Koeri

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کوئیری
Raja Bodh Ram, a Koiri by caste, obtained the title of Raja from Asaf-ud-Daula, the Nawab of Awadh (1775–1797), and held an estate in Rai Bareli.
Regions with significant populations
 India,    Nepal
Biharest. 3–4% of the population
Languages
Religion
Hinduism

The Koeri (also known as Koiry or Koiri) are a landowning upper middle caste mainly found in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Nepal whose traditional occupation is agriculture, traditionally known for advance agriculture and rice cultivation.[1] A colonial report noted them as landlords.[2] The Koiri or Koeri were an ancient caste, they considered as agriculturalist, high landowning caste.[3] In Bengal, people of the Koiri caste often acted as moneylenders and were quite prosperous, frequently hiring labourers for cultivation of rice and other crops.[4] They are described as a dominant caste in various opinions.[5] Koiri or Koeri are a elite and prosperous caste amongst agriculturalist communities.[6]

Koeris benefitted greatly from the land reform policies of the Indian government. Faced with the land ceiling laws and communist pressure in the 1970s, Muslim landlords resorted to selling off their lands, often to Koeris. This allowed the Koeris themselves to aspire to be big landowners. According to britishers, Koeris were agriculturist landowning caste.[7]

The Koeris are found in Saran district and also live in the Samastipur district of Bihar. Outside India, the Koeris are distributed among the Bihari diaspora in Mauritius. The Koiri or Kushwaha also have significant population in Nepal, they are categorised as upper and elite caste in nepal due to large land ownership and political dominance.

Koiri & kushwaha in Nepal[edit | edit source]

Kushwaha (Koiri or koeri) are an landowning high caste-community residing in the Terai region. In Nepal, the population of the Kushwaha community is around 1.22%, numbering more than approximately 355,000 people. This community mainly resides in districts of Madhesh Province, Koshi Province, and Lumbini Province, and is considered an important community in Madheshi society. [8]

Their traditional ancestral occupations were agriculture and landlordship. However, they are now engaged in various professions, businesses, education, civil service, and the military, and are regarded as an influential, organized, and powerful community compared to other Madheshi castes. Koiri or Koeri considered as prosperous caste in Magadha and terai region.

The Kushwaha community belongs to the Vaishya class among the Madheshi high castes. [9] [10]

However, many also claim Kshatriya status. [11]

Although their ancestors were traditionally vegetarian, this practice has gradually changed over time. The traditionally common surname in this community is Mahato. Surnames used among the Kushwaha/Koiri community in Nepal include Mahato, Singh, Kushwaha, Mehta, Maurya, Morao, Bhagat, Sinha, and Verma,etc among others in nepal.

Some Kushwaha organizations in Nepal have claimed that the population of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community in Nepal exceeds one million. If accepted, this figure would account for approximately 3.4% of Nepal’s total population. [12] [13]

Socio-economic status[edit | edit source]

Caste-wise literacy rate of Nepali Koiris

Although the Kushwaha (Koiri) community in Nepal has traditionally been associated with agriculture, their relatively high literacy rate has contributed to their strong social and economic position. Particularly in the Terai region, the Kushwaha community has made notable progress in education, professional skills, and leadership. According to recent census data, more than 80% of Kushwahas are literate, which is above Nepal’s national average literacy rate of 77.4%.

The Koiri community is not limited only to agriculture, but also has a significant presence in government service, politics, business, and other professional sectors. Their comparatively high literacy rate and community unity have contributed to their representation in policy-making, administration, and local leadership. Kushwahas are regarded as one of the organized and influential Madheshi communities. Some descriptions portray them as economically and politically strong landowning groups in parts of the Terai region.

Various social and community organizations within the community have played active roles in educational awareness, cultural preservation, social development, and leadership building. These initiatives have contributed to establishing the Kushwaha community as an influential and socially active group within Nepali society. [14]

Koiri in Terai region[edit | edit source]

Caste-wise Agricultural Landholding Data - Terai Region.

This table, prepared on the basis of data related to Nepal’s 2021 national census, presents the average agricultural land ownership and share of total agricultural land among different caste communities in the Terai region. According to the data, the Kushwaha (Koiri) community remains strongly associated with agriculture and is reported to possess an average of approximately 6.2 bighas of land, which is among the higher figures listed in the table. Likewise, Yadav, Bhumihar, and Tharu communities are also shown to have notable involvement in agriculture and significant agricultural land ownership.

Agriculture is considered the backbone of Nepal’s economy, while the Terai region is regarded as the country’s primary grain-producing area. Such statistics help in understanding the economic and social structure of different agrarian communities in the Terai region. The Koiri community is often described as a strong agriculturist caste in Nepal.

Culture[edit | edit source]

Women of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community celebrating Holi in Nepal
Nepali Kushwaha (Koiri) community celebrating Chhath Puja in Kathmandu

The Kushwaha community predominantly follows Hinduism. Members of the community particularly worship deities such as Shiva, Rama, and Vishnu. Major festivals celebrated by the Kushwaha community include Chhath, Diwali, and Holi. [15]

Subgroups (clans)[edit | edit source]

Historically, various subgroups (clans) have been identified within the Koiri/kushwaha community. Colonial-era caste studies mention the following subgroups within the Koiri community: [16]

  • Jaruhar
  • Kanaujiya
  • Magahiya
  • Tirhutia
  • Sakya
  • koliya
  • Banaphar
  • Goita
  • Morao
  • Bhagatiya
  • Purabiya
  • Barakar
  • Palmoha

Architecture[edit | edit source]

An example of architecture associated with the Koiri (Kushwaha) community can be seen in Janaki Mandir in Janakpur, which is sometimes regarded as an important example of “Koiri-style” architecture. Some local narratives also associate the temple’s construction with members of the Koiri community. [17]

Drone image of Janaki Mandir, Janakpur, in Koiri-style architecture

This style of architecture reflects a blend of Hindu, Mughal, and regional Mithila artistic influences. Janaki Mandir is a three-storey structure primarily constructed using stone and white marble. [18]

The temple structure includes domes, lattice-carved windows, coloured glass, pillars, and decorations inspired by Mithila paintings. The temple complex is said to contain around 60 rooms, contributing to its distinctive and attractive architectural character. [19]

This architectural style is considered reflective of the cultural influence and religious traditions of the Madhesh and Mithila regions.

Dominanace[edit | edit source]

Historically, different caste and ethnic groups in Nepal have had varying levels of representation in government administration, agriculture, trade, civil service, judiciary, and military institutions.

During the rule of the Shah dynasty (1768–2008), hill high-caste groups such as Bahun and Chhetri held significant dominance in the civil service, judiciary, and senior military positions.

According to some studies conducted in the Terai region using data from before 2015, certain Madheshi caste groups were represented in the civil service at rates higher than their share of the national population. For example, the representation of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community in Nepal’s civil service was reported to be approximately 3.2 times higher than their population share, placing them fourth in terms of representation. Similarly, the Rajput community was reported to have representation approximately 5.6 times higher than its population share, while Maithil Brahmin representation was around 4.2 times higher. [20]

The Yadav community is one of the largest Madheshi caste groups in Nepal. Due to their substantial population in some districts, their political representation has increased significantly in recent decades. One prominent figure from this community is Ram Baran Yadav, who served as the first President of Nepal from 23 July 2008 to 29 October 2015. [21]

In Nepal, Nepali language is the national language, while Maithili language is one of the most widely spoken languages in the country. The traditional caste system in Hindu society was legally abolished by the New Muluki Ain implemented in 1963. [22]

Average height of Nepali men and women in different provinces

Population[edit | edit source]

Nepal’s Central Bureau of Statistics classifies the Kushwaha caste as a subgroup within the broader upper Madheshi caste communities. The community is primarily concentrated in the Terai region of Nepal, where agriculture has traditionally been the main occupation.

According to the 2021 Nepal census published by the National Statistics Office (Nepal), the population of the Kushwaha community in Nepal was 355,707, representing approximately 1.22% of the country’s total population. [23]

The provincial distribution of the Kushwaha population is as follows: [23]

The following districts have Kushwaha populations above the national average (approximately 1.3%): [24]

History & Philosophy[edit | edit source]

Koiri connections with Sakya And Koliya Clans[edit | edit source]

The Koiri or (Koeri/Kushwaha) Caste of magadh region is associated in several historical and community traditions with the ancient Shakya and Koliya clans of the Himalayan foothills. The ancient Shakya republic was located in present-day southern Nepal, with important sites such as Lumbini, traditionally regarded as the birthplace of Gautama Buddha. The Shakya capital Kapilavastu is commonly linked with Tilaurakot. The Koliya republic existed in the same region and maintained close political and matrimonial relations with the Shakya during the 6th century BCE. Many historians, caste studies, and community traditions connect present-day Koiri/kushwaha communities with these ancient republican clans like Sakya , Moriya and koliya due to historical, regional and inscriptional connections. Koiri or Koeri caste was ruling elite caste during ancient period who established maurya dynasty along with sakya kingdom in nepal and india.[25]

The Mahajanapadas in the post-Vedic period. Koliya was to east of Sakya

Koiri caste link with kutumbin term and Rashtrakuta Empire[edit | edit source]

The Koiri (or Koeri) are a significant agricultural community in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, recognised as a landowning Upper middle caste with a strong agricultural base, particularly in cultivating crops like Rice. Epigraphic records suggest that Kutumbins were agriculturist house-holders. From the term kutumbin has been derived cultivating caste name such as the Koeri or Koiri of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. The term "Rashtrakuta" being used to refer to the heads of kutumbins/cultivators from which koiri or koeri caste derived.[26]

Koiri or Koeri community claims ancestry from Kusha and the Mauryans. Some of the leading political parties have supported their claims to reap the benefits arising from their demographic strength in electoral politics, particularly in North Indian states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.[27][28]

Economy[edit | edit source]

The community was at the heart of the Indian opium trade, which had its main base in Bihar as the Koeris were involved in opium production through hired labour from lower castes like Dusadh , Yadava , and others. Based on available reports and studies , the Kushwaha (Koeri) community is ranked among the highest-earning social groups in Bihar, often placed below general castes in per capita income but higher than many other OBC groups like Kurmi and Yadav. Koiri or Koeri considered as most dominant caste of OBC in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh due to large land holdings along with prosperity.[29]

Post land reforms[edit | edit source]

Peasants in upper backward castes like the Koeris benefitted the most from the land reform policies of the Indian government. Faced with the land ceiling laws and communist pressure in the 1970s, general caste landlords resorted to selling off their lands. In most cases the buyer would be from the Koeri, the Kurmi, or the Yadav castes. These peasants worked skillfully on their land and made their holdings more productive. In contrast, the general castes were unable to do so, and they seemed to be satisfied with the price they got for their land. The increased urbanisation among general castes created a category of new landlords in the countryside as these three middle castes seldom sold their land, rather they looked on reforms as an opportunity to buy more.[30]

This phenomenon promoted the upward mobility of middle peasant castes. While this mobility in the Yadavas consolidated them as big peasants and farm workers, in the Koeris, the vertical mobility was exclusively towards them becoming big landlords.[31] The Upper middle caste such as Koiri functioned as landlord rulers, while other backward castes worked in the field of Koiri landlord. Koiri landlords did not allow lower castes, such as Yadavs and Dusadhs, to sit with them.[32]

In 1989, Frankel observed that 95% of the upper castes and 36% of the middle peasant castes like the Koeri and the Yadav belonged to a rich peasant-cum-landlord class. An aversion to manual labour characterised this class. However, some Koeris and Yadavas who held comparatively less land to provide them with subsistence also worked as agricultural labourers, though the bulk of agricultural labourers belonged to the Dalit caste. According to Frankel, the bulk of middle and poor peasantry belonged to castes like the Koeris and the Yadavas; this class worked in their own fields but considered it beneath their dignity to work in others' fields.[33] However, the socio-economic progress and transition towards the upper edge of the social hierarchy was not unabated. The Koeris, like the other middle level castes in north India, were facing a double-edged confrontation from the upper castes who were supporters of the status quo as well as from the Dalits and the lowest castes who now became assertive for their own rights. All this made the middle castes aggressive.[34]

The conflict with general caste landlords led to an attraction towards far-left naxalism. This was witnessed in Ekwari, a village, in the Bhojpur district where Jagdish Mahto, a Koeri teacher belonging to upper middle caste, began leading the Maoists and organised the murders of general caste landlords.

Later, a section of the upper strata of the Koeris and other middle peasant castes voiced their support for the militant organisation Ranvir Sena. This group had benefitted the most from land reforms and became ruthless towards the Dalits.[35]

Distribution[edit | edit source]

Between 1872 and 1921 the Koeris represented approximately seven per cent of the population in Saran district, according to tabulated data prepared by Anand Yang. Yang also notes their involvement in tenanted landholdings around the period 1893–1901: the Koeris worked around nine per cent of the total cultivated area of the district which was one per cent less than the Ahirs, although they represented around five per cent more of the population.[36] According to Christopher Bayly :

"Eighteenth-century settlement of Kurmi ,Kacchi and Koeri cultivators were also numerous in northern and western Awadh. On the fringes of cultivation, these castes were given special rental rates for bringing areas of jungle under plough. In the first five years, for instance the rent might be only half of what was common for soil of the same type. The revenue benefits to the entrepreneur or official who planted the colony were very great."[37]

They are also distributed in the Samastipur district of Bihar. In this district the Koeri caste is notorious for their criminal affairs and represent most of the ten legislative assembly seats in this district.[38] In a study conducted in 1991, in villages of the Buxar district of southwestern Bihar, the Koeris were one of the largest landholding caste.[39] Further, another study conducted in some select villages of rural Bihar revealed the Koeris perform the function of a purohit (family priest) and a significant number of houses were seen availing themselves of the services of the purohits of the Koeri caste.[40]

Distribution outside India[edit | edit source]

Outside India, Koeris are distributed among the Bihari diaspora in Mauritius. Though the island is divided along ethnic and religious lines, 'Hindu' Mauritians follow a number of original customs and traditions, quite different from those seen on the Indian subcontinent. Some castes in Mauritius in particular are unrecognisable from a subcontinental Indian perspective, and may incorporate mutually antagonistic castes into a single group. The title 'Rajput' describes primarily the Shudra castes in Mauritius, which was usurped by the Koeris in the nineteenth century. The 'vaish', which includes the Koeris, is the largest and most influential caste group on the island. The former Brahmin elites together with former Kshatriya are called 'Babuji' and enjoy the prestige conferred by high caste status, though politically they are marginalised.[41]

The Koeris also have a significant population residing in Nepal. The 1991 census conducted there included estimates of their population estimates but these were not included in the 2001 census.[42]

Subdivisions, classification and culture[edit | edit source]

Communities related to the Koeri in North India include the Maurya, the Kushwaha, the Mahto, the Kachhi, the Shakya and the Saini. Over time, these castes grew closer and began intermarrying while developing the all India network to strengthen their caste solidarity.[43] In 1811, the physician Francis Buchanan-Hamilton classified the producer castes of Bihar and Patna - the Koeri, the Gwala, the Kurmi, the Sonar (goldsmith) and even the Kayasthas (a scribe caste) as "pure Shudra". However, due to the advancements in their level of education, the Kayastha community was first among them to challenge their Shudra status and claimed a higher Varna. They were followed by the rest of these communities.[44]

Some Koeris like Shivcharan Bhagat were well known for their knowledge of Persian and they also contributed to the Ramanandi Sampradaya and their disciples later became major contributors to Ramanandi literature.[44] In the households of the cultivator castes like the Koeris, there was no major segregation of family duties based on gender. Here, both male and female members of the family participated in cultivation- related operations, thus paving the way for egalitarianism and a lack of gender-related discrimination and seclusion. The view of the Koeris regarding their women is portrayed through their (Jati) Caste pamphlet, where Koeri women are described as being loyal to their husbands and having all the qualities of a true Kshatriya woman, who faces the enemy with courage and fights along with her husband rather than being defeated outrught.[45]

Martial tradition[edit | edit source]

Kshatriyatva( the essence of being Kshatriya, or valour) constituted an important component of this new political framework for reform, in part because martial element contained therein fit a colonial ideology that placed a premium on virility and power. Their claim to "Kshatriyatva" was matched by an aggressiveness and violence which had lasting implications for rulral life in Bihar.[46]

– William Pinch

The Kshatriya reform movement in the middle peasant castes which took place during 1890s turned rural Bihar into an arena of conflict. William Pinch claims that castes like the Koeris, the Kurmi, joined the British Indian Army as soldiers. George Kunnath writes that "their claims to kshatriyatva was matched by an aggressiveness and violence" which led to the formation of many caste armies resulting in intercaste conflict.[46]

Organisation[edit | edit source]

Kushwaha Ashram, the headquarter of community organisation of Koeri caste in North Bihar.

In the interwar years, during a period when there was a general movement among various castes seeking to uplift their status, there was also at least one journal being published for the Koeri community, the Kashbala Kshatriya Mitra,[47] while other interests of the Koeri community is taken care of by the Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha.[48]

Politics[edit | edit source]

In the heyday of British Raj, the Koeris aligned with the Kurmis and the Yadavs to form a caste coalition-cum-political party called Triveni Sangh. The actual date of the formation of Triveni Sangh is disputed among scholars. This caste coalition fared badly against the Congress party and faced a considerable challenge from Congress's backward class federation. Though politically it was not able to make a significant mark, it remained successful in eradicating the practice of begar (forced labour).[49][50]

The period of the 1960s witnessed an improvement in the fortunes of the backward castes in politics, with a significant growth seen in the number of backward caste MLAs in the Bihar legislative assembly. In the 1970s, with the defining slogan of social justice, Koeris rose to prominence in the politics of Bihar under the leadership of Jagdeo Prasad. However, this achievement was short-lived and their representation was gradually lost to other backward castes after Prasad's death.[51] This period also witnessed Satish Prasad Singh, a lesser known Koeri leader, become the chief minister of Bihar merely a week after the fall of Mahamaya Prasad Sinha government. He led a coalition of the Shoshit Samaj Dal party of Jagdeo Prasad and the Congress.[52][53]

In 1977, the Karpoori Thakur government of Bihar introduced an affirmative action of quota in government jobs and universities. While the lower backward castes were assigned 12% of the quota, only eight percent was earmarked for landowning castes like the Koeri, the Kurmi and the Yadavs. Being a Nai by caste, Thakur was aware of the robust economic position and aggressiveness of these castes who were many times seen bullying the Harijans and lower backwards castes.[54]

In later years, the Koeris remained in a muted position for a long period in politics or played a secondary role, while the Yadav-centric politics of Laloo Yadav flourished in Bihar. However, after the formation of the Samta Party (now Janata Dal (United)) by Nitish Kumar, they voted en masse for Samta. Its alliance showed that political parties in Bihar are identified with caste and the Samta Party was considered the party of Koeri-Kurmi community.[55][56]

The parting of the ways between the Koeris and the Kurmis and the movement of the Koeris away from Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) was witnessed after the formation of the Rashtriya Lok Samta Party by Upendra Kushwaha, who commanded huge support among members of the Koeri castes. The Bharatiya Janata Party appealed to the kushwaha in the 2014 elections in hopes of getting the support of the Koeri caste who had earlier voted for Nitish Kumar and the JD(U).[57] However, the quitting of BJP and alliance by Upendra Kushwaha left Koeri politics in Bihar in a dilemma.[58] This rift between the Koeris and the Kurmis was orchestrated by the rise of influential Koeri leaders like Mahendra Singh and Shakuni Chaudhry, while Kushwaha remained the strongest leader of the community in Bihar.[59]

See also[edit | edit source]

References[edit | edit source]

  1. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=SfK839MBxycC&q=Koeri+bihar+uttarpradesh&dq=Koeri+bihar+uttarpradesh&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjetO7WrLGUAxXQjWMGHfTIKYwQ6wF6BAgREAU#Koeri%20bihar%20uttarpradesh
  2. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=jJgfNVjZ8koC&pg=PA280&dq=Landowner+Koeri&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiE1-ftsrGUAxVCJNAFHUqHDH8Q6wF6BAgPEAU#v=onepage&q=Landowner%20Koeri&f=false
  3. ↑ https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.55891/page/n103/mode/1up
  4. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=hN89zPZ6vIcC&q=Koeri+money+lender&dq=Koeri+money+lender&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjOldabrrGUAxXvSWwGHcVRHvA4ChDrAXoECAgQBQ#Koeri%20money%20lender
  5. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=DUuxDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT76&dq=koeri+dominant+Caste&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiSisqJr7GUAxU9qVYBHYA3GCQQ6wF6BAgQEAU#v=onepage&q&f=false
  6. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=e41uAAAAMAAJ&q=Koeri+prosperous&dq=Koeri+prosperous&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiLx4zEsbGUAxWazDgGHXusI1wQ6wF6BAgPEAU#Koeri%20prosperous
  7. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=pjVdJMBeXU8C&pg=PA203&dq=koiri+agriculturalist&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiMqKmMraqUAxVUS3ADHdNqCUUQ6wF6BAgOEAU#v=onepage&q=koiri%20agriculturalist&f=false
  8. ↑ National Population and Housing Census 2021: Caste/Ethnicity Report (PDF) (Report). Kathmandu: Government of Nepal, National Statistics Office. 2023.
  9. ↑ Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II: Social Demography (PDF) (Report). Kathmandu: Government of Nepal, Central Bureau of Statistics & UNFPA. 2014.
  10. ↑ Hofer, András (1979). The Caste Hierarchy and the State in Nepal: A Study of the Muluki Ain of 1854. Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner.
  11. ↑ Pinch, William R. (1996). Peasants and Monks in British India. University of California Press.
  12. ↑ "Kushwaha community claims over 10 lakh population in Nepal". eNews Bureau. 20 January 2021.
  13. ↑ "National Population and Housing Census 2021" (PDF). Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal.
  14. ↑ "Nepal Kushwaha Kalyan Samaj".
  15. ↑ "Kushwaha Religious Practices". Saini Caste News.
  16. ↑ Risley, H. H. (1891). The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. Government of Bengal.
  17. ↑ "Janaki Mandir".
  18. ↑ "Janaki Mandir".
  19. ↑ "Janaki Mandir".
  20. ↑ Hatlebakk, Magnus (2007). "Economic and social structures that may explain the recent conflicts in the Terai of Nepal" (PDF). Kathmandu: Norwegian Embassy. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-07-24.
  21. ↑ "Highlights" (PDF). OCHA Nepal Situation Overview (12). OCHA. April 2007.
  22. ↑ "Highlights" (PDF). OCHA Nepal Situation Overview (16). OCHA. July–August 2007.
  23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 National Population and Housing Census 2021: Caste/Ethnicity Report (PDF) (Report). Kathmandu: National Statistics Office, Nepal. 2023.
  24. ↑ "2011 Nepal Census, District Level Detail Report" (PDF). Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2023-03-14. Retrieved 2025-06-20.
  25. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=WisVAQAAIAAJ&q=Koeri+koliya&dq=Koeri+koliya&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwisx6uWtquUAxVcJxAIHfBXGfoQ6wF6BAgIEAU#Koeri%20koliya
  26. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=i_sIE1sO5kwC&pg=PA30&dq=Koeries+kutumbin&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjghcjpvquUAxXMExAIHawtJCAQ6wF6BAgMEAU#v=onepage&q=Koeries%20kutumbin&f=false
  27. ↑ Singh, Abhay. "BJP banking on votes of Koeris". The Times of India. Retrieved 18 May 2015.
  28. ↑ Vij, Shivam. "Caste groups are burning Rajnath Singh's effigies as he called Chandragupta Maurya shepherd". theprint.in. Retrieved 27 May 2020.
  29. ↑ https://www.thedailyjagran.com/india/bjp-ministers-finalised-for-samrat-choudhary-cabinet-in-bihar-mangal-pandey-narayan-prasad-surendra-mehta-list-10311152
  30. ↑ Sinha, A. (2011). Nitish Kumar and the Rise of Bihar. Viking. p. 80,81. ISBN 978-0-670-08459-3. Retrieved 7 April 2015.
  31. ↑ Reddy, D. Narasimha (2009). Agrarian Reforms, Land Markets, and Rural Poor. Concept Publishing Company. p. 279. ISBN 978-8180696046. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  32. ↑ https://books.google.co.in/books?id=3u21AAAAIAAJ&q=koeri+yadavas+sit&dq=koeri+yadavas+sit&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwij4vrs26qUAxV8TWwGHQUOBI4Q6wF6BAgPEAU#koeri%20yadavas%20sit
  33. ↑ Kunnath, George (2018). Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution ... New York: Taylor and Francis Group. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-138-09955-5. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
  34. ↑ Ram, Nandu (2009). Beyond Ambedkar: Essays on Dalits in India. Har Anand Publications. ISBN 978-8124114193. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  35. ↑ Kalpana, Nira-Yuval-Davis (2006). The situated politics of belonging. london: Sage Publications. p. 135,136. ISBN 1-4129-2101-5. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  36. ↑ Yang, Anand A. (1989). The limited Raj: agrarian relations in colonial India, Saran District, 1793–1920. University of California Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-520-05711-1. Retrieved 4 October 2011.
  37. ↑ Bayly, C. A. (1988). Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion. Cambridge University Press. p. 101. ISBN 0521310547. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
  38. ↑ Thakur, Minni (2010). Women Empowerment Through Panchayati Raj Institutions. Concept Publishing Company. ISBN 978-8180696800. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  39. ↑ N. Jayaram, Partha Nath Mukherji (2019). Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia. Springer Publishing. p. 88,89. ISBN 978-9811303876. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  40. ↑ Sharma, K. L. (2013). Readings in Indian Sociology: Volume II. India: SAGE Publications. ISBN 978-8132118725. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  41. ↑ Bates, Crispin (2016). Community, Empire and Migration: South Asians in Diaspora. Springer. p. 14. ISBN 978-0333977293. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
  42. ↑ Mandal, Monika (2013). Social Inclusion of Ethnic Communities in Contemporary Nepal. KW Publishers. pp. 109–110. ISBN 978-93-81904-58-9.
  43. ↑ Patel, Mahendra Lal (1997). Awareness in Weaker Section: Perspective Development and Prospects. M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. p. 37. ISBN 8175330295.
  44. ↑ 44.0 44.1 Pinch, William R. (1996). Peasants and monks in British India. University of California Press. pp. 73–75. ISBN 978-0-520-20061-6. Buchanan, in the early nineteenth century, had included in the term "pure shudra" the well-known designations of Kayasth, Koiri, Kurmi, Kahar, Goala, Dhanuk (archers, cultivators, palanquin bearers), Halwai (sweets vendor), Mali (flower gardener), Barai (cultivator and vendor of betel-leaf), Sonar (goldsmith), Kandu (grain parcher), and Gareri (blanket weavers and shepherds)[108].108. Buchanan, Bihar and Patna, 1811–1812, 1:329–39; Martin, Eastern India, 2:466–70
  45. ↑ Jassal, Smita Tewari (2001). Daughters of the Earth: Women and Land in Uttar Pradesh. Manohar. p. 71,53. ISBN 8173043752. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
  46. ↑ 46.0 46.1 kunnath, George (2018). Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution ... New york: Taylor and Francis group. p. 209,210. ISBN 978-1-138-09955-5. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
  47. ↑ Gould, William (2004). Hindu nationalism and the language of politics in late colonial India. Cambridge University Press. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-521-83061-4. Retrieved 4 October 2011.
  48. ↑ Kumar, Ashwani (2008). Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar. Anthem Press. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-84331-709-8.
  49. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India (Reprinted ed.). C. Hurst & Co. pp. 197–198. ISBN 978-1-85065-670-8.
  50. ↑ Kumar, Ashwani (2008). Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar. Anthem Press. p. 44. ISBN 978-1-84331-709-8.
  51. ↑ Kumar, Sanjay (5 June 2018). Post mandal politics in Bihar:Changing electoral patterns. SAGE Publication. ISBN 978-93-528-0585-3.
  52. ↑ Political Science Association, Delhi University (1981). Teaching Politics, Volume 6 - Volume 7, Issue 4. Delhi University Political Science Association(Original from the University of Michigan). Retrieved 22 June 2020. In 1969 , Bindeshwar Prasad Mandal , a rich landlord Yadav of Saharsa district in manipulating some M . L . A ' s to defect from U . F . Parties to cause the fall of Mahamaya Ministry , asked Satish Prasad Singh a lesser known Koeri leader to head the ministry for a day to facilitate his nomination in the Council.
  53. ↑ Bijender Kumar Sharma (1989). Political Instability in India. Mittal Publications. pp. 49–. ISBN 978-81-7099-184-7. Retrieved 10 April 2018.
  54. ↑ Thakur, Baleshwar (2007). City, Society, and Planning: Society. University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers: Concept Publishing Company. p. 397 ,398. ISBN 978-8180694608. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
  55. ↑ Thakur, Baleshwar (2007). City, Society, and Planning: Society. University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers: Concept Publishing Company. ISBN 978-8180694608. Retrieved 16 June 2020. While Samta with its leader Nitish is considered to be the party of Koeri-Kurmi, Bihar people's party led by Anand Mohan is perceived to be a party having sympathy and support of Rajputs.
  56. ↑ Shah, Ghanshyam (2004). Caste and Democratic Politics in India. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 8178240955. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
  57. ↑ Wallace, Paul (2015). India's 2014 Elections: A Modi-led BJP Sweep. India: SAGE Publications. p. 127,129. ISBN 978-9351505174. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
  58. ↑ KAUSHIKA, PRAGYA. "Upendra Kushwaha's exit could undo BJP's carefully planned Bihar caste coalition". theprint.in. Retrieved 28 May 2020.
  59. ↑ Ramesh, P. R. (15 October 2015). "The Liberation Struggle of Bihar". Open Magazine. Retrieved 30 April 2020. The real migraine for the JD-U led alliance is the emergence of strong leaders within the NDA who command Kushwaha loyalties as effectively as Ashok Mahto once did for the fight against Bhumihars in the past. Rocking the Grand Alliance's prospects are Kushwaha leaders such as Upendra Kushwaha, Shakuni Chaudhury and Mahendra Singh.

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