Social stratification: Difference between revisions
→Ethnicity: Fixed typo
m (robot: Update article (please report if you notice any mistake or error in this edit)) |
(→Ethnicity: Fixed typo) |
||
Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
{{Short description|Concept in sociology}} | {{Short description|Concept in sociology}} | ||
[[File:Spirit of Chartwell Kate and William.jpg|alt=Social stratification. | [[File:Spirit of Chartwell Kate and William.jpg|alt=Social stratification. The British royal family aboard the royal barge during the 2012 Diamond Jubilee celebrations for Queen Elizabeth II. Social stratification is physicalised in the distance between the royals on the boat and public on the River Thames' bank. |thumb|350x350px|'''Social stratification'''. [[Prince William, Duke of Cambridge|Prince William]] and [[Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge]], aboard the royal barge during the [[Diamond Jubilee of Elizabeth II|2012 Diamond Jubilee]] celebrations for [[Elizabeth II|Queen Elizabeth II]]. Social stratification can be illustrated in the distance between the royals on the boat, the military by their side, and the public on the [[River Thames]]' bank. ]] | ||
{{sociology}} | {{sociology}} | ||
'''Social stratification''' refers to a society's [[categorization]] of its [[people]] into groups based on [[Socioeconomic status|socioeconomic]] factors like [[wealth]], [[income]], [[Race (human categorization)|race]], [[education]], [[ethnicity]], [[gender]], [[Job|occupation]], [[social status]], or derived [[Power (social and political)|power]] (social and political). As such, stratification is the relative social position of persons within a social group, category, geographic region, or [[social unit]].<ref>{{cite web |url=https://courses.lumenlearning.com/sociology/chapter/what-is-social-stratification/|title=What Is Social Stratification?|access-date=March | '''Social stratification''' refers to a society's [[categorization]] of its [[people]] into groups based on [[Socioeconomic status|socioeconomic]] factors like [[wealth]], [[income]], [[Race (human categorization)|race]], [[education]], [[ethnicity]], [[gender]], [[Job|occupation]], [[social status]], or derived [[Power (social and political)|power]] (social and political). As such, stratification is the relative social position of persons within a social group, category, geographic region, or [[social unit]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://courses.lumenlearning.com/sociology/chapter/what-is-social-stratification/|title=What Is Social Stratification?|access-date=11 March 2021|archive-date=4 March 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210304215139/https://courses.lumenlearning.com/sociology/chapter/what-is-social-stratification/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Sociology/Book%3A_Sociology_(Barkan)/06%3A_Social_Stratification/6.0S%3A_6.S%3A__Social_Stratification_(Summary)|title=6.S: Social Stratification (Summary)|date=13 December 2016|access-date=11 March 2021|archive-date=12 December 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191212061534/https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Sociology/Book%3A_Sociology_(Barkan)/06%3A_Social_Stratification/6.0S%3A_6.S%3A__Social_Stratification_(Summary)|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.thoughtco.com/what-is-social-stratification-3026643|title=What Is Social Stratification, and Why Does It Matter?|access-date=11 March 2021|archive-date=16 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210416220134/https://www.thoughtco.com/what-is-social-stratification-3026643|url-status=live}}</ref> | ||
In modern [[Western world|Western societies]], social stratification is typically defined in terms of three [[social class]]es: the [[upper class]], the [[middle class]], and the [[Working class|lower class]]; in turn, each class can be subdivided into the upper-stratum, the middle-stratum, and the lower stratum.<ref name="Saunders1990">{{cite book | author-link=Peter Robert Saunders | url=https://archive.org/details/socialclassstrat0000saun | url-access=registration | title=Social Class and Stratification | publisher=Routledge | last=Saunders | first=Peter | year=1990 | isbn=978-0-415-04125-6}}</ref> Moreover, a social stratum can be formed upon the bases of [[kinship]], [[clan]], [[tribe]], or [[caste]], or all four. | In modern [[Western world|Western societies]], social stratification is typically defined in terms of three [[social class]]es: the [[upper class]], the [[middle class]], and the [[Working class|lower class]]; in turn, each class can be subdivided into the upper-stratum, the middle-stratum, and the lower stratum.<ref name="Saunders1990">{{cite book | author-link=Peter Robert Saunders | url=https://archive.org/details/socialclassstrat0000saun | url-access=registration | title=Social Class and Stratification | publisher=Routledge | last=Saunders | first=Peter | year=1990 | isbn=978-0-415-04125-6}}</ref> Moreover, a social stratum can be formed upon the bases of [[kinship]], [[clan]], [[tribe]], or [[caste]], or all four. | ||
The categorization of people by social stratum occurs most clearly in complex [[State (polity)|state-based]], [[Polycentric law|polycentric]], or [[feudal]] societies, the latter being based upon socio-economic relations among classes of [[nobility]] and classes of [[peasant]]s. | The categorization of people by social stratum occurs most clearly in complex [[State (polity)|state-based]], [[Polycentric law|polycentric]], or [[feudal]] societies, the latter being based upon socio-economic relations among classes of [[nobility]] and classes of [[peasant]]s. Whether social stratification first appeared in [[hunter-gatherer]], [[tribal]], and [[band society|band]] societies or whether it began with [[agriculture]] and large-scale means of [[Social exchange theory|social exchange]] remains a matter of debate in the [[social sciences]].<ref>{{cite journal | url=http://worldhistoryconnected.press.illinois.edu/1.2/toye.html | title=The Emergence of Complex Societies: A Comparative Approach | author=Toye, David L. | journal=World History Connected | date=May 2004 | volume=11 | issue=2 | access-date=2014-06-27 | archive-date=2014-06-27 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140627102501/http://worldhistoryconnected.press.illinois.edu/1.2/toye.html | url-status=live }}</ref> Determining the structures of social stratification arises from inequalities of status among persons, therefore, the degree of [[social inequality]] determines a person's social stratum. Generally, the greater the [[social complexity]] of a society, the more social stratification exists, by way of [[Differentiation (sociology)|social differentiation]].<ref name="Grusky2011a">{{cite encyclopedia | url=http://www.sociologyencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?id=g9781405124331_yr2011_chunk_g978140512433125_ss1-273#citation | title=Theories of Stratification and Inequality | encyclopedia=The Concise Encyclopedia of Sociology | publisher=Wiley-Blackwell. | access-date=23 June 2014 | author=Grusky, David B. | editor=Ritzer, George and J. Michael Ryan | year=2011 | pages=622–624 | doi=10.1002/9781405165518 | isbn=978-1405124331 | archive-date=1 September 2016 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160901104430/http://www.sociologyencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?id=g9781405124331_yr2011_chunk_g978140512433125_ss1-273#citation | url-status=live }}</ref> | ||
Stratification can yield various consequences. For instance, the stratification of neighborhoods based on spatial and racial factors can influence disparate access to mortgage credit.<ref>{{Cite journal |url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ruso.12485 |doi=10.1111/ruso.12485 |access-date=2023-04-16 |archive-date=2023-04-16 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230416003222/https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ruso.12485 |url-status=live |title=Differential Access in Mortgage Credit: The Role of Neighborhood Spatial and Racial Stratification |year=2023 |last1=Loya |first1=Jose |journal=Rural Sociology |volume=88 |issue=2 |pages=546–577 |s2cid=257658592 }}</ref> | |||
==Overview== | ==Overview== | ||
Line 12: | Line 14: | ||
===Definition and usage=== | ===Definition and usage=== | ||
“Social stratification” is a | “Social stratification” is a concept used in the social sciences to describe the relative social position of persons in a given [[social group]], [[categorization|category]], geographical region or other [[social unit]]. It derives from the [[Latin]] ''strātum'' (plural '; parallel, horizontal layers) referring to a given society's categorization of its people into rankings of [[Socioeconomic status|socioeconomic]] tiers based on factors like [[wealth]], [[income]], [[social status]], [[job|occupation]] and [[Power (social and political)|power]]. In modern [[Western culture|Western societies]], stratification is often broadly classified into three major divisions of [[social class]]: [[upper class]], [[middle class]], and [[Working class|lower class]]. Each of these classes can be further subdivided into smaller classes (e.g. "upper middle").<ref name="Saunders1990" /> Social may also be delineated on the basis of [[kinship|kinship ties]] or [[caste]] relations. | ||
The concept of social stratification is often used and interpreted differently within specific theories. In [[sociology]], for example, proponents of [[Action theory (sociology)|action theory]] have suggested that social stratification is commonly found in [[Development theory|developed]] societies, wherein a [[dominance hierarchy]] may be necessary in order to maintain [[social order]] and provide a stable [[social structure]]. [[Conflict theory|Conflict theories]], such as [[Marxism]], point to the inaccessibility of resources and lack of [[social mobility]] found in stratified societies. Many sociological theorists have criticized the fact that the [[working classes]] are often unlikely to advance socioeconomically while the [[Wealth#The upper class|wealthy]] tend to hold political power which they use to [[Exploitation of labour|exploit]] the [[proletariat]] (laboring class). [[Talcott Parsons]], an American sociologist, asserted that stability and social order are regulated, in part, by [[universal value]]s. Such values are not identical with "consensus" but can indeed be an impetus for social conflict, as has been the case multiple times through history. Parsons never claimed that universal values, in and by themselves, "satisfied" the [[functional prerequisites]] of a society. Indeed, the constitution of society represents a much more complicated codification of emerging historical factors. Theorists such as [[Ralf Dahrendorf]] alternately note the tendency toward an enlarged middle-class in modern Western societies due to the necessity of an educated workforce in technological economies. Various social and political perspectives concerning [[globalization]], such as [[dependency theory]], suggest that these effects are due to changes in the status of workers to the [[third world]]. | The concept of social stratification is often used and interpreted differently within specific theories. In [[sociology]], for example, proponents of [[Action theory (sociology)|action theory]] have suggested that social stratification is commonly found in [[Development theory|developed]] societies, wherein a [[dominance hierarchy]] may be necessary in order to maintain [[social order]] and provide a stable [[social structure]]. [[Conflict theory|Conflict theories]], such as [[Marxism]], point to the inaccessibility of resources and lack of [[social mobility]] found in stratified societies. Many sociological theorists have criticized the fact that the [[working classes]] are often unlikely to advance socioeconomically while the [[Wealth#The upper class|wealthy]] tend to hold political power which they use to [[Exploitation of labour|exploit]] the [[proletariat]] (laboring class). [[Talcott Parsons]], an American sociologist, asserted that stability and social order are regulated, in part, by [[universal value]]s. Such values are not identical with "consensus" but can indeed be an impetus for social conflict, as has been the case multiple times through history. Parsons never claimed that universal values, in and by themselves, "satisfied" the [[functional prerequisites]] of a society. Indeed, the constitution of society represents a much more complicated codification of emerging historical factors. Theorists such as [[Ralf Dahrendorf]] alternately note the tendency toward an enlarged middle-class in modern Western societies due to the necessity of an educated workforce in technological economies. Various social and political perspectives concerning [[globalization]], such as [[dependency theory]], suggest that these effects are due to changes in the status of workers to the [[third world]]. | ||
Line 23: | Line 25: | ||
===Social mobility=== | ===Social mobility=== | ||
Social mobility is the movement of individuals, social groups or categories of people between the layers or within a stratification system. This movement can be intragenerational or intergenerational. Such mobility is sometimes used to classify different systems of social stratification. [[Open system (systems theory)|Open]] stratification systems are those that allow for mobility between, typically by placing value on the [[achieved status]] characteristics of individuals. Those societies having the highest levels of intragenerational mobility are considered to be the most open and malleable systems of stratification.<ref name="Grusky2011a" /> Those systems in which there is little to no mobility, even on an intergenerational basis, are considered closed stratification systems. For example, in caste systems, all aspects of social status are [[Ascribed status|ascribed]], such that one's social position at birth persists throughout one's lifetime.<ref name="Grusky1992" /> | [[File:20220801 Economic stratification - cross-class friendships - bar chart.svg|thumb| upright=1.5| Data shows substantial social segregation correlating with economic income groups.<ref name=EconomicStratification/> However, social connectedness to people of higher income levels is a strong predictor of upward income mobility.<ref name=EconomicStratification>Data from {{cite journal |last1=Chetty |first1=Raj |last2=Jackson |first2=Matthew O. |last3=Kuchler |first3=Theresa |last4=Stroebel |first4=Johannes |last5=Hendren |first5=Nathaniel |last6=Fluegge |first6=Robert B. |last7=Gong |first7=Sara |last8=Gonzalez |first8=Frederico |last9=Grondin |first9=Armelle |last10=Jacob |first10=Matthew |display-authors=4 |title=Social capital I: measurement and associations with economic mobility |journal=Nature |date=1 August 2022 |volume=608 |issue=7921 |pages=108–121 |doi=10.1038/s41586-022-04996-4 |pmid=35915342 |pmc=9352590 |bibcode=2022Natur.608..108C }} Charted in {{cite news |last1=Leonhardt |first1=David |title='Friending Bias' / A large new study offers clues about how lower-income children can rise up the economic ladder. |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/01/briefing/economic-ladder-rich-poor-americans.html |newspaper=The New York Times |date=1 August 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220801104004/https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/01/briefing/economic-ladder-rich-poor-americans.html |archive-date=1 August 2022 |url-status=live }}</ref>]] | ||
[[Social mobility]] is the movement of individuals, social groups or categories of people between the layers or within a stratification system. This movement can be intragenerational or intergenerational. Such mobility is sometimes used to classify different systems of social stratification. [[Open system (systems theory)|Open]] stratification systems are those that allow for mobility between, typically by placing value on the [[achieved status]] characteristics of individuals. Those societies having the highest levels of intragenerational mobility are considered to be the most open and malleable systems of stratification.<ref name="Grusky2011a" /> Those systems in which there is little to no mobility, even on an intergenerational basis, are considered closed stratification systems. For example, in caste systems, all aspects of social status are [[Ascribed status|ascribed]], such that one's social position at birth persists throughout one's lifetime.<ref name="Grusky1992" /> | |||
====Karl Marx==== | ====Karl Marx==== | ||
Line 30: | Line 33: | ||
In Marxist theory, the modern [[mode of production]] consists of two main economic parts: the base and the superstructure. The base encompasses the [[relations of production]]: employer–employee work conditions, the technical [[division of labour]], and property relations. Social class, according to [[Marx]], is determined by one's relationship to the means of production. There exist at least two classes in any class-based society: the owners of the means of production and those who sell their labor to the owners of the means of production. At times, Marx almost hints that the ruling classes seem to own the working class itself as they only have their own [[labor power]] ('[[wage labor]]') to offer the more powerful in order to survive. These relations fundamentally determine the ideas and philosophies of a society and additional classes may form as part of the superstructure. Through the ideology of the ruling class—throughout much of history, the land-owning [[aristocracy]]—[[false consciousness]] is promoted both through political and non-political institutions but also through the [[arts]] and other elements of [[culture]]. When the aristocracy falls, the [[bourgeoisie]] become the owners of the means of production in the capitalist system. Marx predicted the [[capitalist]] mode would eventually give way, through its own internal conflict, to revolutionary consciousness and the development of more egalitarian, more [[communist]] societies. | In Marxist theory, the modern [[mode of production]] consists of two main economic parts: the base and the superstructure. The base encompasses the [[relations of production]]: employer–employee work conditions, the technical [[division of labour]], and property relations. Social class, according to [[Marx]], is determined by one's relationship to the means of production. There exist at least two classes in any class-based society: the owners of the means of production and those who sell their labor to the owners of the means of production. At times, Marx almost hints that the ruling classes seem to own the working class itself as they only have their own [[labor power]] ('[[wage labor]]') to offer the more powerful in order to survive. These relations fundamentally determine the ideas and philosophies of a society and additional classes may form as part of the superstructure. Through the ideology of the ruling class—throughout much of history, the land-owning [[aristocracy]]—[[false consciousness]] is promoted both through political and non-political institutions but also through the [[arts]] and other elements of [[culture]]. When the aristocracy falls, the [[bourgeoisie]] become the owners of the means of production in the capitalist system. Marx predicted the [[capitalist]] mode would eventually give way, through its own internal conflict, to revolutionary consciousness and the development of more egalitarian, more [[communist]] societies. | ||
Marx also described two other classes, the petite [[bourgeoisie]] and the [[lumpenproletariat]]. The petite bourgeoisie is like a small business class that never really accumulates enough profit to become part of the bourgeoisie, or even challenge their status. The lumpenproletariat is the [[underclass]], those with little to no social status. This includes prostitutes, beggars, the [[Homelessness|homeless]] or other [[Untouchability|untouchables]] in a given society. Neither of these subclasses has much influence in Marx's two major classes, but it is helpful to know that Marx did recognize differences within the classes.<ref>Doob, Christopher. ''Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society'' (1st ed.), Pearson Education, 2012, {{ISBN|0-205-79241-3}}</ref> | Marx also described two other classes, the petite [[bourgeoisie]] and the [[lumpenproletariat]]. The petite bourgeoisie is like a small business class that never really accumulates enough profit to become part of the bourgeoisie, or even challenge their status. The lumpenproletariat is the [[underclass]], those with little to no social status. This includes prostitutes, street gangs, beggars, the [[Homelessness|homeless]] or other [[Untouchability|untouchables]] in a given society. Neither of these subclasses has much influence in Marx's two major classes, but it is helpful to know that Marx did recognize differences within the classes.<ref>Doob, Christopher. ''Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society'' (1st ed.), Pearson Education, 2012, {{ISBN|0-205-79241-3}}</ref> | ||
According to [[Marvin Harris]]<ref>{{cite book | last=Harris | first=Marvin | author-link=Marvin Harris | year=1967 | title=The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A History of Theories of Culture | publisher=Routledge | isbn=0-7591-0133-7 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TlgVAAAAIAAJ}}</ref> and [[Tim Ingold]],<ref name="Ingold, Tim 2006 p. 400">Ingold, Tim (2006) "On the social relations of the hunter-gatherer band," in [[Richard Borshay Lee|Richard B. Lee]] and Richard H. Daly (eds.), ''The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers,'' p. 400. New York: Cambridge University Press. {{ISBN|0-521-60919-4}}</ref> [[Lewis Henry Morgan]]'s accounts of egalitarian hunter-gatherers formed part of Karl Marx' and [[Friedrich Engels]]' inspiration for [[communism]]. Morgan spoke of a situation in which people living in the same community pooled their efforts and shared the rewards of those efforts fairly equally. He called this "communism in living." But when Marx expanded on these ideas, he still emphasized an economically oriented culture, with [[property]] defining the fundamental relationships between people.<ref>Barnard, Alan (2006) "Images of hunters and gatherers in European social thought," in [[Richard Borshay Lee|Richard B. Lee]] and Richard H. Daly (eds.), ''The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers,'' p. 379. New York: Cambridge University Press. {{ISBN|0-521-60919-4}}</ref> Yet, issues of [[ownership]] and property are arguably less emphasized in hunter-gatherer societies.<ref name="Gowdy2006">{{cite encyclopedia | isbn=0-521-60919-4 | title=Hunter-gatherers and the mythology of the market | encyclopedia=The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers | publisher=Cambridge University Press | author=Gowdy, John | editor=Lee, Richard B. and Richard H. Daly | year=2006 | pages=391–393}}</ref> This, combined with the very different social and economic situations of hunter-gatherers may account for many of the difficulties encountered when implementing communism in industrialized states. As Ingold points out: "The notion of communism, removed from the context of domesticity and harnessed to support a project of social engineering for large-scale, industrialized states with populations of millions, eventually came to mean something quite different from what Morgan had intended: namely, a principle of redistribution that would override all ties of a personal or familial nature, and cancel out their effects."<ref name="Ingold, Tim 2006 p. 400"/> | According to [[Marvin Harris]]<ref>{{cite book | last=Harris | first=Marvin | author-link=Marvin Harris | year=1967 | title=The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A History of Theories of Culture | publisher=Routledge | isbn=0-7591-0133-7 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TlgVAAAAIAAJ}}</ref> and [[Tim Ingold]],<ref name="Ingold, Tim 2006 p. 400">Ingold, Tim (2006) "On the social relations of the hunter-gatherer band," in [[Richard Borshay Lee|Richard B. Lee]] and Richard H. Daly (eds.), ''The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers,'' p. 400. New York: Cambridge University Press. {{ISBN|0-521-60919-4}}</ref> [[Lewis Henry Morgan]]'s accounts of egalitarian hunter-gatherers formed part of Karl Marx' and [[Friedrich Engels]]' inspiration for [[communism]]. Morgan spoke of a situation in which people living in the same community pooled their efforts and shared the rewards of those efforts fairly equally. He called this "communism in living." But when Marx expanded on these ideas, he still emphasized an economically oriented culture, with [[property]] defining the fundamental relationships between people.<ref>Barnard, Alan (2006) "Images of hunters and gatherers in European social thought," in [[Richard Borshay Lee|Richard B. Lee]] and Richard H. Daly (eds.), ''The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers,'' p. 379. New York: Cambridge University Press. {{ISBN|0-521-60919-4}}</ref> Yet, issues of [[ownership]] and property are arguably less emphasized in hunter-gatherer societies.<ref name="Gowdy2006">{{cite encyclopedia | isbn=0-521-60919-4 | title=Hunter-gatherers and the mythology of the market | encyclopedia=The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers | publisher=Cambridge University Press | author=Gowdy, John | editor=Lee, Richard B. and Richard H. Daly | year=2006 | pages=391–393}}</ref> This, combined with the very different social and economic situations of hunter-gatherers may account for many of the difficulties encountered when implementing communism in industrialized states. As Ingold points out: "The notion of communism, removed from the context of domesticity and harnessed to support a project of social engineering for large-scale, industrialized states with populations of millions, eventually came to mean something quite different from what Morgan had intended: namely, a principle of redistribution that would override all ties of a personal or familial nature, and cancel out their effects."<ref name="Ingold, Tim 2006 p. 400"/> | ||
The counter-argument to Marxist's conflict theory is the theory of structural functionalism, argued by [[Kingsley Davis]] and [[Wilbert E. Moore|Wilbert Moore]], which states that social inequality places a vital role in the smooth operation of a society. The [[Davis–Moore hypothesis]] argues that a position does not bring power and prestige because it draws a high income; rather, it draws a high income because it is functionally important and the available personnel is for one reason or another scarce. Most high-income jobs are difficult and require a high level of education to perform, and their compensation is a motivator in society for people to strive to achieve more.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = Some Principles of Stratification|jstor = 2085643|journal = American Sociological Review|date = 1945 | The counter-argument to Marxist's conflict theory is the theory of structural functionalism, argued by [[Kingsley Davis]] and [[Wilbert E. Moore|Wilbert Moore]], which states that social inequality places a vital role in the smooth operation of a society. The [[Davis–Moore hypothesis]] argues that a position does not bring power and prestige because it draws a high income; rather, it draws a high income because it is functionally important and the available personnel is for one reason or another scarce. Most high-income jobs are difficult and require a high level of education to perform, and their compensation is a motivator in society for people to strive to achieve more.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = Some Principles of Stratification|jstor = 2085643|journal = American Sociological Review|date = 1 April 1945|pages = 242–249|volume = 10|issue = 2|doi = 10.2307/2085643|first1 = Kingsley|last1 = Davis|first2 = Wilbert E.|last2 = Moore}}</ref> | ||
====Max Weber==== | ====Max Weber==== | ||
Line 55: | Line 58: | ||
{{Main|Elite theory}} | {{Main|Elite theory}} | ||
[[C. Wright Mills]], drawing from the theories of [[Vilfredo Pareto]] and [[Gaetano Mosca]], contends that the imbalance of power in society derives from the complete absence of countervailing powers against corporate leaders of the [[power elite]].<ref name="Doob">{{cite book | title=Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society | publisher=Pearson Education Inc. | last=Doob | first=Christopher | year=2013 | location=Upper Saddle River, New Jersey | page=38 | isbn=978-0-205-79241-2}}</ref><ref name="Mills1956">{{cite book | title=The Power Elite | url=https://archive.org/details/powerelite000mill | url-access=registration | publisher=Oxford University Press | last=Mills | first=Charles W. | year=1956 | location=London}}</ref> | [[C. Wright Mills]], drawing from the theories of [[Vilfredo Pareto]] and [[Gaetano Mosca]], contends that the imbalance of power in society derives from the complete absence of countervailing powers against corporate leaders of the [[power elite]].<ref name="Doob">{{cite book | title=Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society | publisher=Pearson Education Inc. | last=Doob | first=Christopher | year=2013 | location=Upper Saddle River, New Jersey | page=38 | isbn=978-0-205-79241-2}}</ref><ref name="Mills1956">{{cite book | title=The Power Elite | url=https://archive.org/details/powerelite000mill | url-access=registration | publisher=Oxford University Press | last=Mills | first=Charles W. | year=1956 | location=London}}</ref> Mills both incorporated and revised [[Marxism|Marxist]] ideas. While he shared [[Karl Marx|Marx's]] recognition of a dominant wealthy and powerful class, Mills believed that the source for that power lay not only in the economic realm but also in the political and military arenas.<ref name="Doob" /> During the 1950s, Mills stated that hardly anyone knew about the power elite's existence, some individuals (including the elite themselves) denied the idea of such a group, and other people vaguely believed that a small formation of a powerful elite existed.<ref name="Doob" /> "Some prominent individuals knew that [[Congress of the United States|Congress]] had permitted a handful of political leaders to make critical decisions about peace and war; and that two [[atomic bomb]]s had been dropped on Japan in the name of the United States, but neither they nor anyone they knew had been consulted."<ref name="Doob" /> | ||
Mills explains that the power elite embody a privileged class whose members are able to recognize their high position within society.<ref name="Doob" /> In order to maintain their highly exalted position within society, members of the power elite tend to marry one another, understand and accept one another, and also work together.<ref name="Doob" /><ref name="Mills1956" /><sup>[pp. 4–5]</sup> The most crucial aspect of the power elite's existence lays within the core of education.<ref name="Doob" /> "Youthful upper-class members attend prominent preparatory schools, which not only open doors to such elite universities as [[Harvard University|Harvard]], [[Yale University|Yale]], and [[Princeton University|Princeton]] but also to the universities' highly exclusive clubs. These memberships in turn pave the way to the prominent social clubs located in all major cities and serving as sites for important business contacts."<ref name="Doob" /><ref name="Mills1956" /><sup>[p. 63–67]</sup> Examples of elite members who attended prestigious universities and were members of highly exclusive clubs can be seen in [[George W. Bush]] and [[John Kerry]]. Both Bush and Kerry were members of the [[Skull and Bones]] club while attending Yale University.<ref name="Leung">{{cite news|last=Leung|first=Rebecca|title=Skull and Bones|url=http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-18560_162-576332.html|work=[[Frontline (U.S. TV series)|Frontline]] ([[CBS]]) (accessed 12 March 2012)|access-date=4 December 2012|archive-date=7 October 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121007154453/http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-18560_162-576332.html|url-status=live}}</ref> This club includes members of some of the most powerful men of the twentieth century, all of which are forbidden to tell others about the secrets of their exclusive club. Throughout the years, the Skull and Bones club has included [[Presidents of the United States|presidents]], cabinet officers, Supreme Court justices, spies, captains of industry, and often their sons and daughters join the exclusive club, creating a social and political network like none ever seen before.<ref name="Leung"/> | |||
The upper class individuals who receive elite educations typically have the essential background and contacts to enter into the three branches of the power elite: The political leadership, the military circle, and the corporate elite.<ref name="Doob" /> | The upper class individuals who receive elite educations typically have the essential background and contacts to enter into the three branches of the power elite: The political leadership, the military circle, and the corporate elite.<ref name="Doob" /> | ||
Line 81: | Line 84: | ||
==Variables in theory and research== | ==Variables in theory and research== | ||
The social status variables underlying social stratification are based in social perceptions and [[Social attitude|attitudes]] about various characteristics of persons and peoples. While many such variables cut across time and place, the relative [[Statistical weight|weight]] placed on each variable and specific combinations of these variables will differ from place to place over time. One task of research is to identify accurate [[mathematical model]]s that explain how these many variables combine to produce stratification in a given society. Grusky (2011) provides a good overview of the historical development of sociological theories of social stratification and a summary of contemporary theories and research in this field.<ref name="Grusky2011b">{{cite book | url= | The social status variables underlying social stratification are based in social perceptions and [[Social attitude|attitudes]] about various characteristics of persons and peoples. While many such variables cut across time and place, the relative [[Statistical weight|weight]] placed on each variable and specific combinations of these variables will differ from place to place over time. One task of research is to identify accurate [[mathematical model]]s that explain how these many variables combine to produce stratification in a given society. Grusky (2011) provides a good overview of the historical development of sociological theories of social stratification and a summary of contemporary theories and research in this field.<ref name="Grusky2011b">{{cite book | url=http://inequality.stanford.edu/grusky/article_files/past_present_future_social_inequality.pdf | title="The Past, Present and Future of Social Inequality." In Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective | publisher=Westview Press | author=Grusky, David B | year=2011 | location=Boulder | pages=3–51| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161008111100/http://inequality.stanford.edu/grusky/article_files/past_present_future_social_inequality.pdf | archive-date=2016-10-08 | edition=Second }}</ref> While many of the variables that contribute to an understanding of social stratification have long been identified, models of these variables and their role in constituting social stratification are still an active topic of theory and research. In general, sociologists recognize that there are no "pure" economic variables, as social factors are integral to economic value. However, the variables posited to affect social stratification can be loosely divided into economic and other social factors. | ||
===Economic=== | ===Economic=== | ||
Line 93: | Line 96: | ||
Social variables, both quantitative and [[qualitative research|qualitative]], typically provide the most explanatory power in [[Causality|causal]] research regarding social stratification, either as [[Independent variable#Independent variable|independent]] variables or as [[intervening variable]]s. Three important social variables include [[gender roles|gender]], [[Race (human classification)|race]], and [[ethnicity]], which, at the least, have an intervening effect on social status and stratification in most places throughout the world.<ref name="Hill1998">{{cite book | title="Toward a new vision: race, class and gender as categories of analysis and connection" in Social Class and Stratification: Classic Statements and Theoretical Debates | publisher=Rowman & Littlefield | author=Collins, Patricia Hill | year=1998 | location=Boston | pages=231–247}}</ref> Additional variables include those that describe other ascribed and achieved characteristics such as [[Job (role)|occupation]] and [[skill]] levels, [[Ageing|age]], [[education]] level, education level of parents, and [[Geography|geographic]] area. Some of these variables may have both causal and intervening effects on social status and stratification. For example, absolute age may cause a low income if one is too young or too old to perform productive work. The social perception of age and its role in the workplace, which may lead to [[ageism]], typically has an intervening effect on [[employment]] and income. | Social variables, both quantitative and [[qualitative research|qualitative]], typically provide the most explanatory power in [[Causality|causal]] research regarding social stratification, either as [[Independent variable#Independent variable|independent]] variables or as [[intervening variable]]s. Three important social variables include [[gender roles|gender]], [[Race (human classification)|race]], and [[ethnicity]], which, at the least, have an intervening effect on social status and stratification in most places throughout the world.<ref name="Hill1998">{{cite book | title="Toward a new vision: race, class and gender as categories of analysis and connection" in Social Class and Stratification: Classic Statements and Theoretical Debates | publisher=Rowman & Littlefield | author=Collins, Patricia Hill | year=1998 | location=Boston | pages=231–247}}</ref> Additional variables include those that describe other ascribed and achieved characteristics such as [[Job (role)|occupation]] and [[skill]] levels, [[Ageing|age]], [[education]] level, education level of parents, and [[Geography|geographic]] area. Some of these variables may have both causal and intervening effects on social status and stratification. For example, absolute age may cause a low income if one is too young or too old to perform productive work. The social perception of age and its role in the workplace, which may lead to [[ageism]], typically has an intervening effect on [[employment]] and income. | ||
Social scientists are sometimes interested in quantifying the degree of economic stratification between different social categories, such as men and women, or workers with different levels of education. An index of stratification has been recently proposed by Zhou for this purpose.<ref name="Zhou2012">{{cite journal|last1=Zhou|first1=Xiang|title=A Nonparametric Index of Stratification|journal=Sociological Methodology|date=2012|volume=42|issue=1|pages=365–389|doi=10.1177/0081175012452207|s2cid=13787241}}</ref> | Social scientists are sometimes interested in quantifying the degree of [[economic stratification]] between different social categories, such as men and women, or workers with different levels of education. An index of stratification has been recently proposed by Zhou for this purpose.<ref name="Zhou2012">{{cite journal|last1=Zhou|first1=Xiang|title=A Nonparametric Index of Stratification|journal=Sociological Methodology|date=2012|volume=42|issue=1|pages=365–389|doi=10.1177/0081175012452207|s2cid=13787241}}</ref> | ||
====Gender==== | ====Gender==== | ||
Line 111: | Line 114: | ||
{{Main|Ethnocentricity}} | {{Main|Ethnocentricity}} | ||
Ethnic prejudice and discrimination operate much the same as do racial prejudice and discrimination in society. In fact, only recently have scholars begun to differentiate race and ethnicity; historically, the two were considered to be identical or closely related. With the scientific development of [[genetics]] and the [[human genome]] as fields of study, most scholars now recognize that [[race (human classification)|race]] is socially defined on the basis of biologically determined characteristics that can be observed within a society while ethnicity is defined on the basis of [[Culture|culturally]] learned behavior. Ethnic identification can include shared cultural heritage such as [[language]] and [[dialect]], [[symbolic system]]s, [[religion]], [[mythology]] and [[cuisine]]. As with race, ethnic categories of persons may be socially defined as minority [[Ethnic groups|categories]] whose members are under-represented in positions of social power. As such, ethnic categories of persons can be subject to the same types of majority policies. Whether ethnicity feeds into a stratification system as a direct, causal factor or as an intervening variable may depend on the level of ethnographic | Ethnic prejudice and discrimination operate much the same as do racial prejudice and discrimination in society. In fact, only recently have scholars begun to differentiate race and ethnicity; historically, the two were considered to be identical or closely related. With the scientific development of [[genetics]] and the [[human genome]] as fields of study, most scholars now recognize that [[race (human classification)|race]] is socially defined on the basis of biologically determined characteristics that can be observed within a society while ethnicity is defined on the basis of [[Culture|culturally]] learned behavior. Ethnic identification can include shared cultural heritage such as [[language]] and [[dialect]], [[symbolic system]]s, [[religion]], [[mythology]] and [[cuisine]]. As with race, ethnic categories of persons may be socially defined as minority [[Ethnic groups|categories]] whose members are under-represented in positions of social power. As such, ethnic categories of persons can be subject to the same types of majority policies. Whether ethnicity feeds into a stratification system as a direct, causal factor or as an intervening variable may depend on the level of ethnographic centrism within each of the various ethnic populations in a society, the amount of conflict over scarce resources, and the relative social power held within each ethnic category.<ref>{{cite journal | title=A Theory of the Origin of Ethnic Stratification | author=Noel, Donald L. | journal=Social Problems |date=Autumn 1968 | volume=16 | issue=2 | pages=157–172 | doi=10.2307/800001 | jstor=800001}}</ref> | ||
===Global stratification=== | |||
{{Main|Modernization theory|World-systems theory|Dependency theory}} | |||
== | [[Globalization|Globalizing]] forces lead to rapid international integration arising from the interchange of [[world view]]s, products, ideas, and other aspects of culture.<ref name=Albrow>Albrow, Martin and Elizabeth King (eds.) (1990). ''Globalization, Knowledge and Society ''London: Sage. {{ISBN|978-0803983243}} p. 8.</ref> Advances in [[transportation]] and [[telecommunication]]s infrastructure, including the rise of the [[telegraph]] and its modern representation the [[Internet]], are major factors in globalization, generating further [[interdependence]] of economic and cultural activities.<ref name=Stever_1972>{{cite journal | last1 = Stever | first1 = H. Guyford | year = 1972 | title = Science, Systems, and Society | journal = Journal of Cybernetics | volume = 2 | issue = 3| pages = 1–3 | doi = 10.1080/01969727208542909 }}</ref> | ||
Like a stratified class system within a nation, looking at the [[world economy]] one can see class positions in the unequal distribution of [[capital (economics)|capital]] and other resources between nations. Rather than having separate national economies, nations are considered as participating in this world economy. The world economy manifests a global [[division of labor]] with three overarching classes: [[core countries]], [[semi-periphery countries]] and [[periphery countries]],<ref>Wallerstein, Immanuel (1974). The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. New York: Academic Press.</ref> according to World-systems and Dependency theories. Core nations primarily own and control the major means of production in the world and perform the higher-level production tasks and provide international financial services. Periphery nations own very little of the world's [[means of production]] (even when factories are located in periphery nations) and provide low to non-skilled labor. Semiperipheral nations are midway between the core and periphery. They tend to be countries moving towards industrialization and more diversified economies.<ref name=PH>Paul Halsall [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/wallerstein.html Modern History Sourcebook: Summary of Wallerstein on World System Theory] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071026020045/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/wallerstein.html |date=2007-10-26 }}, August 1997</ref> | |||
Core nations receive the greatest share of surplus production, and periphery nations receive the least. Furthermore, core nations are usually able to purchase raw materials and other goods from noncore nations at low prices, while demanding higher prices for their exports to noncore nations.<ref>{{cite book | title=Social Change in the Twentieth Century | url=https://archive.org/details/socialchangeintw00chi_ex4 | url-access=registration | publisher=Harcourt Brace Jovanovich | author=Chirot, Daniel | year=1977 | location=New York| isbn=978-0155814202 }}</ref> A [[global workforce]] employed through a system of [[global labor arbitrage]] ensures that companies in core countries can utilize the cheapest semi-and non-skilled labor for production. | |||
Today we have the means to gather and analyze data from economies across the globe. Although many societies worldwide have made great strides toward more equality between differing geographic regions, in terms of the [[standard of living]] and [[life chances]] afforded to their peoples, we still find large gaps between the wealthiest and the poorest within a nation and between the wealthiest and poorest nations of the world.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.prb.org/Publications/Datasheets/2013/2013-world-population-data-sheet.aspx | title=2013 World Population Data Sheet | publisher=Population Research Bureau | date=2013 | access-date=27 June 2014}}</ref> A January 2014 [[Oxfam]] report indicates that the 85 wealthiest individuals in the world have a combined wealth equal to that of the bottom 50% of the world's population, or about 3.5 billion people.<ref>[http://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/pressrelease/2014-01-20/rigged-rules-mean-economic-growth-increasingly-winner-takes-all-for-rich-elites Rigged rules mean economic growth increasingly "winner takes all" for rich elites all over world]. ''[[Oxfam]].'' 20 January 2014.</ref> By contrast, for 2012, the [[World Bank]] reports that 21 percent of people worldwide, around 1.5 billion, live in extreme poverty, at or below $1.25 a day.<ref>{{cite journal | url=http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/isp/publication/inequality-in-focus | title=An Overview of Global Income Inequality Trends |author1=Olinto, Pedro | Today we have the means to gather and analyze data from economies across the globe. Although many societies worldwide have made great strides toward more equality between differing geographic regions, in terms of the [[standard of living]] and [[life chances]] afforded to their peoples, we still find large gaps between the wealthiest and the poorest within a nation and between the wealthiest and poorest nations of the world.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.prb.org/Publications/Datasheets/2013/2013-world-population-data-sheet.aspx | title=2013 World Population Data Sheet | publisher=Population Research Bureau | date=2013 | access-date=27 June 2014 | archive-date=26 June 2014 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140626064130/http://www.prb.org/Publications/Datasheets/2013/2013-world-population-data-sheet.aspx | url-status=dead }}</ref> A January 2014 [[Oxfam]] report indicates that the 85 wealthiest individuals in the world have a combined wealth equal to that of the bottom 50% of the world's population, or about 3.5 billion people.<ref>[http://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/pressrelease/2014-01-20/rigged-rules-mean-economic-growth-increasingly-winner-takes-all-for-rich-elites Rigged rules mean economic growth increasingly "winner takes all" for rich elites all over world] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140803172203/http://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/pressrelease/2014-01-20/rigged-rules-mean-economic-growth-increasingly-winner-takes-all-for-rich-elites |date=2014-08-03 }}. ''[[Oxfam]].'' 20 January 2014.</ref> By contrast, for 2012, the [[World Bank]] reports that 21 percent of people worldwide, around 1.5 billion, live in extreme poverty, at or below $1.25 a day.<ref>{{cite journal | url=http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/isp/publication/inequality-in-focus | title=An Overview of Global Income Inequality Trends | author1=Olinto, Pedro | author2=Jaime Saavedra | name-list-style=amp | journal=Inequalitty in Focus | date=April 2012 | volume=1 | issue=1 | access-date=2014-06-27 | archive-date=2014-09-01 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140901115722/http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/isp/publication/inequality-in-focus | url-status=live }}</ref> Zygmunt Bauman has provocatively observed that the rise of the rich is linked to their capacity to lead highly mobile lives: "Mobility climbs to the rank of the uppermost among coveted values – and the freedom to move, perpetually a scarce and unequally distributed commodity, fast becomes the main stratifying factor of our late modern or postmodern time."<ref>Bauman, Z. (1988) Globalization: The Human Consequences. Cambridge: Polity</ref> | ||
==See also== | ==See also== | ||
Line 155: | Line 160: | ||
{{refbegin}} | {{refbegin}} | ||
* {{cite book | title=Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective | publisher=Westview Press | author=Grusky, David B. | year=2014 | location=Boulder | isbn=978-0813346717| edition=4th }} | * {{cite book | title=Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective | publisher=Westview Press | author=Grusky, David B. | year=2014 | location=Boulder | isbn=978-0813346717| edition=4th }} | ||
* {{cite journal | title=Theoretical models of inequality transmission across multiple generations | author=Solon, Gary | journal=Research in Social Stratification and Mobility |date=March 2014 | * {{cite journal | title=Theoretical models of inequality transmission across multiple generations | author=Solon, Gary | journal=Research in Social Stratification and Mobility | date=March 2014 | volume=35 | pages=13–18 | doi=10.1016/j.rssm.2013.09.005 | s2cid=154287581 | url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w18790.pdf | access-date=2019-09-13 | archive-date=2020-02-27 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200227051013/https://www.nber.org/papers/w18790.pdf | url-status=live }} | ||
{{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
{{Library resources box | {{Library resources box | ||
|by=no | |by=no | ||
Line 167: | Line 171: | ||
{{Social class}} | {{Social class}} | ||
[[Category:Social stratification| ]] | [[Category:Social stratification| ]] | ||
[[Category:Anthropological categories of peoples]] | [[Category:Anthropological categories of peoples]] |