Subhas Chandra Bose: Difference between revisions

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'''Subhas Chandra Bose''' ({{IPAc-en|ʃ|ʊ|b|ˈ|h|ɑː|s|_|ˈ|tʃ|ʌ|n|d|r|ə|_|ˈ|b|oʊ|s|audio=Subhas Chandra Bose name in his own voice.ogg}} {{respell|shuub|HAHSS|_|CHUN|drə|_|BOHSS}};<ref>{{Cite web|last=Bose|first=Subhas Chandra|date=26 June 1943 |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8n9c9qdZoVI |title=Speech of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Tokyo, 1943|publisher=Prasar Bharati Archives}}</ref> 23 January 1897&nbsp;– 18 August 1945) was an [[Indian independence movement|Indian nationalist]] whose defiance of [[British raj|British authority in India]] made him a hero among many Indians, but his wartime alliances with [[Nazi Germany]] and [[Empire of Japan|Imperial Japan]] left a legacy vexed by [[authoritarianism]], [[anti-Semitism]], and [[military incompetence|military failure]]. The honorific '''Netaji''' ([[Hindi]]: "Respected Leader") was first applied to Bose in Germany in early 1942—by the Indian soldiers of the ''[[Indische Legion]]'' and by the German and Indian officials in the [[Special Bureau for India]] in Berlin. It is now used throughout India.{{efn|"Another small, but immediate, issue for the civilians in Berlin and the soldiers in training was how to address Subhas Bose. Vyas has given his view of how the term was adopted: 'one of our [soldier] boys came forward with "Hamare Neta". We improved upon it: "Netaji"...&nbsp;It must be mentioned, that Subhas Bose strongly disapproved of it. He began to yield only when he saw our military group&nbsp;... firmly went on calling him "Netaji"'. (Alexander) Werth also mentioned adoption of 'Netaji' and observed accurately, that it '...&nbsp;combined a sense both of affection and honour&nbsp;...' It was not meant to echo '[[Fuehrer]]' or '[[Duce]]', but to give Subhas Bose a special Indian form of reverence and this term has been universally adopted by Indians everywhere in speaking about him."{{Sfn|Gordon|1990|pp=459–460}}}}

Subhas Bose was born into wealth and privilege in a large [[Bengali people|Bengali]] family in [[Orissa]] during the [[British Raj]]. The early recipient of an Anglocentric education, he was sent after college to England to take the [[Indian Civil Service]] examination. He succeeded with distinction in the vital first exam but demurred at taking the routine final exam, citing nationalism to be a higher calling. Returning to India in 1921, Bose joined the nationalist movement led by [[Mahatma Gandhi]] and the [[Indian National Congress]]. He followed [[Jawaharlal Nehru]] to leadership in a group within the Congress which was less keen on constitutional reform and more open to socialism.{{efn|"Younger Congressmen, including Jawaharlal Nehru, ... thought that constitution-making, whether by the British with their (Simon) Commission or by moderate politicians like the elder (Motilal) Nehru, was not the way to achieve the fundamental changes in society. Nehru and Subhas Bose rallied a group within Congress ... to declare for an independent republic. (p. 305) ... (They) were among those who, impatient with Gandhi's programmes and methods, looked upon socialism as an alternative for nationalistic policies capable of meeting the country's economic and social needs, as well as a link to potential international support (p. 325)."{{sfn|Stein|2010|pp=305,325}}}} Bose became Congress president in 1938. After reelection in 1939, differences arose between him and the Congress leaders, including Gandhi, over the future federation of [[British India]] and [[princely state]]s, but also because discomfort had grown among the Congress leadership over Bose's negotiable attitude to non-violence, and his plans for greater powers for himself.<ref name=matthews-bose-congress>{{citation|last=Matthews|first=Roderick|title=Peace, Poverty, and Betrayal: A New History of British India|location=|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2021|isbn=|lccn=|page=|quote=By this point the Congress leadership was in turmoil after the election of Subhas Chandra Bose as president in 1938. His victory was taken, principally by Bose himself, as proof that Gandhi's star was in decline, and that the Congress could now switch to his personal programme of revolutionary change. He set no store by non-violence and his ideals were pitched a good deal to the left of Gandhi's. His plans also included a large amount of leadership from himself. This autocratic temperament alienated virtually the whole Congress high command, and when he forced himself into the presidency again the next year, the Working Committee revolted. Bose, bitter and broken in health, complained that the 'Rightists' had conspired to bring him down. This was true, but Bose, who seems to have had a talent for misreading situations, seriously overestimated the strength of his support—a significant miscalculation, for it led him to resign in order to create his own faction, the Forward Bloc, modelled on the kind of revolutionary national socialism fashionable across much of Europe at the time.}}</ref> After the large majority of the [[Congress Working Committee]] members resigned in protest,<ref name=haithcox-bose-andINC-oldguard>{{citation|last=Haithcox|first=John Patrick |title=Communism and Nationalism in India: M. N. Roy and Comintern Policy, 1920–1939|location=Princeton, NJ|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=1971|lccn=79120755|isbn=0-691-08722-9|pages=282–283|quote=One of the principal points of dispute between Bose and the Congress high command was the attitude the party should take toward the proposed Indian federation. The 1935 Constitution provided for a union of the princely states with the provinces of British India on a federal basis. This was to take place after a certain number of states had indicated their willingness to join. This part of the constitution never came into effect for it failed to secure the assent of the required number of princes, but nevertheless the question of its acceptance in principle was hotly debated for some time within the party. In opposing federation, Bose spoke for many within the Congress party. He argued that under the terms of the constitution the princes would have one-third of the seats in the lower house although they represented only one-fourth of India's population.  Moreover, they would nominate their own representatives, whereas legislators from British India, the nominees of various political parties, would not be equally united. Consequently, he reasoned, the princes would have a reactionary influence on Indian politics. Following his election for a second term, Bose had charged that some members of the Working Committee were willing to compromise on this issue.  Incensed at this allegation, all but three of the fifteen members of the Working Committee resigned.  The exception was Nehru, Bose himself, and his brother Sarat.  There was no longer any hope for reconciliation between the dissidents and the old guard.}}</ref> Bose resigned as president and was eventually ousted from the party.{{Sfn|Low|2002|p=297}}{{Sfn|Gordon|1990|pp=420–428}}{{Sfn|Low|2002|p=313}}

In April 1941 Bose arrived in Nazi Germany, where the leadership offered unexpected but equivocal sympathy for India's independence.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=65–67}}{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|p=152}} German funds were employed to open a Free India Centre in [[Berlin]]. A 3,000-strong [[Free India Legion]] was recruited from among Indian POWs captured by [[Erwin Rommel]]'s [[Afrika Korps]] to serve under Bose.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|p=76}}{{efn|"Having arrived in Berlin a bruised politician, his broadcasts brought him—and India—world notice.{{sfn|Hayes|2011|p=162}}}} The Germans were unwilling to form an alliance with Bose because they considered him unpopular in comparison with [[Mahatma Gandhi]] and [[Jawaharlal Nehru]].<ref name=visionideas>{{cite book|title=Subhash Chandra Bose: A Biography of His Vision and Ideas|quote=[[Ernst Woermann|Woermann]] recommended the indefinite postponing of any announcement of Bose's presence in Germany and cautioned the Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop that the time had not yet come to recognize Bose's government - in- exile. Woermann specifically feared that any such step would alienate both Gandhi and Nehru, the real leaders of Indian nationalism, and the representatives of the political forces with which Germany would have to deal when her army reached the Khyber Pass.|publisher=Deep & Deep Publications|author=Virender Grover|page=408|year=1998|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0HYwAQAAIAAJ}}</ref>{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=111}} By the spring of 1942, the German army was [[Eastern Front (World War II)#Don, Volga, and Caucasus: Summer 1942|mired in the USSR]]. Bose, due to disappointment over the lack of response from Nazi Germany, was now keen to move to Southeast Asia, where Japan had just won quick victories. However, he still expected official recognition from Nazi Germany.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=87–88}} [[Adolf Hitler]] during his only meeting with Bose in late May 1942 refused to entertain Bose's requests and facilitated him with a submarine voyage to East Asia.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=114–116}}<ref name="Ashis">{{cite book | author=Ashis Ray| title=Laid to Rest: The Controversy over Subhas Chandra Bose's Death | publisher=Roli Books | year=2018 | isbn=978-81-936260-5-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=raohEAAAQBAJ | page=55}}</ref><ref name="Dunphy">{{cite book | author=John J. Dunphy| title=Unsung Heroes of the Dachau Trials: The Investigative Work of the U.S. Army 7708 War Crimes Group, 1945-1947 | publisher=McFarland, Incorporated, Publishers | year=2018 | isbn=978-1-4766-3337-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6tt8DwAAQBAJ |page=116}}</ref> During this time, Bose became a father; his wife,{{sfn|Hayes|2011|p=15}}{{efn|"While writing ''The Indian Struggle'', Bose also hired a secretary by the name of Emilie Schenkl. They eventually fell in love and married secretly in accordance with Hindu rites."{{sfn|Hayes|2011|p=15}}}} or companion,{{sfn|Gordon|1990|pp=344–345}}{{efn|"Although we must take Emilie Schenkl at her word (about her secret marriage to Bose in 1937), there are a few nagging doubts about an actual marriage ceremony because there is no document that I have seen and no testimony by any other person.&nbsp;... Other biographers have written that Bose and Miss Schenkl were married in 1942, while Krishna Bose, implying 1941, leaves the date ambiguous. The strangest and most confusing testimony comes from A. C. N. Nambiar, who was with the couple in Badgastein briefly in 1937, and was with them in Berlin during the war as second-in-command to Bose. In an answer to my question about the marriage, he wrote to me in 1978: 'I cannot state anything definite about the marriage of Bose referred to by you, since I came to know of it only a good while after the end of the last world war&nbsp;... I can imagine the marriage having been a very informal one&nbsp;...'...&nbsp;So what are we left with?&nbsp;... We know they had a close passionate relationship and that they had a child, Anita, born 29 November 1942, in Vienna.&nbsp;... And we have Emilie Schenkl's testimony that they were married secretly in 1937. Whatever the precise dates, the most important thing is the relationship."{{sfn|Gordon|1990|pp=344–345}}}} [[Emilie Schenkl]], gave birth to [[Anita Bose Pfaff|a baby girl]].{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|p=15}}{{efn|"Apart from the Free India Centre, Bose also had another reason to feel satisfied-even comfortable-in Berlin. After months of residing in a hotel, the Foreign Office procured a luxurious residence for him along with a butler, cook, gardener and an SS-chauffeured car. Emilie Schenkl moved in openly with him. The Germans, aware of the nature of their relationship, refrained from any involvement. The following year she gave birth to a daughter.{{sfn|Hayes|2011|p=15}}}}{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=65–67}} Identifying strongly with the [[Axis powers]], Bose boarded a German submarine in February 1943.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=141–143}}{{Sfn|Bose|2005|p=255}} Off Madagascar, he was transferred to a Japanese submarine from which he disembarked in [[Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies|Japanese-held]] [[Sumatra]] in May 1943.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=141–143}}

With Japanese support, Bose revamped the [[Indian National Army]] (INA), which comprised Indian [[Prisoner of war|prisoners of war]] of the [[British Indian army|Indian Army]] who had been captured by the Japanese in the [[Battle of Singapore]].{{sfn|Lebra|2008a|pp=vii–ix, xvi–xvii, 210–212|ps=&nbsp;From the Abstract (pp vii–ix): It (the book) covers the beginnings of the Indian National Army, as part of a Japanese military intelligence operation under Major Iwaichi Fujiwara, ... From the Introduction (pp xvi–xvii): Major Fujiwara brought India to the attention of IGHQ (Imperial General Headquarters, Tokyo) and helped organize the INA. Fujiwara established the initial sincerity and credibility of Japanese aid for the Indian independence struggle. Captain Mohan Singh, a young Sikh POW from the British-Indian cooperated with Fujiwara in the inception of the INA. From pages 210–212: Two events forced India on the attention of IGHQ once hostilities broke out in the Pacific: Japanese military successes in Malaya and Thailand, particularly the capture of Singapore and with it thousands of Indian POWs, and reports by Major Fujiwara of the creation of a revolutionary Indian army eager to fight the British out of India. Fujiwara presided at the birth of the Indian National Army, together with a young Sikh, Captain Mohan Singh. Two generals sent by IGHQ to review Fujiwara's project reported favourably on his proposals to step up intelligence activities through the civilian and military arms of the independence movement.}}{{sfn|Lebra|2008b|p=100|ps=&nbsp; Hot-headed young Bengali radicals broke into the convention hall where Fujiwara, the founder of the INA, was to address the assemblage and shouted abuse at him.}}<ref name=gordon-ijss-ina>{{citation|last=Gordon|first=Leonard|author-link=Leonard A. Gordon|editor=William A. Darity Jr.|year=2008|chapter = Indian National Army|title=International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd Edition, Volume 3|pages=610–611|chapter-url=http://philosociology.com/UPLOADS/_PHILOSOCIOLOGY.ir_INTERNATIONAL%20ENCYCLOPEDIA%20OF%20THE%20SOCIAL%20SCIENCES_Second%20Edition_%20Darity_5760%20pgs.pdf|quote=The Indian National Army (INA) was formed in 1942 by Indian prisoners of war captured by the Japanese in Singapore. It was created with the aid of Japanese forces. Captain Mohan Singh became the INA’s first leader, and Major Iwaichi Fujiwara was the Japanese intelligence officer who brokered the arrangement to create the army, which was to be trained to fight British and other Allied forces in Southeast Asia.}}</ref> A [[Azad Hind|Provisional Government of Free India]] was declared on the [[Japanese occupation of the Andaman Islands|Japanese-occupied]] [[Andaman and Nicobar Islands]] and was nominally presided by Bose.{{Sfn|Low|1993|pp=31–32|ps=&nbsp;But there were others who took a different course, perhaps out of expediency, perhaps in an effort to hold on to their existing gains, perhaps because they could see no end to the Japanese occupation. Thus as early as 1940, the erstwhile Chinese revolutionary and one-time leftist leader, Wang Ching-wei, became premier of a Japanese puppet government in Nanking. A few months later Subhas Bose, who had long been Nehru's rival for the plaudits of the younger Indian nationalists, joined the Axis powers, and in due course formed the Indian National Army to support the Japanese. In the Philippines, Vargas, President Quezon's former secretary, very soon headed up a Philippines Executive Commission to cooperate with the Japanese; in Indonesia both Hatta and Sukarno, now at last released, readily agreed to collaborate with them; while shortly afterwards Ba Maw, prime minister of Burma under the British, agreed to serve as his country's head of state under the Japanese as well. ... As the war turned against them so the Japanese attempted to exploit this situation further. In August 1943 they made Ba Maw prime minister of an allegedly more independent Burma. In October 1943 they established a new Republic of the Philippines under the presidency of yet another Filipino oligarch, José Laurel. In that same month Subhas Bose established under their auspices a Provisional Government of Azad Hind (Free India) }}{{Sfn|Wolpert|2000|p=339}}{{efn|"Tojo turned over all his Indian POWs to Bose's command, and in October 1943 Bose announced the creation of a Provisional Government of Azad ("Free") India, of which he became head of state, prime minister, minister of war, and minister of foreign affairs. Some two million Indians were living in Southeast Asia when the Japanese seized control of that region, and these emigrees were the first "citizens" of that government, founded under the "protection" of Japan and headquartered on the "liberated" Andaman Islands. Bose declared war on the United States and Great Britain the day after his government was established. In January 1944 he moved his provisional capital to Rangoon and started his Indian National Army on their march north to the battle cry of the Meerut mutineers: "Chalo Delhi!"{{Sfn|Wolpert|2000|p=339}}}} Although Bose was unusually driven and charismatic, the Japanese considered him to be militarily unskilled,{{efn|"At the same time that the Japanese appreciated the firmness with which Bose's forces continued to fight, they were endlessly exasperated with him. A number of Japanese officers, even those like [[Iwaichi Fujiwara|Fujiwara]], who were devoted to the Indian cause, saw Bose as a military incompetent as well as an unrealistic and stubborn man who saw only his own needs and problems and could not see the larger picture of the war as the Japanese had to."{{Sfn|Gordon|1990|p=517}}}} and his soldierly effort was short-lived. In late 1944 and early 1945, the Indian Army reversed the Japanese [[Operation U-Go|attack on India]]. Almost half the Japanese forces and the participating INA contingent were killed.{{efn|"Gracey consoled himself that Bose's Indian National Army had also been in action against his Indians and Gurkhas but had been roughly treated and almost annihilated; when the survivors tried to surrender, they tended to fall foul of the Gurkhas' dreaded kukri."{{Sfn|McLynn|2011|pp=295–296}}}}{{efn|Initially, INA troops in the Arakan stayed loyal to the INA and their IJA masters. However, as starvation and defeat began to take their toll, loyalties began to waver, and two companies from the Bose Brigade surrendered en masse to British forces in July 1944.{{sfn|Marston|2014|p=124}}}} The remaining INA was driven down the Malay Peninsula and surrendered with the [[Operation Tiderace|recapture of Singapore]]. Bose chose to escape to Manchuria to seek a future in the [[Soviet Union]] which he believed to have turned anti-British. [[Death of Subhas Chandra Bose|He died from third-degree burns]] received when his overloaded plane crashed in [[Japanese Taiwan]] on August 18, 1945.{{efn|"The good news Wavell reported was that the RAF had just recently flown enough of its planes into Manipur's capital of Imphal to smash Netaji ("Leader") Subhas Chandra Bose's Indian National Army (INA) that had advanced to its outskirts before the monsoon began. Bose's INA consisted of about 20,000 of the British Indian soldiers captured by the Japanese in Singapore, who had volunteered to serve under Netaji Bose when he offered them "Freedom" if they were willing to risk their "Blood" to gain Indian independence a year earlier. The British considered Bose and his "army of traitors" no better than their Japanese sponsors, but to most of Bengal's 50 million Indians, Bose was a great national hero and potential "Liberator." The INA was stopped before entering Bengal, first by monsoon rains and then by the RAF, and forced to retreat, back through Burma and down its coast to the Malay peninsula. In May 1945, Bose would fly out of Saigon on an overloaded Japanese plane, headed for Taiwan, which crash-landed and burned. Bose suffered third-degree burns and died in the hospital on [[Taiwan|Formosa]]."{{Sfn|Wolpert|2009|p=69}}}} Some Indians did not believe that the crash had occurred,{{efn|"The retreat was even more devastating, finally ending the dream of gaining Indian independence through military campaign. But Bose still remained optimistic, thought of regrouping after the Japanese surrender, contemplated seeking help from Soviet Russia. The Japanese agreed to provide him transport up to Manchuria from where he could travel to Russia. But on his way, on 18 August 1945 at Taihoku airport in Taiwan, he died in an air crash, which many Indians still believe never happened."{{sfn|Bandyopādhyāẏa|2004|p=427}}}} expecting Bose to return to secure India's independence.{{efn|"There are still some in India today who believe that Bose remained alive and in Soviet custody, a once and future king of Indian independence. The legend of 'Netaii' Bose's survival helped bind together the defeated INA. In Bengal it became an assurance of the province's supreme importance in the liberation of the motherland. It sustained the morale of many across India and Southeast Asia who deplored the return of British power or felt alienated from the political settlement finally achieved by Gandhi and Nehru.{{Sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=22}}}}{{efn|"On 21 March 1944, Subhas Bose and advanced units of the INA crossed the borders of India, entering Manipur, and by May they had advanced to the outskirts of that state's capital, Imphal. That was the closest Bose came to Bengal, where millions of his devoted followers awaited his army's "liberation." The British garrison at Imphal and its air arm withstood Bose's much larger force long enough for the monsoon rains to defer all possibility of warfare in that jungle region for the three months the British so desperately needed to strengthen their eastern wing. Bose had promised his men freedom in exchange for their blood, but the tide of battle turned against them after the 1944 rains, and in May 1945 the INA surrendered in Rangoon. Bose escaped on the last Japanese plane to leave Saigon, but he died in Formosa after a crash landing there in August. By that time, however, his death had been falsely reported so many times that a myth soon emerged in Bengal that Netaji Subhas Chandra was alive—raising another army in China or Tibet or the Soviet Union—and would return with it to "liberate" India.{{Sfn|Wolpert|2000|pp=339–340}}}}{{efn|"Subhas Bose was dead, killed in 1945 in a plane crash in the Far East, even though many of his devotees waited—as Barbarossa's disciples had done in another time and in another country—for their hero's second coming."{{Sfn|Chatterji|2007|p=278}}}} The [[Indian National Congress]], the main instrument of Indian nationalism, praised Bose's patriotism but distanced itself from his tactics and ideology.{{efn|"The thrust of Sarkar's thought, like that of Chittaranjan Das and Subhas Bose, was to challenge the idea that 'the average Indian is indifferent to life', as R. K. Kumaria put it. India once possessed an energised, Machiavellian political culture. All it needed was a hero (rather than a Gandhi-style saint) to revive the culture and steer India to life and freedom through violent contentions of world forces (''vishwa shakti'') represented in imperialism, fascism and socialism."{{Sfn|Bayly|2012|p=283}}}}{{Sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=21}} The [[British Raj]], never seriously threatened by the INA, charged 300 INA officers with treason in the [[INA trials]], but eventually backtracked in the face of opposition by the Congress,{{efn|As cases began to come to trial, the Indian National Congress began to speak out in defence of INA prisoners, even though it had vocally opposed both the INA’s narrative and methods during the war. The Muslim League and the Punjab Unionists followed suit. By mid-September, Nehru was becoming increasingly vocal in his view that trials of INA defendants should not move forward.{{sfn|Marston|2014|p=129}}}} and a new mood in Britain for rapid decolonisation in India.{{efn|"The claim is even made that without the Japanese-influenced 'Indian National Army' under Subhas Chandra Bose, India would not have achieved independence in 1947; though those who make claim seem unaware of the mood of the British people in 1945 and of the attitude of the newly-elected Labour government to the Indian question."{{Sfn|Allen|2012|p=179}}}}{{Sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=21}}{{sfn|Metcalf|Metcalf|2012|p=210}}  

Bose's legacy is mixed. Among many in India, he is the muscular hero, his saga serving as a would-be counterpoise to the many actions of regeneration, negotiation, and reconciliation over a quarter-century through which the independence of India was achieved.{{efn|"Despite any whimsy in implementation, the clarity of Gandhi’s political vision and the skill with which he carried the reforms in 1920 provided the foundation for what was to follow: twenty-five years of stewardship over the freedom movement. He knew the hazards to be negotiated. The British must be brought to a point where they would abdicate their rule without terrible destruction, thus assuring that freedom was not an empty achievement. To accomplish this he had to devise means of a moral sort, able to inspire the disciplined participation of millions of Indians, and equal to compelling the British to grant freedom, if not willingly, at least with resignation. Gandhi found his means in non-violent [[satyagraha]]. He insisted that it was not a cowardly form of resistance; rather, it required the most determined kind of courage.{{sfn|Stein|2010|p=297}}}}{{efn|What he is remembered for is his vigor, his militancy, his readiness to trade blood (his own if necessary) for nationhood. In large parts of Uttar Pradesh, the historian Gyanendra Pandey has recently remarked, independence is popularly credited not to 'the quiet efforts at self¬regeneration initiated by Mahatma Gandhi,' but to 'the military daring of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.'{{sfn|Fay|1995|p=522}}}}{{efn|" 'The transfer of power in India ,' Dr [[Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan|Radhakrishnan]] has said, 'was one of the greatest acts of reconciliation in human history.'"<ref name=radhakrishnan>{{citation|last1=Corbett|first1=Jim|last2=Elwin|first2=Verrier|last3=Ali|first3=Salim|title=Lives in the Wilderness: Three Classic Indian Autobiographies|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2004|quote= }}</ref>}} His collaborations with Japanese Fascism and Nazism pose serious ethical dilemmas,{{efn|"The most troubling aspect of Bose's presence in Nazi Germany is not military or political but rather ethical. His alliance with the most genocidal regime in history poses serious dilemmas precisely because of his popularity and his having made a lifelong career of fighting the 'good cause'. How did a man who started his political career at the feet of Gandhi end up with Hitler, Mussolini, and Tojo? Even in the case of Mussolini and Tojo, the gravity of the dilemma pales in comparison to that posed by his association with Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The most disturbing issue, all too often ignored, is that in the many articles, minutes, memorandums, telegrams, letters, plans, and broadcasts Bose left behind in Germany, he did not express the slightest concern or sympathy for the millions who died in the concentration camps. Not one of his Berlin wartime associates or colleagues ever quotes him expressing any indignation. Not even when the horrors of Auschwitz and its satellite camps were exposed to the world upon being liberated by Soviet troops in early 1945, revealing publicly for the first time the genocidal nature of the Nazi regime, did Bose react."{{sfn|Hayes|2011|p=165}}}} especially his reluctance to publicly criticize the worst excesses of German anti-Semitism from 1938 onwards or to offer refuge in India to its victims.{{efn| Between 1938 and 1939 the reactions of the Anti-Nazi League, the Congress, and the progressive press toward German anti-Semitism and German politics showed that Indian public opinion and the nationalist leaders were fairly well informed about the events in Europe. If Bose, Savarkar and others looked favourably upon racial discrimination in Germany or did not criticise them, it cannot be said, to justify them, that they were unaware of what was happening. The great anti-Jewish pogrom known as “the Night of Broken Glass” took place on 9 November 1938. In early December, pro-Hindu Mahasabha journals published articles in favour of German anti-Semitism. This stance brought the Hindu Mahasabha into conflict with the Congress which, on 12 December, made a statement containing clear references to recent European events. Within the Congress, only Bose opposed the party stance. A few months later, in April 1939, he refused to support the party motion that Jews might find refuge in India.{{sfn|Casolari|2020|pp=89–90}}}}{{efn|Leaders of Indian National Congress (INC), which led the anti-colonial movement, responded in different ways to the plight of Jews. In 1938, Gandhi, the nationalist icon, advised the Jews to engage in non-violent resistance by challenging "the gentile Germal" to shoot him or cast him in dungeon. Jawaharlal Nehru, the future first prime minister of independent India, was sympathetic towards the Jews. The militant nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose, who escaped to German in 1941 with the aim of freeing India through military help from the Axis nations, remained predictably reticent on this issue.<ref name=roy-holocaust>{{citation|last=Roy|first=Baijayanti|editor1-last=Ballis|editor1-first=Anja|editor2-last=Gloe|editor2-first=Markus|year=2019|page=108|isbn=978-3-658-24204-6|location=Wiesbaden, Germany|publisher=Springer VS|chapter=The Past is Indeed a Different Country: Perception of Holocaust in India|title=Holocaust Education Revisited}}</ref>}}{{efn|Jawaharlal Nehru called the Jews 'People with a home or nation' and sponsored a resolution in the Congress Working Committee. Although the exact date is not known, yet it can be said that it probably happened in December 1938 at the Wardha session, the one that took place shortly after Nehru returned from Europe. The draft resolution read: 'The Committee sees no objection to the employment in India of such Jewish refugees as are experts and specialists and who can fit in with the new order in India and accept Indian standards.' It was, however, rejected by the then Congress President Subhas Chandra Bose, who four years later in 1942 was reported by the ''Jewish Chronicle'' of London as having published an article in ''Angriff'', a journal of Goebbels, saying that "anti-Semitism should become part of the Indian liberation movement because Jews had helped the British to exploit Indians (21 August 1942)" Although by then Bose had left the Congress, he continued to command a strong influence within the party.<ref name=afreedi-2021-bose>{{citation|last=Aafreedi|first=Navras J.|chapter=Holocaust education in India and its challenges|title=Conceptualizing Mass Violence: Representations, Recollections, and reinterpretatons|location=Abington, UK and New York, NY|editor1-last=Aafreedi|editor1-first=Navras J.|editor2-last=Singh|editor2-first=Priya|publisher=Routledge|year=2021|isbn=978-1-00-314613-1|page=154}}</ref>}}

Subhas Bose, aged 24, arrived ashore in India at Bombay on the morning of 16 July 1921 and immediately set about arranging an interview with Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi, aged 51, was the leader of the [[non-cooperation movement]] that had taken India by storm the previous year and in a quarter-century would evolve to secure its independence.{{efn|"Despite any whimsy in implementation, the clarity of Gandhi’s political vision and the skill with which he carried the reforms in 1920 provided the foundation for what was to follow: twenty-five years of stewardship over the freedom movement. He knew the hazards to be negotiated. The British must be brought to a point where they would abdicate their rule without terrible destruction, thus assuring that freedom was not an empty achievement. To accomplish this he had to devise means of a moral sort, able to inspire the disciplined participation of millions of Indians, and equal to compelling the British to grant freedom, if not willingly, at least with resignation. Gandhi found his means in non-violent [[satyagraha]]. He insisted that it was not a cowardly form of resistance; rather, it required the most determined kind of courage.{{sfn|Stein|2010|p=297}}}}{{efn|Rt. Hon. [[Clement Attlee|C. R. Attlee]], Prime Minister of Great Britain. Broadcast from London after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, 30 January 1948: "For a quarter of a century, this one man has been the major factor in every consideration of the Indian problem."<ref name=Attlee-Gandhi-1948-1-30>{{citation|publisher=Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) Archives|date=30 January 1948|author=C. R. Attlee|title=Speech on the Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi|location =London, UK|url=https://www.cbc.ca/archives/entry/india-the-assassination-of-mahatma-gandhi|access-date=30 January 2021}}</ref>}} Gandhi happened to be in Bombay and agreed to see Bose that afternoon. In Bose's account of the meeting, written many years later, he pilloried Gandhi with question after question.{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}} Bose thought Gandhi's answers were vague, his goals unclear, his plan for achieving them not thought through.{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}} Gandhi and Bose differed in this first meeting on the question of means- for Gandhi non-violent means to any end were non-negotiable; in Bose's thought, all means were acceptable in the service of anti-colonial ends.{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}} They differed on the question of ends- Bose was attracted to totalitarian models of governance, which were anathematized by Gandhi.{{sfn|Hayes|2011|p=2}} According to historian Gordon, "Gandhi, however, set Bose on to the leader of the Congress and Indian nationalism in Bengal, C. R. Das, and in him Bose found the leader whom he sought."{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}} Das was more flexible than Gandhi, more sympathetic to the extremism that had attracted idealistic young men such as Bose in Bengal.{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}} Das launched Bose into nationalist politics.{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}} Bose would work within the ambit of the Indian National Congress politics for nearly 20 years even as he tried to change its course.{{sfn|Gordon|1990|p=69}}

He started the newspaper ''[[Swaraj]]'' and took charge of publicity for the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee.{{sfn|Toye|2007}} His mentor was [[Chittaranjan Das]] who was a spokesman for aggressive nationalism in [[Bengal]]. In the year 1923, Bose was elected the President of [[Indian Youth Congress]] and also the Secretary of Bengal State Congress. He was also the editor of the newspaper "Forward", founded by [[Chittaranjan Das]].{{sfn|Chakraborty|Bhaṭṭācārya|1989}} Bose worked as the CEO of the [[Calcutta Municipal Corporation]] for Das when the latter was elected mayor of Calcutta in 1924.{{sfn|Vas|2008|p=32}} During the same year, when he was leading a protest march in Calcutta, he along with [[Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi]] and other leaders were arrested and put behind bars.<ref name="Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav">{{cite web|last1=Ministry of Culture|first1=Government of India|title=Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi|url=https://amritmahotsav.nic.in/unsung-heroes-detail.htm?138|website=amritmahotsav.nic.in}}</ref> In a roundup of nationalists in 1925, Bose was arrested and sent to prison in [[Mandalay]], where he contracted [[tuberculosis]].{{sfn|Vipul|2009|p=116}}

During the mid-1930s Bose travelled in Europe, visiting Indian students and European politicians, including [[Benito Mussolini]]. He observed party organisation and saw communism and fascism in action.<ref>{{Cite web|date=22 January 2020|title=Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Birth Anniversary: History and significance|url=https://www.hindustantimes.com/more-lifestyle/netaji-subhas-chandra-bose-birth-anniversary-history-and-significance/story-xgLxOijqCfA9gI5EbZyXZI.html|access-date=20 January 2022|website=Hindustan Times|language=en}}</ref> In this period, he also researched and wrote the first part of his book ''[[The Indian Struggle]]'', which covered the country's independence movement in the years 1920–1934. Although it was published in London in 1935, the British government banned the book in the colony out of fears that it would encourage unrest.{{sfn|Bose|Bose|1997}} Bose was supported in Europe by the Indian Central European Society organized by [[Otto Faltis]] from Vienna.<ref>{{cite journal |author=Faltis, Otto |year=1936 |title=India and Austria |url=https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.277486/page/n234/mode/1up |journal=The Modern Review |volume=59 |pages=205–207}}</ref>

Soon, according to historian Romain Hayes, "the (German) Foreign Office procured a luxurious residence for (Bose) along with a butler, cook, gardener, and an SS-chauffeured car. Emilie Schenkl moved in openly with him. The Germans, aware of the nature of the relationship, refrained from any involvement."{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|p=67}} However, most of the staff in the [[Special Bureau for India]], which had been set up to aid Bose, did not get along with Emilie.{{Sfn|Gordon|1990|p=446}} In particular [[Adam von Trott zu Solz|Adam von Trott]], Alexander Werth and Freda Kretschemer, according to historian [[Leonard A. Gordon]], "appear to have disliked her intensely. They believed that she and Bose were not married and that she was using her liaison with Bose to live an especially comfortable life during the hard times of war" and that differences were compounded by issues of class.{{Sfn|Gordon|1990|p=446}} In November 1942, Schenkl gave birth to their daughter.  

The Germans were unwilling to form an alliance with Bose because they considered him unpopular in comparison with [[Mahatma Gandhi]] and [[Jawaharlal Nehru]].<ref name="visionideas"/>{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=111}} By the spring of 1942, the German army was [[Eastern Front (World War II)#Don, Volga, and Caucasus: Summer 1942|mired in the USSR]]. Bose, due to disappointment over the lack of response from Nazi Germany, was now keen to move to Southeast Asia, where Japan had just won quick victories. However, he still expected official recognition from Nazi Germany. [[Adolf Hitler]] during his only meeting with Bose in late May 1942 refused to entertain Bose's requests and facilitated him with a submarine voyage to East Asia.{{Sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=114–116}}<ref name="Ashis"/><ref name="Dunphy"/>

Even when faced with military reverses, Bose was able to maintain support for the [[Azad Hind]] movement. Spoken as a part of a motivational speech for the Indian National Army at a rally of Indians in [[Burma]] on 4 July 1944, Bose's most famous quote was "Give me blood, and I shall give you freedom!" In this, he urged the people of India to join him in his fight against the British Raj.{{Citation needed|date=December 2014}} Spoken in Hindi, Bose's words are highly evocative. The troops of the INA were under the aegis of a provisional government, the Azad Hind Government, which came to produce its own currency, postage stamps, court and civil code, and was recognised by nine Axis states – Germany, Japan, [[Italian Social Republic]], the [[Independent State of Croatia]], [[Wang Jingwei regime]] in [[Nanjing]], China, a provisional government of Burma, [[Manchukuo]] and Japanese-controlled [[Philippines]]. Of those countries, five were authorities established under Axis occupation. This government participated in the so-called [[Greater East Asia Conference]] as an observer in November 1943.{{sfn|Goto|Kratoska|2003|pp=57–58}}

The INA's first commitment was in the Japanese thrust towards Eastern Indian frontiers of [[Manipur]]. INA's special forces, the Bahadur Group, were involved in operations behind enemy lines both during the diversionary attacks in Arakan, as well as the Japanese thrust towards [[Imphal]] and [[Kohima]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=16 June 2019|title=It is forgotten that the toughest land battle of the Second World War was fought on Indian soil|url=https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/subhash-chandra-bose-battle-of-kohima-world-war-2-japan-germany-indian-national-army-a-forgotten-battle-5782571/|access-date=20 January 2022|website=The Indian Express|language=en}}</ref>

During this operation, On 6 July 1944, in a speech broadcast by the [[Azad Hind Radio]] from Singapore, Bose addressed Mahatma Gandhi as the "Father of the Nation" and asked for his blessings and good wishes for the war he was fighting. This was the first time that Gandhi was referred to by this appellation.<ref>"Father of Our Nation" (Address to Mahatma Gandhi over the Rangoon Radio on 6 July 1944) {{harvnb|Bose|Bose|1997a|pp=301–2}}</ref> The protracted Japanese attempts to take these two towns depleted Japanese resources, with Operation U-Go ultimately proving unsuccessful. Through several months of Japanese onslaught on these two towns, Commonwealth forces remained entrenched in the towns. Commonwealth forces then counter-attacked, inflicting serious losses on the Axis led forces, who were then forced into a retreat back into Burmese territory. After the Japanese defeat at the battles of Kohima and Imphal, Bose's Provisional Government's aim of establishing a base in mainland India was lost forever.{{Citation needed|date=August 2021}}

Still the INA fought in key battles against the British Indian Army in Burmese territory, notable in Meiktilla, [[Mandalay]], [[Pegu]], Nyangyu and [[Mount Popa]]. However, with the fall of [[Rangoon]], Bose's government ceased to be an effective political entity.{{Citation needed|date=December 2014}} A large proportion of the INA troops surrendered under Lt Col Loganathan. The remaining troops retreated with Bose towards [[British Malaya|Malaya]] or made for [[Thailand]]. Japan's surrender at the end of the war also led to the surrender of the remaining elements of the Indian National Army. The INA prisoners were then repatriated to India and some tried for treason.{{Citation needed|date=August 2021}}

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Subhas Chandra Bose's death occurred from third-degree burns on 18 August 1945 after his overloaded Japanese plane crashed in [[Taiwan under Japanese rule|Japanese-ruled Formosa]] (now [[Taiwan]]).{{sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=2}}{{sfn|Bandyopādhyāẏa|2004|p=427}}<ref name=dod-combined>

*{{citation|last=Bandyopadhyay|first=Sekhar|title=From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India|location=Hyderabad and Delhi|publisher=Orient Longmans|year=204|isbn=81-250-2596-0|page=427|quote=The Japanese agreed to provide him transport up to Manchuria from where he could travel to Russia.  But on his way, on 18 August 1945 at Taihoku airport in Taiwan, he died in an air crash, which many Indians still believe never happened.}}

*{{citation|last=Gilbert|first=Martin|title=The Routledge Atlas of the Second World War, Second Edition|publisher=Routledge|year=2009|isbn=978-0-415-55289-9|page=227|quote=Bose died in a plane crash off Taiwan, while being flown to Tokyo on 18 August 1945, aged 48. For many millions of Indians, especially in Bengal, he remains a revered figure}}

*{{citation|last=Huff|first=Gregg|title=World War II and Southeast Asia: Economy and Society under Japanese Occupation|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2020|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=waECEAAAQBAJ&pg=PR26|page=xvi|isbn=978-1-107-09933-3|lccn=2020022973|quote=Chronology of World War II in the Pacific: '''18 August 1945''' Subhas Chandra Bose killed in a plane crash in Taiwan.}}

*{{citation|last=Satoshi|first=Nakano|title=Japan's Colonial Moment in Southeast Asia 1942&ndash;1945: The Occupiers' Experience|page=211|publisher=Routledge|location=London and New York|isbn=978-1-138-54128-3 |lccn=2018026197|year=2012|quote=18 August 1945. Upon hearing of Japan’s defeat in the Pacific War, Chandra Bose, who had dedicated his life to the anti-British Indian independence struggle, immediately decided to head for the Soviet Union, “out of my commitment to ally with any country that regards the US and Britain as their enemies.” The Japanese Foreign Ministry and the military cooperated in Bose’s exile, placing him aboard a Japanese plane headed for Dalian (Yunnan) from Saigon to put him in touch with the Soviet army. After a stopover in Taipei, however, the passenger plane crashed immediately after takeoff. Despite freeing himself from the wreckage, Bose was engulfed in flames and breathed his last.}}

*{{citation|last1=Blackburn|first1=Kevin|last2=Hack|first2=Karl|title=War Memory and the Making of Modern Malaysia and Singapore|location=Singapore|publisher=NUS Press, National University of Singapore|year=2012|isbn=978-9971-69-599-6|page=185|quote=Even before the INA memorial was completed, it became the focus of mourning for Singapore's Indian community. The cause of this premature use was news that Bose had died in a plane crash at Taipei, on 18 August. He had been trying to escape capture after the surrender of Japan on 15 August. Singapore and Malaya remained under Japanese control until 5 September when British forces returned. On 26 August 1945, meanwhile, wreaths were laid at the INA memorial in honour of Bose. A large group gathered at the memorial and speeches on Bose’s life were made by Major-General M.Z. Kiani and Major-General S.C. Alagappan of the INA, and ITL members. The Japanese newspaper, the Syonan Shimbun, reported that “during the ceremony which lacked nothing in solemnity and dignity, many husky warriors — Sikhs, Punjabis, and others from the Central Provinces — soldiers who had taken part in the actual war operations were seen to shed tears as they saluted for the last time a giant portrait of Netaji which occupied a prominent position in front of the War Memorial”.}}

*{{citation|editor1-last=Sandler|editor1-first=Stanley|chapter=Bose, Subhas Chandra (1897–1945)|title=World War II in the Pacific: An Encyclopedia|year=2001|page=185|publisher=Garland Publishing/Routledge|isbn=0-8153-1883-9|quote=Even after the Japanese surrender, Bose was determined to carry on the Free India movement and planned to return to the Subcontinent, despite his renegade status among the British. But on August 18, 1945, the airplane carrying him from Darien to Manchukuo crashed on take off from an airfield in Formosa, and Bose was killed.}}

*{{citation|last=Bennet|first=Brad|chapter=Bose, Subhas Chandra (1897–1945)|editor1-last=Powers|editor1-first=Roger S.|editor2-last=Vogele|editor2-first=William B.|title=Protest, Power, and Change: An Encyclopedia of Nonviolent Action from ACT-UP to Women's Suffrage|location=London and New York|publisher=Routledge|year=1997|isbn=0-8153-0913-9|page=48|quote='''Bose, Subhas Chandra (1897–1945)''': Charismatic socialist member of the Indian National Congress and radical anti-imperialist. Bose was born on January 23, 1897, in Cuttack, Bengal, India, and was killed in a plane crash on August 18, 1945.}}

*{{citation|last=Markovits|first=Claude|title=India and the World: A History of Connections, c. 1750–2000|year=2021|publisher=Cambridge University Press|page=xix|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aAEbEAAAQBAJ&pg=PR19|isbn=978-1-107-18675-0|lccn=2021000608|doi=10.1017/9781316899847|s2cid=233601747|quote=Chronology 1945: Indian Army play a major role in the liberation of Burma and Malaya from Japanese occupation; Indian troops sent to receive Japanese capitulation in the Dutch East Indies involved in clashes in Surabaya with Indonesian nationalists opposed to the return of the Dutch; in Indochina, Indian troops help the French re-establish control over Saigon and the south of Vietnam; death of Subhas Bose in a plane crash in Taiwan.|doi-access=free}}

*{{citation|last1=Bayly|first1=Christopher|author-link1=Christopher Alan Bayly|last2=Harper|first2=Timothy|title=Forgotten Wars: Freedom and Revolution in Southeast Asia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0M4Pl_VCExgC|year=2007|publisher=[[Harvard University Press]]|isbn=978-0-674-02153-2|page=2|ref=none|quote=If all else failed (Bose) wanted to become a prisoner of the Soviets: 'They are the only ones who will resist the British. My fate is with them. But as the Japanese plane took off from Taipei airport its engines faltered and then failed. Bose was badly burned in the crash. According to several witnesses, he died on 18 August in a Japanese military hospital, talking to the very last of India's freedom. British and Indian commissions later established convincingly that Bose had died in Taiwan. These were legendary and apocalyptic times, however. Having witnessed the first Indian leader to fight against the British since the great mutiny of 1857, many in both Southeast Asia and India refused to accept the loss of their hero. Rumours that Bose had survived and was waiting to come out of hiding and begin the final struggle for independence were rampant by the end of 1945.}}</ref><ref name=gordon-bose-death>{{citation|last=Gordon|first=Leonard A.|author-link=Leonard A. Gordon|title=Brothers Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose|location=New York and Oxford|publisher=Columbia University Press|year=1990|isbn=0-231-07443-3|pages=539&ndash;542|ref=none|quote=On the plane were: Bose, Shidei, Rahman. Also: Lt. Col. Tadeo Sakai; Lt. Col. Shiro Nonogaki; Major Taro Kono; Major Ihaho Takahashi, Capt.Keikichi Arai, an air force engineer; chief pilot Major Takizawa; co-pilot W/O Ayoagi; navigator Sergeant Okishta; radio-operator NCO Tominaga. The crew was in the front of the aircraft and the passengers were wedged in behind ... there were no proper seats on this aircraft. The plane finally took off (from Saigon) between 5.00 and 5.30 p.m. on August 17. Since they were so late in starting, the pilot decided to land for the night at Tourane, Vietnam. ...The take-off from Tourane at about 5 a.m was normal ... and they flew to Taipei (Japanese: Taihoku) ...At Taipei ... the crew and passengers took their places ... and they were ready to go at 2:30.  ... Just as they left the ground&mdash;barely thirty meters up and near the edge of the airfield&mdash;there was a loud noise. ... With an enormous crash they hit the ground.  ... The injured, including Bose and Rahman and the surviving Japanese officers, were taken to Nanmon Army Hospital. Ground personnel at the airfield had already called the hospital shortly before 3 p.m. and notified Dr. Taneyoshi Yoshimi, the surgeon in charge of the hospital, to prepare to receive the injured.  ... Upon arrival the doctor noticed that Bose ... had third degree burns all over his body, but they were worst on his chest. ...Bose and Rahman were quickly taken to the treatment room and the doctor started working on Bose, the much more critically injured man. Dr Yoshimi was assisted by Dr. Tsuruta. ... An orderly, Kazuo Mitsui, an army private, was also in the room, and several nurses were also assisting. ... Bose's condition worsened as the evening darkened.  His heart grew weaker.  Finally between 9.00 and 10.00 pm, Bose succumbed to his terrible burns.}}</ref> However, many among his supporters, especially in Bengal, refused at the time, and have refused since, to believe either the fact or the circumstances of his death.{{sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=2}}{{Sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=22}}{{Sfn|Wolpert|2000|pp=339–340}} Conspiracy theories appeared within hours of his death and have thereafter had a long shelf life,{{sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=2}}{{efn|"Rumours that Bose had survived and was waiting to come out of hiding and begin the final struggle for independence were rampant by the end of 1945."{{sfn|Bayly|Harper|2007|p=2}}}} keeping alive various martial myths about Bose.{{sfn|Metcalf|Metcalf|2012|p=210}}

To a large number of Congress leaders, Bose programme shared enough similarities with Japanese fascists.{{sfn|Stein|2010|pp=345}} After getting marginalized within Congress, Bose chose to embrace fascist regimes as allies against the British and fled India.{{sfn|Metcalf|Metcalf|2012|p=210}}<ref name=Louro-bose>{{citation|title=Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective: Transnational |isbn=978-1-138-35218-6|publisher=Routledge|year=2021|last=Louro|first=Michele L|chapter=Anti-fascism and anti-imperialism between the world wars: The perspective from India|editor1-last=Braskin|editor1-first = Kasper|editor2-last=Featherstone|editor2-first=David|editor3-last=Copsey|editor3-first=Nigel}}</ref> Bose believed that India "must have a political system—State—of an authoritarian character," and "a strong central government with dictatorial powers for some years to come".<ref>{{citation|last=Harrison|first=Selig S.|title=India: The Most Dangerous Decades|series=Princeton Legacy Library|location=Princeton, NJ|publisher=Princeton University Press|page=314|isbn= |lccn=60005749 |year=1960|quote=The most categorical and unabashed program for dictatorship in India's political heritage, finally, was laid down by the late Subhas Chandra Bose.  He argued that India "must have a political system—State—of an authoritarian character," "a strong central government with dictatorial powers for some years to come," "a government by a strong party bound together by military discipline ... as the only means of holding India together." The next phase in world history, Bose predicted, would produce  "a synthesis between Communism and Fascism, and will it be a surprise if that synthesis is produced in India?"}}</ref>  

Earlier, Bose had clearly expressed his belief that democracy was the best option for India.{{sfn|Roy|2004|pp=7–8}} However, during the war (and possibly as early as the 1930s), Bose seems to have decided that no democratic system could be adequate to overcome India's poverty and social inequalities, and he wrote that a socialist state similar to that of Soviet Russia (which he had also seen and admired) would be needed for the process of national re-building.{{efn|"The Fundamental Problems of India" (An address to the Faculty and students of [[Tokyo University]], November 1944): "You cannot have a so-called democratic system, if that system has to put through economic reforms on a socialistic basis. Therefore we must have a political system&nbsp;– a State&nbsp;– of an authoritarian character. We have had some experience of democratic institutions in India and we have also studied the working of democratic institutions in countries like France, England, and the United States of America. And we have come to the conclusion that with a democratic system we cannot solve the problems of Free India. Therefore, modern progressive thought in India is in favour of a State of an authoritarian character"{{sfn|Bose|Bose|1997a|pp=319–20}}}}{{sfn|Bose|Bose|1997a|pp=319–20}} Accordingly, some suggest that Bose's alliance with the Axis during the war was based on more than just pragmatism and that Bose was a militant nationalist, though not a Nazi nor a Fascist, for he supported the empowerment of women, secularism and other [[Classical liberalism|liberal]] ideas; alternatively, others consider he might have been using populist methods of mobilisation common to many post-colonial leaders.{{sfn|Sen|1999}}

Since before the beginning of the World War II, Bose was opposed to the attempts to grant Jewish refugees asylum in India.{{sfn|Hayes|2011|pp=165–166}}<ref>{{citation|last=Kumaraswamy|first=P. R.|title=Squaring the Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish National Home|publisher=Routledge|page=153|year=2020|quote=In his presidential address, Subhas Chandra Bose highlighted the contradictory nature of the British Empire and its inconsistent policy over Palestine. As a heterogeneous empire, Bose observed, the British had to be pro-Arab in India and pro Jewish elsewhere, and accused that London "has to please Jews because she cannot ignore Jewish high finance. On the other hand, the India Office and Foreign Office have to placate the Arabs because of the Imperial interests in the Near East and India."' While his reasoning was logical, Bose's anti-Jewish slur was no different from the anti-Semitic remarks in the (Muslim) League deliberations referred to earlier. Bose also opposed Nehru's efforts to provide asylum to a limited number of European Jewish refugees who were fleeing from Nazi persecution. Despite the opposition led by Bose, Nehru "was a strong supporter of inviting (Jewish refugees) to settle down in India... (and felt that) this was the only way by which Jews could be saved from the wrath of the Nazis... Between 1933 and the outbreak of the War, Nehru was instrumental in obtaining the entry of several German Jewish refugees into India"}}</ref> The great anti-Jewish pogrom called “the Night of Broken Glass” happened on 9 November 1938. In early December, the pro-[[Hindu Mahasabha]] journals published articles lending support to German anti-Semitism. This stance brought Hindu Mahasabha into conflict with the Congress which, on 12 December, issued statement containing references to recent European events. Within the Congress, only Bose opposed this stance of the party. After some months in April 1939, Bose refused to support the party motion that Jews can find refuge in India.{{sfn|Casolari|2020|pp=89–90}}<ref name=combined-antisemetic>{{citation|last=Bruckenhaus|first=Daniel|location=Oxford|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2017|isbn=978-0-19-066001-7|lccn=2016042217|page=213|title=Policing Transnational Protest: Liberal Imperialism and the Surveillance of Anticolonialists in Europe, 1905–1945|quote=Epilogue and conclusion: Finally, however, the example of Germany also demonstrates that their work in Europe frequently forced anticolonialists to make difficult moral choices, as their presence in that continent required them to take a position not only on colonialism worldwide, but also on inner-European political and ideological conflicts. This was true, especially, during World War II. The war situation brought to stark light, one last time, the contradictions within the western political model of rule, leading to a rift among the anticolonialists then present in Europe.  As the western empires fought against Nazi Germany, most anticolonialists felt that they could no longer support, simultaneously, the emancipatory projects of anticolonialism and antifascism. Some, such as Subhas Chandra Bose, began to cooperate with the radically racist Nazis against colonialism, while others decided to work against Nazism with the very western authorities who had been engaged, over the previous decades, in creating a widespread network of trans-national surveillance against them.}}</ref><ref>{{citation|last=Roland|first=Joan G.|title=Jewish Communities in India: Identity in a Colonial Era|publisher=Routledge|year=2017|isbn=978-0-7658-0439-6|page=342|quote=On 21 August 1942 the Jewish Chronicle of London reported that Bose was anti-Semitic and had published an article in Angriff, the organ of Goebbels, in which he described Indians as the real ancient Aryans and the brethren of the German people. He had said that the swastika was an old Indian sign and that anti-Semitism must become a part of the Indian freedom movement, since the Jews, he alleged, had helped Britain to exploit and oppress the Indians. The Jewish Advocate expressed horror at Bose's statement about a Jewish role in India's exploitation but added, "one may expect anything from one who has traveled the road to Berlin in search of his country's salvation." Norman Shohet pointed out how insignificant a part in the economic and political life of the country the Jews of India actually played. He also mentioned that other Indian leaders had so far not shown any anti-Semitic leanings, but that on the contrary, Gandhi, Nehru, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, and others had been positively friendly to the Jews.}}</ref><ref>{{citation|last=Aafreedi|first=Navras J.|chapter=Holocaust education in India and its challenges|title=Conceptualizing Mass Violence: Representations, Recollections, and reinterpretatons|location=Abington, UK and New York, NY|editor1-last=Aafreedi|editor1-first=Navras J.|editor2-last=Singh|editor2-first=Priya|publisher=Routledge|year=2021|isbn=978-1-00-314613-1|page=154|quote=Jawaharlal Nehru called the Jews 'People without a home or nation' and sponsored a resolution in the Congress Working Committee.  Although the exact date is not known, yet it can be said that it probably happened in December 1938 at the Wardha session, the one that took place shortly after Nehru returned from Europe.  The draft resolution read: 'The Committee sees no objection to the employment in India of such Jewish refugees as are experts and specialists and who can fit in with the new order in India and accept Indian standards.' It was, however, rejected by the then Congress President Subhas Chandra Bose, who four years later in 1942 was reported by the ''Jewish Chronicle'' of London as having published an article in ''Angriff'', a journal of Goebbels, saying that "anti-Semitism should become part of the Indian liberation movement because Jews had helped the British to exploit Indians (21 August 1942)"  Although by then Bose had left the Congress, he continued to command a strong influence within the party.}}</ref><ref>{{citation|last=Weinberg|first=Gerhard L.|title=A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II|publisher=Cambridge University Press, 2nd Edition|isbn=978-0-521-61826-7|location=Cambridge and New York|year=2011|page=xx|quote=None of the works that deal with ... Subhas Chandra Bose, or his Indian National Army has engaged either Bose’s reaction to German mass killing of Sinti and Roma (Gypsies) because their ancestors came from India or the reaction of the soldiers in his army to the sex slaves kidnapped in Japanese-occupied lands and held in enclosures attached to the camps in which they were being trained to follow their Japanese comrades in the occupation of India.}}</ref><ref>{{citation|last=Shindler|first=Colin|title=Israel and the European Left: Between Solidarity and Deligitimization|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing, Continuum|location=New York|page=112|year=2010|isbn=978-1-4411-8898-4|quote=Bose requested a declaration from the Germans that they supported the movement for freedom in India – and in Arab countries.  He had opposed Nehru in permitting political asylum to Jews fleeing Europe in 1939.  He was prepared to ingratiate himself with Nazi ideology by writing for Goebells's ''Der Angriff'' in 1942.  He argued that anti-Semitism should become a factor in the struggle for Indian freedom since the Jews had collaborated with British imperialism to exploit the country and its inhabitants.}}</ref>

In 1938, Bose had denounced Nazi racial policy and persecution of Jews.<ref>Bose to Dr. Thierfelder of the ''Deutsche Academie'', Kurhaus Hochland, Badgastein, 25 March 1936 {{harvnb|Bose|Bose|1997a|p=155}}</ref> However, in 1942 he had published an article in the journal ''Angriff'', where he wrote that Indians were true Aryans and the 'brethren' of the Germans. Bose added that [[Swastika]] (symbol of Nazi Germany) was an ancient Indian symbol. Bose urged that anti-Semitism should be part of Indian liberation movement because the Jews assisted the British to exploit Indians.<ref>{{cite book | last=Egorova | first=Yulia | title=Jews and India: Perceptions and Image | publisher=Taylor & Francis | series=Routledge Jewish Studies Series | year=2008 | isbn=978-1-134-14655-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1m_okSx7ds4C | page=39}}</ref> The [[Jewish Chronicle]] had condemned Bose as "India's anti-Jewish [[Quisling]]" over this article.<ref>{{cite web | title=Bose & the Nazis | website=Frontline | date=2012-06-28 | url=https://frontline.thehindu.com/other/article30166212.ece | access-date=2023-02-22}}</ref>

Roman Hayes describes troubled legacy of Bose with atrocities related to Jews in the following words:-

Bose' defiance of [[British raj|British authority in India]] made him a hero among many Indians,{{efn|"His romantic saga, coupled with his defiant nationalism, has made Bose a near-mythic figure, not only in his native Bengal, but across India."{{sfn|Metcalf|Metcalf|2012|p=210}}}}{{efn|"Bose's heroic endeavor still fires the imagination of many of his countrymen. But like a meteor which enters the earth's atmosphere, he burned brightly on the horizon for a brief moment only."{{sfn|Kulke|Rothermund|2004|p=311}}}}{{efn|"Subhas Bose might have been a renegade leader who had challenged the authority of the Congress leadership and their principles. But in death he was a martyred patriot whose memory could be an ideal tool for political mobilization."{{sfn|Bandyopādhyāẏa|2004|p=427}}}} however his wartime alliances with [[Nazi Germany]] and [[Empire of Japan|Imperial Japan]] left a legacy fraught with [[authoritarianism]], [[anti-Semitism]], and [[military incompetence|military failure]].{{efn|(p.117) the INA was raised during the Second World War, with the support of the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA); lasted less than three years; and went through two different configurations during that period. In total, it numbered some 40,000 men and women, half of whom are estimated to have been recruited from Indian Army prisoners of war (POWs). The INA’s battlefield performance was quite poor when assessed either alongside the IJA or against the reformed Fourteenth Army on the battlefields of Assam and Burma. Reports of its creation in 1942/3 caused consternation among the political and military leadership (p. 118) of the GOI, but in the end its formation did not constitute a legitimate mutiny, and its presence had a negligible impact on the Indian Army.{{sfn|Marston|2014|pp=117–118}}}}{{refn|"At the same time that the Japanese appreciated the firmness with which Bose's forces continued to fight, they were endlessly exasperated with him. A number of Japanese officers, even those like [[Iwaichi Fujiwara|Fujiwara]], who were devoted to the Indian cause, saw Bose as a military incompetent as well as an unrealistic and stubborn man who saw only his own needs and problems and could not see the larger picture of the war as the Japanese had to."{{resfn|Gordon|1990|p=517}}}}<ref name=combined-military-lead>*{{citation|last=Markovits|first=Claude|title=India and the World: A History of Connections, c.1750–2000|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, UK and New York, NY|pages=79, 113, 114|isbn=978-1-107-18675-0|lccn=2021000609|doi=10.1017/9781316899847|year=2021|s2cid=233601747|quote=(p. 79) This was owing to Japan’s own ambivalent attitude towards Indians: on the one hand, the Japanese saw them as potential allies in the fight against Britain, and they made an alliance with the dissident nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose; on the other hand, they despised them as a ‘subject race’ enslaved by the British. Thanks to this alliance, however, the Indians escaped some of the harshest measures that the Japanese took against the Chinese population in the region. That said, 100,000 Indian coolies, mostly Tamilian plantation workers, were conscripted as forced labour and put to work on various infrastructure projects for the Japanese Imperial Army. Some were sent from Malaya to Thailand to work on the infamous Thailand–Burma railway project, resulting in 30,000 deaths of fever and exhaustion (Nakahara 2005). Thousands of war prisoners who had refused to join the Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Bose were sent to faraway New Guinea, where Australian troops discovered them hiding in 1945.|doi-access=free}}

*{{citation|last=Markovits|first=Claude|title=India and the World: A History of Connections, c.1750–2000|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, UK and New York, NY|pages=79, 113, 114|isbn=978-1-107-18675-0|lccn=2021000609|doi=10.1017/9781316899847|year=2021|s2cid=233601747|quote=(p. 113) y. Amongst the 16,000 Indian prisoners taken by the Axis armies in North Africa, some 3,000 joined the so-called ‘Legion of Free India’ (‘Freies Indien Legion’), in fact the 950th Infantry Regiment of the Wehrmacht, formed in 1942 in response to the call of dissident Indian nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose (1897–1945), who had escaped from India, where he was under house arrest, in 1940 and reached Germany in 1941 after a long trek via Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. The soldiers of that regiment swore allegiance both to Hitler and to Subhas Bose and wore special insignia over their German uniforms. A few German officers were detached to command the regiment (Hartog 2001). As a fighting force, however, the legion proved singularly ineffective. First stationed in the Netherlands, it was moved in 1943 to south-west France, where it did garrison duties along the ‘Mur de l’Atlantique’, not a very onerous task. Following the Allied landing in June 1944, it was incorporated into the Waffen SS and followed the German army in its gradual retreat from France, occasionally engaging in skirmishes with the French Résistance. There was a breakdown of discipline, some men took to looting and raping, and twenty-nine ‘légionnaires’ captured by the Résistance were publicly executed on Poitiers’ main square in September 1944. The remains of the force ended up in Germany, and the legion was officially dissolved in March 1945. The men then tried to reach Switzerland, but most of them were caught by British and French troops. A few were summarily executed by Moroccan troops of the French army, but the majority were transferred to India where they were imprisoned awaiting trial, which eventually did not take place. They were not allowed to re-enlist in the army after the war but were awarded pensions by independent India.|doi-access=free}}

*{{citation|last=Markovits|first=Claude|title=India and the World: A History of Connections, c.1750–2000|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, UK and New York, NY|pages=79, 113, 114|isbn=978-1-107-18675-0|lccn=2021000609|doi=10.1017/9781316899847|year=2021|s2cid=233601747|quote=(p. 114) Part of the INA participated in the Japanese invasion of March 1944, but its entry into India failed to trigger the rising that Bose had hoped for, and the INA soldiers met with a determined response from their ex-comrades in the Indian army. Many were taken prisoner, and the rest retreated into Burma, where they soon faced an invasion from India. While, from a strictly military point of view, Bose’s attempt was a total fiasco, the political outcome of his adventure was more significant|doi-access=free}}

*{{citation|last=Roy|first=Kaushik|title=The Battle for Malaya: The Indian Army in Defeat, 1941–1942|publisher=Indiana University Press|location=Bloomington |series=Twentieth-Century Battles series|isbn=978-0-253-04415-0|year=2019|page=222|quote=And not all the Indian PoWs who joined the first INA were volunteers. Between April and December 1942, those Indian commissioned officers, with the aid of some VCOs who had joined the INA, used violence to force the jawans to change sides. Those jawans who refused to join the INA were denied medical treatment and food and were even sent to work in the Japanese “death camps” (labor camps) in New Guinea. One example is that of John Baptist Crasta, who was born on 31 March 1910 near Mangalore in South India. He was an Indian Christian. In 1933, he joined the Indian Army in the noncombatant branch. In March 1941, the 12th Field Battalion in which Crasta was serving was ordered to Singapore. As head clerk, Crasta was in charge of supplying rations to the 11th Indian Division. According to him, torture of the nonvolunteers started under Mohan Singh’s direction from late March 1942 onwards. In Crasta’s own words: "Near Bidadare, a camp was created to torture non-volunteers. Although given the innocent name of Separation Camp, it was actually a concentration camp where the most inhuman atrocities were committed by the INA men on their non-volunteer Indian brethren. Subedars Sher Singh and Fateh Khan were put in charge of this notorious prison. High ranking officers who refused to have anything to do with the INA were thrown into it without clothing or food, made to carry heavy loads on their heads, and to double up on the slightest sign of slackness. . . . They would be caned, beaten, and kicked." However, Subhas Bose never used violence to compel the PoWs to join the second INA. Nevertheless, the Indian PoWs were subjected to virulent propaganda in order to ensure their compliance to join the INA.}}</ref>{{efn|"The (Japanese) Fifteenth Army, commanded by&nbsp;... Maj.-General Mutuguchi Renya consisted of three experienced infantry divisions — 15th, 31st and 33rd — totalling 100,000 combat troops, with the 7,000 strong 1st Indian National Army (INA) Division in support. It was hoped the latter would subvert the Indian Army's loyalty and precipitate a popular rising in British India, but in reality the campaign revealed that it was largely a paper tiger."{{Sfn|Moreman|2013|pp=124–125}}}}{{efn|"The real fault, however, must attach to the Japanese commander-in-chief Kawabe. Dithering, ... prostrated with amoebic dysentery, he periodically reasoned that he must cancel [[Operation U-Go]] in its entirety, but every time he summoned the courage to do so, a cable would arrive from Tokyo stressing the paramount necessity of victory in Burma, to compensate for the disasters in the Pacific. ... Even more incredibly, he still hoped for great things from Bose and the INA, despite all the evidence that both were busted flushes."{{Sfn|McLynn|2011|p=429}}}}

| caption1          =  

Bose was featured on the stamps in India from 1964, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2016, 2018 and 2021.<ref>{{Commons category-inline|Subhas Chandra Bose}}</ref> Bose was also featured in ₹2 coins in 1996 and 1997, ₹75 coin in 2018 and ₹125 coin in 2021.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Netaji fan with error coin in pocket|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/jharkhand/fan-of-netaji-subhas-chandra-bose-with-error-coin-in-pocket/cid/1682378|access-date=27 January 2021|website=www.telegraphindia.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Rs 75 commemorative coin to mark 75th anniversary of Tricolour hoisting by Bose |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/rs-75-commemorative-coin-to-mark-75th-anniversary-of-tricolour-hoisting-by-bose/articleshow/66608885.cms|access-date=27 January 2021|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=नेताजी की 125वीं जयंती पर लॉन्च होगा 125 रुपये का सिक्का, जानें क्या होगा खास|url=https://www.zeebiz.com/hindi/economy/government-to-issue-rupee-125-coin-to-mark-125th-anniversary-of-netaji-subhash-chandra-bose-parakram-diwas-42057|access-date=27 January 2021|website=Zee Business|language=Hindi}}</ref> [[Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose International Airport]] at Kolkata, [[Ross Island, South Andaman district|Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose Island]], formerly Ross Island and many other institutions in India are named after him. On 23 August 2007, [[Japanese Prime Minister]], [[Shinzō Abe]] visited the [[Netaji Bhawan]] in [[Kolkata]].{{sfn|Roche|2007}}{{sfn|The Hindu|2007}} Abe, who is also the recipient of Netaji Award 2022,<ref>{{cite web|url=https://m.economictimes.com/news/india/ex-japan-pm-shinzo-abe-given-netaji-award-2022/amp_articleshow/89072417.cms|title=Ex-Japan PM Shinzo Abe given Netaji Award 2022|agency=[[Press Trust of India]]|website=economictimes.com|publisher=[[The Economic Times]]|date=23 January 2022|access-date=8 July 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220123080747/https://m.economictimes.com/news/india/ex-japan-pm-shinzo-abe-given-netaji-award-2022/amp_articleshow/89072417.cms|archive-date=23 January 2022}}</ref> said to Bose's family "The Japanese are deeply moved by Bose's strong will to have led the [[Indian independence movement]] from British rule. Netaji is a much respected name in Japan."{{sfn|Roche|2007}}{{sfn|The Hindu|2007}}

In 2021, the [[Government of India]] declared 23 January as [[Netaji Jayanti|Parakram Divas]] to commemorate the birth anniversary of Subhas Chandra Bose. Political party, [[Trinamool Congress]] and the [[All India Forward Bloc]] demanded that the day should be observed as 'Deshprem Divas'.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Singh |first1=Shiv Sahay |title=Political row over Centre's decision to celebrate Netaji's birth anniversary as Parakram Diwas |url=https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/political-row-over-centres-decision-to-celebrate-netajis-birth-anniversary-as-parakram-diwas/article33612822.ece |access-date=23 January 2021 |work=The Hindu |date=19 January 2021 |language=en-IN}}</ref> A holographic statue of Bose at the [[India Gate]] to mark his 125th birth anniversary was installed at India Gate and a permanent granite statue replaced the holographic statue later.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-01-22 |title=Subhas Chandra Bose 125th birth anniversary: Unveiling of Netaji's statue, floral tributes at Central Hall |url=https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/subhas-chandra-bose-125th-birth-anniversary-unveiling-of-netaji-s-statue-floral-tributes-at-central-hall-101642842835445.html |access-date=2022-03-10 |website=Hindustan Times |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Mehrotra |first=Vani |date=2022-01-23 |title='Attempts were made to erase contributions of many,' says PM Modi as he unveils hologram statue of Netaji |url=https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/netaji-subhas-chandra-bose-125th-birth-anniversary-live-updates-netaji-hologram-statue-india-gate-pm-modi-political-leaders-2022-01-23-755814 |access-date=2022-03-10 |website=www.indiatvnews.com |language=en}}</ref>

* ''Subhas Chandra'' is a 1966 Indian [[Bengali language|Bengali]]-language biographical film, directed by Pijush Basu.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.imdb.com/title/tt4303968/|title=Subhas Chandra (1966)|website=IMDb|access-date=19 February 2020}}</ref>{{sfn|Das Gupta|2015}}

* ''Subhash Chandra Bose: The Mystery'', a 2016 documentary film by Iqbal Malhotra, follows conspiracy theories regarding Bose's death.<ref>{{cite web |title=Subhash Chandra Bose: The Mystery |url=https://www.discoveryplus.in/videos/subhash-chandra-bose-the-mystery/bose-the-mystery?type=EPISODE |website=[[discovery+]]}}</ref>

* ''Netaji Bose – The Lost Treasure'' is a 2017 television documentary film which aired on [[History TV18]], it explores the [[INA treasure controversy]].<ref name="HistoryTV18">{{cite web |title='Netaji Bose – The Lost Treasure' |url=https://www.historyindia.com/show/netaji-bose-the-lost-treasure |website=HISTORY TV18 |access-date=23 January 2020 |language=en}}</ref>

*[[Revolutionary movement for Indian independence]]

*[[Japanese occupation of Singapore]]

*[[Bombing of Rangoon in World War II]]

*[[Death of Subhas Chandra Bose]]

*[[Political views of Subhas Chandra Bose]]

*[[Bengal Volunteers]]

*[[Bibliography of Subhas Chandra Bose]]

*[[Subhasji (song)|Subhasji]]

*[[Qadam Qadam Badhaye Ja]]

*[[Bhagwanji|Gumnami Baba]]

* {{citation|last=Bandyopādhyāẏa|first=Śekhara|title=From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0oVra0ulQ3QC|year=2004|publisher=[[Orient Blackswan]]|isbn=978-81-250-2596-2}}

* {{citation|last=Bhattacharjee|first=CS|title=World believes Netaji was married, but not his party|work=The Sunday Indian|date=23 January 2012|place=Kolkata|url=http://www.thesundayindian.com/en/story/world-believes-netaji-was-married-but-not-his-party/14/29019/|access-date=13 February 2016}}

* {{citation|last=Bayly|first=Christopher Alan|author-link=Christopher Alan Bayly|title=Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0GLAWY6L8fIC|year=2012|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|isbn=978-1-139-50518-5}}

* {{citation|last=Bose|first=Sarmila|title=Love in the Time of War: Subhas Chandra Bose's Journeys to Nazi Germany (1941) and towards the Soviet Union (1945)|journal=[[Economic and Political Weekly]] |volume=40|issue=3|year=2005|pages=249–56|jstor=4416082}}

* {{citation|last=Bose|first=Subhas|title=Azad Hind: writings and speeches, 1941–1943|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dY01USy7PlcC&pg=PA13|editor1-last=Bose|editor1-first=Sisir|editor2-last=Bose|editor2-first=Sugata|publisher=Netaji Research Bureau|year=2002|isbn=81-7824-034-3}}

* {{citation|last=Bose|first=Subhas|editor-last1=Bose|editor-first1=Sisir Kumar|editor-last2=Bose|editor-first2=Sugata|title=Congress President: Speeches, Articles, and Letters January 1938–May 1939|date=2004|work=Netaji Collected Works|volume=9|publisher=Orient Blackswan|isbn=978-81-7824-103-6|access-date=2 October 2020|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XjxzT3FI1V0C&q=president+of+indian+national+congress&pg=PR15}}

* {{citation|title=Suhas Chandra Bose|year=2016|encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica Online|url=http://www.britannica.com/biography/Subhas-Chandra-Bose|ref={{harvid|Encyclopædia Britannica|2016}}}}

* {{citation|last=Gauri|first=Gayatri|title=Bose: Dead/Alive review|date=21 November 2017|url=https://www.firstpost.com/entertainment/bose-deadalive-review-beyond-rajkummar-raos-performance-racy-plot-production-design-stand-out-4220577.html|access-date=19 July 2018|website=showsha.com|publisher=Firstpost}}

* {{citation|last=Ghosh|first=Durba|title=Gentlemanly Terrorists: Political Violence and the Colonial State in India, 1919–1947|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y74pDwAAQBAJ|year=2017|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-18666-8}}

*{{cite ODNB|last=Gordon|first=Leonard A.|author-link=Leonard A. Gordon|chapter=Bose, Subhas Chandra (1897–1945)|title=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography|url=https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/47756|orig-year=2004|date=3 October 2013|doi=10.1093/ref:odnb/47756}}

* {{citation|last1=Goto|first1=Ken'ichi|last2=Kratoska|first2=Paul H.|title=Tensions of empire|publisher=National University of Singapore Press|year=2003|isbn=9971-69-281-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iTmUB82c7i0C&q=%22Greater+East+Asia+Conference%22&pg=PA57|access-date=13 December 2008}}

* {{citation|author=The Guardian|date=9 May 2005|title=Biopic of Indian revolutionary sparks protest|work=The Guardian|access-date=2 May 2016|url=https://www.theguardian.com/film/2005/may/09/news1}}

* {{citation|last=Kumar|first=Anu|title=Subhas Chandra Bose: Great Freedom Fighter|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tsN4pHk6aEkC|date=2010b|publisher=Penguin Books Limited|isbn=978-81-8475-312-7}}

*{{citation|last=Lebra|first=Joyce Chapman|title=Women Against the Raj: The Rani of Jhansi Regiment|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fuw1Wt1-O7EC|access-date=13 November 2013|year=2008b|publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies|location=Singapore|isbn=978-981-230-809-2}}

* {{citation|last=Majumdar|first=Sisir K.|title=Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany|work=South Asia Forum Quarterly|volume=10|number=1|year=1997|place=Chery Chase, Maryland|url=http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv7n1/Bose.htm|access-date=6 February 2016}}

* {{citation|last=Markandeya|first=Subodh|title=Subhas Chandra Bose: Netaji's passage to im[m]ortality|year=1990|publisher=Arnold Publishers|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G-RHAAAAMAAJ&q=+great+escape|isbn=978-81-7031-241-3}}

* {{citation |last=Mercado |first=Stephen C. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pLWvVEYVMScC&pg=PA73 |title=The Shadow Warriors of Nakano: A History of the Imperial Japanese Army's Elite Intelligence School |publisher=Potomac Books, Inc. |edition=illustrated |year=2002 |isbn=978-1-57488-443-2 }}

* {{citation|author=The Open University|title=Subhas Chandra Bose|work=Making Britain: Discover how South Asians shaped the nation, 1870–1950|publisher=The Open University|access-date=2 October 2020|url=http://www.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/makingbritain/content/subhas-chandra-bose}}

* {{citation|last=Pandohar|first=Jaspreet|date=16 May 2005|title=Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: The Forgotten Hero (2005)|work=BBC Homepage: Entertainment: Film|publisher=[[BBC]]|access-date=2 May 2016|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/films/2005/05/24/bose_the_forgotten_hero_2005_review.shtml}}

* {{citation|last=Rettig|first=Frederik|chapter=Recruiting the all-female Rani of Jhansi Regiment: Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr Lakshmi Swaminadhan|title=Women Warriors in Southeast Asia|publisher=Routledge|series=Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia|editor1-last=Lanzona|editor1-first=Vina A.|editor2-last=Rettig|editor2-first=Frederik|pages=158–172|location=Abington, UK and New York, NY|year=2020|isbn=978-1-138-82935-0|lccn= 2019032590}}

* {{citation|last=Roche|first=Elizabeth|title=訪印中の安倍首相、東京裁判のパール判事の息子らと面会|work=Elizabeth Roche|publisher=AFPBB News|url=http://www.afpbb.com/article/politics/2271294/2039460?pageID=2|access-date=31 July 2018|date=24 August 2007}}

* {{citation|last=Stein|first=Burton|author-link=Burton Stein|title=A History of India|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QY4zdTDwMAQC|year=2010|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|isbn=978-1-4443-2351-1}}

* {{citation|last=Talwar|first=Bhagat Ram|title=The Talwars of Pathan Land and Subhas Chandra's Great Escape|publisher=People's Publishing House|year=1976|isbn=978-0-88386-848-5|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=l8gBAAAAMAAJ&q=+great+escape}}

* {{citation|last=Tarique|first=Mohammad|title=Modern Indian History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pcKMD9XWyjAC&pg=SA9-PA10|publisher=[[Tata McGraw-Hill Education]]|isbn=0-07-066030-1}}

* {{citation|last=Thomson|first=Mike|title=Hitler's secret Indian army|date=23 September 2004|publisher=[[BBC News]]|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/3684288.stm}}

* {{citation|last=Aldrich|first=Richard J.|title=Intelligence and the War Against Japan: Britain, America and the Politics of Secret Service|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=D86lnjjU7PIC|year=2000|location = Cambridge, UK|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-64186-9|ref=none}}

* {{citation|last1=Bayly|first1=Christopher |author-link1=Christopher Alan Bayly|last2=Harper|first2=Timothy |title=Forgotten Armies: The Fall of British Asia, 1941–1945|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qXH9xGCWjYUC|year=2005|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-01748-1|ref=none}}

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