land. Modi's policies to make Gujarat attractive for investment included the creation of Special Economic Zones, where labour laws were greatly weakened.[41]
Despite its growth rate, Gujarat had a relatively poor record on human development, poverty relief, nutrition and education during Modi's tenure. In 2013, Gujarat ranked 13th in the country with respect to rates of poverty and 21st in education. Nearly 45 percent of children under five were underweight and 23 percent were undernourished, putting the state in the "alarming" category on the India State Hunger Index.[79] A study by UNICEF and the Indian government found that Gujarat under Modi had a poor record with respect to immunisation in children.[80]
Over the decade from 2001 to 2011, Gujarat did not change its position relative to the rest of the country with respect to poverty and female literacy, remaining near the median of the 29 Indian states.[26] It showed only a marginal improvement in rates of infant mortality, and its position with respect to individual consumption declined.[26] With respect to the quality of education in government schools, the state ranked below most Indian states.[26] The social policies of the government generally did not benefit Muslims, Dalits, and Adivasis, and generally increased social inequalities.[26] Development in Gujarat was generally limited to the urban middle class, and citizens in rural areas or from lower castes were increasingly marginalised. In 2013 the state ranked 10th of 21 Indian states in the Human Development Index.[81] Under Modi, the state government spent far less than the national average on education and healthcare.[26]
Final yearsEdit
Despite the BJP's shift away from explicit Hindutva, Modi's election campaign in 2007 and 2012 contained elements of Hindu nationalism. Modi only attended Hindu religious ceremonies, and had prominent associations with Hindu religious leaders. During his 2012 campaign he twice refused to wear articles of clothing gifted by Muslim leaders.[41] He did, however, maintain relations with Dawoodi Bohra.[41] His campaign included references to issues known to cause religious polarisation, including to Afzal Guru and the killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh. The BJP did not nominate any Muslim candidates for the assembly election of 2012.[41] During the 2012 campaign, Modi attempted to identify himself with the state of Gujarat, a strategy similar to that used by Indira Gandhi during the Emergency, and projected himself as protecting Gujarat against persecution by the rest of India.[41]
While campaigning for the 2012 assembly elections, Modi made extensive use of holograms and other technologies allowing him to reach a large number of people,[39] something he would repeat in the 2014 general election. In the 2012 Gujarat Legislative Assembly elections, Modi won the constituency of Maninagar by 86,373 votes over Shweta Bhatt, the INC candidate and wife of Sanjiv Bhatt.[82] The BJP won 115 of the 182 seats, continuing its majority during his tenure[83] and allowing the party to form the government (as it had in Gujarat since 1995).[84] In later by-elections the BJP won four more assembly seats and two Lok Sabha seats held by the INC, although Modi did not campaign for its candidates.[85] In 2013, the Wharton India Economic Forum (WIEF) at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania cancelled a keynote video-conference speech by Modi following protests by Indian-Americans.[86]

After his election as prime minister, Modi resigned as the chief minister and as an MLA from Maninagar on 21 May 2014. Anandiben Patel succeeded him as the chief minister.[87]
NotesEdit
- ↑ The exact number of people killed in the train burning is variously reported. For example, the BBC says it was 59,[6] while The Guardian put the figure at 60.[7]
ReferencesEdit
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- ↑ Bunsha, Dionne (13 October 2001). "A new oarsman". Frontline. Archived from the original on 28 August 2006. Retrieved 11 April 2013.
- ↑ "Narendra Modi – Leading the race to 7 RCR". Zee News. 8 April 2014. Archived from the original on 24 August 2014. Retrieved 15 August 2014.
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- ↑ 11.0 11.1 Murphy, Eamon (2010). "'We have no orders to save you': state terrorism, politics and communal violence in the Indian state of Gujarat, 2002". In Jackson, Richard; Murphy, Eamon Murphy; Poynting, Scott (eds.). Contemporary State Terrorism. New York, New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 84–103. ISBN 978-0-415-49801-2.
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- ↑ Filkins, Dexter (9 December 2019). "Blood and Soil in Narendra Modi's India". The New Yorker. Retrieved 3 February 2020.
- ↑ 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 Bobbio, Tommaso (2012). "Making Gujarat Vibrant: Hindutva, development and the rise of subnationalism in India". Third World Quarterly. 33 (4): 657–672. doi:10.1080/01436597.2012.657423. S2CID 154422056.
- ↑ 21.0 21.1 Sengupta, Somini (28 April 2009). "Shadows of Violence Cling to Indian Politician". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 30 August 2012. Retrieved 12 May 2013.
- ↑ Ogden, Chris (2012). "A Lasting Legacy: The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance and India's Politics". Journal of Contemporary Asia. 42 (1): 22–38. doi:10.1080/00472336.2012.634639. S2CID 54615047.
- ↑ Pandey, Gyanendra (November 2005). Routine violence: nations, fragments, histories. Stanford University Press. pp. 187–188. ISBN 978-0-8047-5264-0.
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- ↑ 26.0 26.1 26.2 26.3 26.4 26.5 Christophe, Jaffrelot (2015). "What 'Gujarat Model'?—Growth without Development— and with Socio-Political Polarisation". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 38 (4): 820–838. doi:10.1080/00856401.2015.1087456. ISSN 0085-6401. S2CID 146854210.
- ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (25 February 2012). "Gujarat 2002: What Justice for the Victims?". Economic & Political Weekly. 47 (8).
- ↑ Barry, Ellen (7 April 2014). "Wish for Change Animates Voters in India Election". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 27 May 2014. Retrieved 30 May 2014.
- ↑ 29.0 29.1 29.2 "Timeline: Zakia Jafri vs Modi in 2002 Gujarat riots case". Hindustan Times. 26 December 2013. Archived from the original on 19 March 2014. Retrieved 23 May 2014.
- ↑ "National Human Rights Commission vs. State of Gujarat & Ors. – Writ Petition (Crl.) No. 109/2003". Supreme Court of India. Archived from the original on 23 May 2014. Retrieved 23 May 2014.
- ↑ Mahapatra, Dhananjay (3 December 2010). "SIT clears Narendra Modi of willfully allowing post-Godhra riots". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 8 July 2014. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
- ↑ "Proceed against Modi for Gujarat riots: amicus". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 9 May 2012. Archived from the original on 5 July 2014. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
- ↑ Dasgupta, Manas (10 May 2012). "SIT rejects amicus curiae's observations against Modi". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Archived from the original on 5 July 2014. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
- ↑ Khan, Saeed; Kaushik, Humanshu (26 December 2013). "2002 Gujarat riots: Clean chit to Modi, court rejects Zakia Jafri's plea". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 4 October 2014. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
- ↑ "Congress demands Modi's resignation over Bannerjee report". Rediff.com. 3 March 2006. Archived from the original on 6 January 2008. Retrieved 17 November 2007.
- ↑ "BJP national exec rejects Modi's resignation". Rediff.com. 12 April 2002. Archived from the original on 3 March 2014. Retrieved 22 April 2014.
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- ↑ 39.0 39.1 39.2 Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). "Narendra Modi and the Power of Television in Gujarat". Television & New Media. 16 (4): 346–353. doi:10.1177/1527476415575499. S2CID 145758627.
- ↑ "Statistical Report on General Election, 2002 to the Legislative Assembly of Gujarat" (PDF). New Delhi: Election Commission of India. p. 228. Archived (PDF) from the original on 17 January 2012. Retrieved 12 April 2013.
- ↑ 41.0 41.1 41.2 41.3 41.4 41.5 41.6 41.7 Jaffrelot, Christophe (9 May 2016). "Narendra Modi between Hindutva and subnationalism: The Gujarati asmita of a Hindu Hriday Samrat". India Review. 15 (2): 196–217. doi:10.1080/14736489.2016.1165557. S2CID 156137272.
- ↑ Brasted, Howard V. (2005). Lahoud, Nelly; Johns, A. H. (eds.). Islam in World Politics. Routledge. p. 119. ISBN 978-0-415-32411-3.
the successful anti-Muslim campaign run in Gujarat in December 2002 by its provincial chief minister Narendra Modi – a hardline Hindu nationalist preacher turned politician – has ominous implications.
- ↑ Corbridge, Stuart; John Harriss, Craig Jeffrey (2012). India Today: Economy, Politics and Society. Polity Press. p. 185. ISBN 978-0-7456-6112-4.
December 2002, the BJP – led by Narendra Modi, who conducted a vicious campaign, making many stridently anti-Muslim statements
- ↑ Hardgrave, Jr., Robert L. (2005). "Hindu Nationalism and the BJP: Transforming Religion and Politics in India". In Dossani, Rafiq; Rowen, Henry S. (eds.). Prospects For Peace in South Asia. Stanford University Press. pp. 210–211. ISBN 978-0-8047-5085-1.
In the campaign, Modi fused religion and politics and, as a spur to anti-Muslim sentiment, made Islamic terrorism and its ties to Pakistan a central plank in the BJP platform" etc
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- ↑ "Germany delinks Narendra Modi's image from human rights issues". NDTV. 6 March 2013. Archived from the original on 8 March 2013. Retrieved 6 March 2013.
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- ↑ Naqvi, Saba (22 December 2008). "When fear didn't enter the booth". Outlook India. pp. 26–28. Archived from the original on 3 January 2014. Retrieved 11 April 2013.
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- ↑ Shah, Rajiv (24 November 2007). "'Karmayogi' swears by caste order 'Scavenging A Spiritual Experience For Valmiks'". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 8 February 2017. Retrieved 17 February 2017.
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- ↑ Gupta, Smita (15 April 2014). "Modi against dalits". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 7 June 2014. Retrieved 17 February 2017.
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- ↑ "Narendra Modi wins Maninagar by 70,000 votes". Hindustan Times. 20 December 2012. Archived from the original on 7 December 2013. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
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- ↑ 69.0 69.1 69.2 69.3 Shah, Tushaar (2011). Business Standard India 2011. Business Standard Books. pp. 195–199. ISBN 978-93-80740-04-1. Archived from the original on 6 January 2016.
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- ↑ Shah, Tushaar; Gulati, Ashok; Hemant, P.; Shreedhar, Ganga; Jain, R. C. (December 2009). "Secret of Gujarat's Agrarian Miracle after 2000". Economic and Political Weekly. 44 (52): 45–55. JSTOR 25663939. (subscription required)
- ↑ 73.0 73.1 Mishra, Mayank (20 July 2013). "Did Narendra Modi make Gujarat Vibrant?". Business Standard. Archived from the original on 20 April 2014. Retrieved 29 April 2014.
- ↑ 74.0 74.1 74.2 Schöttli, Jivanta; Pauli, Markus (2016). "Modi-nomics and the politics of institutional change in the Indian economy". Journal of Asian Public Policy. 9 (2): 154–169. doi:10.1080/17516234.2016.1165332. S2CID 155579981.
- ↑ Shah, Tushar; Verma, Shilp (22 February 2008). "Co-Management of Electricity and Groundwater: An Assessment of Gujarat's Jyotirgram Scheme". Economic and Political Weekly. 43 (7): 59–66. JSTOR 40277613.
- ↑ Ghatak, Maitreesh; Roy, Sanchari (12 April 2014). "Did Gujarat's Growth Rate Accelerate under Modi?". Economic and Political Weekly. 49 (15): 12–15.
- ↑ Limited, Times Internet (15 September 2015). "Gujarat tops ease of doing business ranking among states – The Economic Times on Mobile". Archived from the original on 10 January 2018. Retrieved 16 September 2015.
- ↑ "Gujarat tops list of economically-free states". hindustantimes.com/. 19 March 2014. Retrieved 16 September 2015.
- ↑ Shah, Ghanshyam (June 2013). "Politics of Governance: A Study of Gujarat". Studies in Indian Politics. 1 (1): 65–77. doi:10.1177/2321023013482788. S2CID 155022285. (subscription required)
- ↑ "Sparing Mr Modi's blushes". 27 June 2015. Archived from the original on 30 January 2017. Retrieved 9 November 2016.
- ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (June 2013). "Gujarat Elections: The Sub-Text of Modi's 'Hattrick'—High Tech Populism and the 'Neo-middle Class'". Studies in Indian Politics. 1 (1): 79–95. doi:10.1177/2321023013482789. S2CID 154404089.
- ↑ "Big win for Narendra Modi, defeats Shweta Bhatt by huge margin". NDTV. Press Trust of India. 20 December 2012.
- ↑ Ghassem-fachandi, Parvis (2012). Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton University Press. p. 198. ISBN 978-0-691-15177-9. Archived from the original on 6 January 2016.
- ↑ 1. "Action continues: Narendra Modi makes lotus bloom again in Gujarat". DNA India. 20 December 2012. Archived from the original on 23 December 2012. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
2. "Gujarat results 2012 Live :Modi's claim for PM's post gets stronger". Samay Live. 20 December 2012. Archived from the original on 2 January 2015. Retrieved 21 December 2012. - ↑ Gupta, Smita (6 June 2013). "BJP sweeps Gujarat bypolls, RJD trumps JD(U) in Bihar". The Hindu. Chennai, India. Archived from the original on 4 May 2014. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
- ↑ Bhowmick, Nilanjana (5 March 2013). "Why Wharton Canceled Narendra Modi's Speech". Time. Archived from the original on 23 May 2014. Retrieved 23 May 2014.
- ↑ "Anandiben Patel named new Gujarat chief minister". India Today. 21 May 2014. Archived from the original on 6 October 2014. Retrieved 1 October 2014.