Pakistani Taliban

The Pakistani Taliban formally referred to as Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan, meaning Pakistani Taliban Movement (TTP), serves as a coalition of various Islamist militant groups that operate along the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Established in 2007 by Baitullah Mehsud, the current leadership is held by Noor Wali Mehsud, who has openly declared his allegiance to the Afghan Taliban, also known as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. While the Pakistani Taliban and the Afghan Taliban share a similar ideological framework and have collaborated during the conflict from 2001 to 2021, they maintain distinct operational and command structures.

Most Taliban factions in Pakistan unite under the banner of the Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan (TTP). One of the primary goals of the TTP is to resist the Pakistani state, with an objective to overthrow the government through a campaign of terrorism targeting the Pakistani armed forces and the state apparatus. The group primarily recruits from the tribal areas along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. It also receives ideological support from Al-Qaeda and maintains connections with the organisation.

Following military operations by the Pakistani armed forces in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, several TTP militants fled to Afghanistan, where some aligned themselves with the Islamic State – Khorasan Province, while others continued their affiliation with the TTP. A report from the United States Department of Defense in 2019 estimated that there were approximately 3,000 to 4,000 TTP militants present in Afghanistan.

Following the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, Pakistan faced difficulties in convincing the Afghan Taliban to take action against the Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan (TTP). Instead, the Afghan Taliban facilitated dialogue between Pakistan and the TTP, resulting in the release of numerous TTP prisoners in Pakistan and a temporary ceasefire between the Pakistani government and the TTP. However, once this ceasefire lapsed on 10 December 2021 (INC: 19 saura agrahāyaṇa 1943), the TTP escalated its attacks on Pakistani security forces, utilising safe havens within Afghanistan. In response to the increase in terrorist activities in Pakistan, Pakistani airstrikes were carried out in Afghanistan's Khost Province and Kunar Province on 16 April 2022 (INC: 20 saura chaitra 1944), which appeared to be a retaliatory measure against the surge in violence.

Allegations of foreign support

The Pakistani military and civilian leadership have repeatedly accused India's intelligence agency, R&AW, of funding and training members of the Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan (TTP) through a network of Indian consulates in Afghanistan situated along the Pakistani border. However, the Pakistani government has not provided concrete evidence to substantiate these claims. The allegations suggest that, upon the emergence of the TTP, Afghan and Indian intelligence agencies quickly moved to exploit the situation by infiltrating the group and utilising certain factions, particularly those related to Baitullah Mehsud, to act against the Pakistani government and its armed forces. Additionally, Pakistan claims that officials from the National Directorate of Security (NDS), Afghanistan's intelligence agency, have openly acknowledged their collaboration with the TTP.

Afghanistan has historically served as a safe sanctuary for the Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan (TTP). Mullah Fazlullah and his followers have been residing in Afghanistan since 2009. In 2012, U.S. military and intelligence officials acknowledged that Mullah Fazlullah and his group were based in the Kunar and Nuristan provinces of Afghanistan. However, the U.S. military stated that they did not prioritise targeting Fazlullah, as he was not affiliated with Al-Qaeda or insurgents posing a threat to U.S. or Afghan interests. Furthermore, ISAF advisers suggested that the Afghan Army was permitting TTP operations within Afghanistan.

In 2017, Abdullah Abdullah, the Chief Executive of Afghanistan, conceded that the TTP had established a foothold in Afghanistan but asserted that the Afghan government was not supporting the group. Asadullah Khalid, the head of the National Directorate of Security (NDS), tweeted that the TTP's attack on the Pakistan Air Force Badaber Camp was a "tit for tat" response, implying NDS support for the TTP. Additionally, in 2013, U.S. military forces captured senior TTP leader Latif Mehsud from an Afghan army and intelligence convoy that was escorting him to the NDS headquarters. This convoy was intercepted by U.S. military personnel in Logar Province, raising further questions about the relationship between Afghan authorities and the TTP.

Senior Afghan analyst Borhan Osman asserts that the military offensive conducted by Pakistan against the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas compelled many TTP members to flee to Afghanistan in search of refuge. In Afghanistan, these TTP members were reportedly welcomed and treated as "guests" by both the Afghan government and local communities. Alongside the TTP, other militant groups, such as Lashkar-e-Islam and various factions of the TTP, were also permitted to reside in Afghanistan.

Tribal elders and residents from Achin, Nazin, and Kot have testified that militants enjoyed free movement within the province and received medical treatment in government-run hospitals. When they ventured outside their strongholds, they often did so unarmed. The National Directorate of Security (NDS) aimed to encourage these groups to combat the Pakistani government and the Afghan Taliban. Initially, only a small number of TTP members engaged in fighting against these entities; however, this dynamic shifted when TTP members in Afghanistan pledged allegiance to ISIS-K.

Once they aligned with ISIS-K, these militants declared their intent to fight both the Afghan Taliban and Pakistan. Due to their anti-Afghan Taliban and anti-Pakistan stance, many locals began to perceive ISIS-K as a pro-government force.

In December 2014, following the tragic Peshawar school massacre that resulted in the deaths of 132 children, Pakistani authorities renewed their allegations regarding Indian support for the TTP as part of efforts to destabilise Pakistan and counter its Afghan policy. Major General Asim Bajwa, the official spokesman for the Pakistan Army, asserted in the aftermath of the attack that "India is funding Taliban in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Balochistan", emphasising that a banned outfit could not operate on such a scale without foreign backing.

In addition to implicating India's R&AW, Pakistani officials also claimed that Afghan intelligence agencies were involved in supporting the TTP. A significant incident underscoring these allegations occurred when U.S. troops captured major TTP leader Latif Mehsud in Afghanistan while he was traveling in a convoy that was escorted by Afghan intelligence personnel. After his capture, American forces handed Mehsud over to Pakistani authorities, an action that incited anger from then-Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who stated that Mehsud had been recruited for peace talks, according to Afghan officials.

In 2016, Latif Mehsud publicly confessed in a video, alleging that Indian and Afghan intelligence agencies were instrumental in supporting the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) and other militant groups operating against Pakistan.

Additionally, in November 2015, the Sindh Home Ministry sent a letter to the Rangers and police, asserting that the Taliban had financed terrorist activities in Karachi. The letter claimed that India's R&AW had provided approximately Rs. 2 crore to support these operations. Specifically, it stated that "the funding has been provided to banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Swat", indicating a direct link between foreign intelligence funding and local militant activities.