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Bengal famine of 1943: Difference between revisions

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[[File:Churchill V sign HU 55521.jpg|alt=A jowly, well-dressed man, obviously Winston Churchill, standing outside a doorway. He is smiling and making a "V for victory" gesture.|thumb |upright=0.9 |British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1943]]
[[File:Churchill V sign HU 55521.jpg|alt=A jowly, well-dressed man, obviously Winston Churchill, standing outside a doorway. He is smiling and making a "V for victory" gesture.|thumb |upright=0.9 |British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1943]]


Sen does not deny that British misgovernment contributed to the crisis, but sees the policy failure as a complete misunderstanding of the cause of the famine. This misunderstanding led to a wholly misguided emphasis on measuring non-existent food shortages rather than addressing the very real and devastating inflation-driven imbalances in exchange entitlements.{{sfn|A. Sen|1977|pp=52–53}} In stark contrast, although Cormac Ó Gráda notes that the exchange entitlements view of this famine is generally accepted,{{sfn|Ó Gráda|2015|p=90|ps=: "The 1943–44 famine has become paradigmatic as an 'entitlements famine,' whereby speculation born of greed and panic produced an 'artificial' shortage of rice, the staple food."}} he lends greater weight to the importance of a crop shortfall than does Sen, and goes on to largely reject Sen's emphasis on hoarding and speculation.{{sfnm|1a1=Ó Gráda|1y=2008|1pp=25–28|2a1=Ó Gráda|2y=2015|2p=90}} He does not stop there but emphasises a "lack of political will" and the pressure of wartime priorities that drove the British government and the provincial government of Bengal to make fateful decisions: the "denial policies", the use of heavy shipping for war supplies rather than food, the refusal to officially declare a state of famine, and the [[Balkanization|Balkanisation]] of grain markets through inter-provincial trade barriers.{{sfnm|1a1=Ó Gráda|1y=2015|1p=90|1ps= "...the lack of political will to divert foodstuffs from the war effort rather than [market] speculation... was mainly responsible for the famine"|2a1=Ó Gráda|2y=2008|2pp=20, 33}} On this view, these policies were designed to serve British military goals at the expense of Indian interests,{{sfn|Ó Gráda|2009|pp=190–191}} reflecting the War Cabinet's willingness to "supply the Army's needs and let the Indian people starve if necessary".{{sfnm|1a1=Wavell|1y=1973|1pp=68, 122|2a1=S. Bose|2y=1990|2pp=716–717}} Far from being accidental, these dislocations were fully recognised beforehand as fatal for identifiable Indian groups whose economic activities did not directly, actively, or adequately advance British military goals.{{sfn|J. Mukherjee|2015|pp=251–252}} The policies may have met their intended wartime goals, but only at the cost of large-scale dislocations in the domestic economy. The British government, this argument maintains, thus bears moral responsibility for the rural deaths.{{sfn|Ó Gráda|2010|p=39}} Auriol Law-Smith's discussion of contributing causes of the famine also lays blame on the British Government of India, primarily emphasising Viceroy Linlithgow's lack of political will to "infringe provincial autonomy" by using his authority to remove interprovincial barriers, which would have ensured the free movement of life-saving grain.{{sfn|Law-Smith|1989|p=64}} [[Utsa Patnaik|Patnaik]]'s view is that the famine occurred due to high prices which reduced food consumption of the general population. According to Patnaik, this was caused by the British government's "profit inflation" policies, which were designed to finance war spending.{{sfn|Patnaik|2018|p=33-34,38–39}}
Sen does not deny that British misgovernment contributed to the crisis, but sees the policy failure as a complete misunderstanding of the cause of the famine. This misunderstanding led to a wholly misguided emphasis on measuring non-existent food shortages rather than addressing the very real and devastating inflation-driven imbalances in exchange entitlements.{{sfn|A. Sen|1977|pp=52–53}} In stark contrast, although Cormac Ó Gráda notes that the exchange entitlements view of this famine is generally accepted,{{sfn|Ó Gráda|2015|p=90|ps=: "The 1943–44 famine has become paradigmatic as an 'entitlements famine,' whereby speculation born of greed and panic produced an 'artificial' shortage of rice, the staple food."}} he lends greater weight to the importance of a crop shortfall than does Sen, and goes on to largely reject Sen's emphasis on hoarding and speculation.{{sfnm|1a1=Ó Gráda|1y=2008|1pp=25–28|2a1=Ó Gráda|2y=2015|2p=90}} He does not stop there but emphasises a "lack of political will" and the pressure of wartime priorities that drove the British government and the provincial government of Bengal to make fateful decisions: the "denial policies", the use of heavy shipping for war supplies rather than food, the refusal to officially declare a state of famine, and the [[Balkanization|Balkanisation]] of grain markets through inter-provincial trade barriers.{{sfnm|1a1=Ó Gráda|1y=2015|1p=90|1ps= "...the lack of political will to divert foodstuffs from the war effort rather than [market] speculation... was mainly responsible for the famine"|2a1=Ó Gráda|2y=2008|2pp=20, 33}} On this view, these policies were designed to serve British military goals at the expense of Indian interests,{{sfn|Ó Gráda|2009|pp=190–191}} reflecting the War Cabinet's willingness to "supply the Army's needs and let the Indian people starve if necessary".{{sfnm|1a1=Wavell|1y=1973|1pp=68, 122|2a1=S. Bose|2y=1990|2pp=716–717}} Far from being accidental, these dislocations were fully recognised beforehand as fatal for identifiable Indian groups whose economic activities did not directly, actively, or adequately advance British military goals.{{sfn|J. Mukherjee|2015|pp=251–252}} The policies may have met their intended wartime goals, but only at the cost of large-scale dislocations in the domestic economy. The British government, this argument maintains, thus bears moral responsibility for the rural deaths.{{sfn|Ó Gráda|2010|p=39}} Auriol Law-Smith's discussion of contributing causes of the famine also lays blame on the British Government of India, primarily emphasising Viceroy Linlithgow's lack of political will to "infringe provincial autonomy" by using his authority to remove interprovincial barriers, which would have ensured the free movement of life-saving grain.{{sfn|Law-Smith|1989|p=64}}  


A related argument, present since the days of the famine{{sfn|Greenough|1983|p=375}} but expressed at length by journalist [[Madhusree Mukerjee]], accuses key figures in the British government (particularly Prime Minister Winston Churchill){{sfn|Hickman|2008|pp=238–240}} of genuine antipathy toward Indians and [[Winston Churchill#Indian independence|Indian independence]], an antipathy arising mainly from a desire to protect [[imperialism|imperialist]] power but sourced from [[racism|racist]] attitudes towards Indian people.{{sfn|Mukerjee|2010|pp=274–275}} This is sometimes attributed to British anger over widespread Bengali nationalist sentiment and the perceived treachery of the violent [[Quit India]] uprising.{{sfnm|1a1=Mukerjee|1y=2010|1p=273|2a1=Bayly|2a2=Harper|2y=2005|2p=286|3a1=Collingham|3y=2012|3pp=144–145}} Several historians have critiqued this view,{{sfnm|1a1=Herman|1y=2010|2a1=Roy|2y=2019|2pp=129–130|3a1=Masani|3y=2020}} with [[Tirthankar Roy]] referring to it as "naive".{{sfn|Roy|2019|pp=129–130}} Instead, Roy attributes the delayed response to rivalry and misinformation spread about the famine within the local government, particularly by the Minister of Civil Supplies [[Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy]], who maintained there was no food shortage throughout the famine, while noting that there is little evidence of Churchill's views influencing War Cabinet policy.{{sfn|Roy|2019|pp=129–130}}
A related argument, present since the days of the famine{{sfn|Greenough|1983|p=375}} but expressed at length by journalist [[Madhusree Mukerjee]], accuses key figures in the British government (particularly Prime Minister Winston Churchill){{sfn|Hickman|2008|pp=238–240}} of genuine antipathy toward Indians and [[Winston Churchill#Indian independence|Indian independence]], an antipathy arising mainly from a desire to protect [[imperialism|imperialist]] power but sourced from [[racism|racist]] attitudes towards Indian people.{{sfn|Mukerjee|2010|pp=274–275}} This is sometimes attributed to British anger over widespread Bengali nationalist sentiment and the perceived treachery of the violent [[Quit India]] uprising.{{sfnm|1a1=Mukerjee|1y=2010|1p=273|2a1=Bayly|2a2=Harper|2y=2005|2p=286|3a1=Collingham|3y=2012|3pp=144–145}} Several historians have critiqued this view,{{sfnm|1a1=Herman|1y=2010|2a1=Roy|2y=2019|2pp=129–130|3a1=Masani|3y=2020}} with [[Tirthankar Roy]] referring to it as "naive".{{sfn|Roy|2019|pp=129–130}} Instead, Roy attributes the delayed response to rivalry and misinformation spread about the famine within the local government, particularly by the Minister of Civil Supplies [[Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy]], who maintained there was no food shortage throughout the famine, while noting that there is little evidence of Churchill's views influencing War Cabinet policy.{{sfn|Roy|2019|pp=129–130}}