Ayub Khan (President of Pakistan): Difference between revisions

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{{Short description|President of Pakistan from 1958 to 1969}}
{{Short description|President of Pakistan from 1958 to 1969}}
{{Use Pakistani English|date=November 2022}}
{{Use Pakistani English|date=November 2013}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2022}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2022}}
{{Infobox officeholder
{{Infobox officeholder
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President Ayub made Field Marshal
President Ayub made Field Marshal


General Mohammad Ayub Khan was conferred the rank of Field Marshal by the presidential cabinet. The communique said that the conferment of this rank will serve to demonstrate to the world in a humble way the high esteem in which he is held by his people and how grateful the nation is to its saviour. The rank of Field Marshal is the highest rank of armies built on the patron of the British Army. The press communique added that by a peaceful revolution last year the President had not only defended the territorial integrity of Pakistan but had also saved the very existence of the nation.<ref name="Dawn">{{cite news |url=https://www.dawn.com/news/1355171#tab-1|title=Gen. Ayub becomes President|work=[[Dawn (newspaper)|Dawn]]|date=6 September 2017|access-date=23 October 2022}}</ref>
General Mohammad Ayub Khan was conferred the rank of Field Marshal by the presidential cabinet. The communique said that the conferment of this rank will serve to demonstrate to the world in a humble way the high esteem in which he is held by his people and how grateful the nation is to its saviour. The rank of Field Marshal is the highest rank of armies built on the patron of the British Army. The press communique added that by a peaceful revolution last year the President had not only defended the territorial integrity of Pakistan but had also saved the very existence of the nation.<ref name="Dawn">{{cite news |url=https://www.dawn.com/news/1355171#tab-1|title=Gen. Ayub becomes President|work=[[Dawn (newspaper)|Dawn]]|date=6 September 2017|access-date=23 October 2017}}</ref>
}}}}
}}}}
| rank                = [[Field marshal (Pakistan)|Field Marshal]]{{efn|Ayub never had an active regular military appointment of the rank of field marshal, his last military appointment was the commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army in the rank of full general.}}
| rank                = [[Field marshal (Pakistan)|Field Marshal]]{{efn|Ayub never had an active regular military appointment of the rank of field marshal, his last military appointment was the commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army in the rank of full general.}}
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'''Muhammad Ayub Khan''' ([[Urdu]]: {{Nastaliq|محمد ایوب خان}}; 14 May 1907&nbsp;– 19 April 1974), was the second [[President of Pakistan]]. He was an army general who seized the presidency from [[Iskander Mirza]] in [[1958 Pakistani coup d'état|a coup]] in 1958, the first successful coup d'état in the country's history. Popular demonstrations and labour strikes supported by the [[1969 uprising in East Pakistan|protests in East Pakistan]] ultimately led to his [[forced resignation]] in 1969. During his presidency, differences between [[East Pakistan|East]] and [[West Pakistan]] arose to an enormous degree, that ultimately led to the [[Bangladesh Liberation War|Independence of East Pakistan]].
'''Muhammad Ayub Khan''' ([[Urdu]]: {{Nastaliq|محمد ایوب خان}}; 14 May 1907&nbsp;– 19 April 1974), was the second [[President of Pakistan]]. He was an army general who seized the presidency from [[Iskander Mirza]] in [[1958 Pakistani coup d'état|a coup]] in 1958, the first successful coup d'état in the country's history. Popular demonstrations and labour strikes supported by the [[1969 uprising in East Pakistan|protests in East Pakistan]] ultimately led to his [[forced resignation]] in 1969. During his presidency, differences between [[East Pakistan|East]] and [[West Pakistan]] arose to an enormous degree, that ultimately led to the [[Bangladesh Liberation War|Independence of East Pakistan]].


Trained at the British [[Royal Military College, Sandhurst|Royal Military College]], Ayub Khan fought in [[World War II]] as a [[Colonel (United Kingdom)|colonel]] in the [[British Indian Army]] before [[Pakistani citizenship|deciding to transfer]] to the [[Pakistan Army]] in the aftermath of the [[Partition of India|partition]] of [[British India|India]] in 1947. His assignments included command of the 14th Division in [[East Bengal|East-Bengal]]. He was elevated to become the first native [[Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army]] in 1951 by Prime Minister [[Liaquat Ali Khan]], succeeding [[Douglas Gracey|General Douglas Gracey]].<ref name="countrystudies">{{cite web|url=http://www.countrystudies.us/pakistan/18.htm|title= Ayub Khan in US Country Studies |publisher=US State Department|access-date=16 November 2022}}, Retrieved 25 August 2015</ref> From 1953 to 1958, he served in the [[Ministry of Talents|civilian government]] as [[Defence Minister of Pakistan|Defence]] and [[Interior Minister of Pakistan|Home Minister]] and supported President Iskander Mirza's decision to impose martial law against Prime Minister [[Feroze Khan administration|Feroze Khan's administration]] in 1958.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II">{{cite web|title=Ouster of President Iskander Mirza| date=June 2003 |url=http://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A117|publisher=Story of Pakistan, part-II}}, Retrieved 27 August 2015</ref> Two weeks later, he took over the presidency from Mirza after a breakdown in [[Civil military relations|civil-military relations]] between him and Mirza.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II"/><ref name="Story of Pakistan, Part-1">{{cite web|title=Field Marshal Ayub Khan Becomes President [1962–1969]| date=June 2003 |url=http://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A067|publisher=Story of Pakistan, Part-1}}, Retrieved 25 August 2015</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://pkpolitics.com/2011/05/25/kal-tak-25-may-2011/ |title=Kal Tak – 25 May 2011 &#124; Pakistan Politics |publisher=Pkpolitics.com |access-date=9 December 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130509011515/http://pkpolitics.com/2011/05/25/kal-tak-25-may-2011/ |archive-date=9 May 2013 |url-status=dead }}</ref>
Trained at the British [[Royal Military College, Sandhurst|Royal Military College]], Ayub Khan fought in [[World War II]] as a [[Colonel (United Kingdom)|colonel]] in the [[British Indian Army]] before [[Pakistani citizenship|deciding to transfer]] to the [[Pakistan Army]] in the aftermath of the [[Partition of India|partition]] of [[British India|India]] in 1947. His assignments included command of the 14th Division in [[East Bengal|East-Bengal]]. He was elevated to become the first native [[Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army]] in 1951 by Prime Minister [[Liaquat Ali Khan]], succeeding [[Douglas Gracey|General Douglas Gracey]].<ref name="countrystudies">{{cite web|url=http://www.countrystudies.us/pakistan/18.htm|title= Ayub Khan in US Country Studies |publisher=US State Department|access-date=16 November 2011}}, Retrieved 25 August 2015</ref> From 1953 to 1958, he served in the [[Ministry of Talents|civilian government]] as [[Defence Minister of Pakistan|Defence]] and [[Interior Minister of Pakistan|Home Minister]] and supported President Iskander Mirza's decision to impose martial law against Prime Minister [[Feroze Khan administration|Feroze Khan's administration]] in 1958.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II">{{cite web|title=Ouster of President Iskander Mirza| date=June 2003 |url=http://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A117|publisher=Story of Pakistan, part-II}}, Retrieved 27 August 2015</ref> Two weeks later, he took over the presidency from Mirza after a breakdown in [[Civil military relations|civil-military relations]] between him and Mirza.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II"/><ref name="Story of Pakistan, Part-1">{{cite web|title=Field Marshal Ayub Khan Becomes President [1962–1969]| date=June 2003 |url=http://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A067|publisher=Story of Pakistan, Part-1}}, Retrieved 25 August 2015</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://pkpolitics.com/2011/05/25/kal-tak-25-may-2011/ |title=Kal Tak – 25 May 2011 &#124; Pakistan Politics |publisher=Pkpolitics.com |access-date=9 December 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130509011515/http://pkpolitics.com/2011/05/25/kal-tak-25-may-2011/ |archive-date=9 May 2013 |url-status=dead }}</ref>


Upon taking power, he appointed General [[Musa Khan (general)|Musa Khan]] as Commander-in-Chief in 1958 to replace him in that role. He [[Baghdad Pact|aligned]] Pakistan with the United States, and allowed American access to air bases inside Pakistan, most notably the [[Peshawar Air Station|airbase]] outside of [[Peshawar]], from which [[U-2 incident|spy missions]] over the [[Soviet Union]] were launched.<ref>"Story of Pakistan, Part-1"/, Retrieved 25 August 2015</ref> [[China–Pakistan relations|Relations with neighboring China]] were strengthened but his alignment with the US worsened relations with the [[Pakistan-Soviet Union relations|Soviet Union]] in 1962. He launched [[Operation Gibraltar]] against India in 1965, leading to [[Indo-Pakistani War of 1965|all-out war]]. However, with Soviet Union [[Tashkent Declaration|intervention]] in 1966, peace was negotiated and relations among the three nations improved.
Upon taking power, he appointed General [[Musa Khan (general)|Musa Khan]] as Commander-in-Chief in 1958 to replace him in that role. He [[Baghdad Pact|aligned]] Pakistan with the United States, and allowed American access to air bases inside Pakistan, most notably the [[Peshawar Air Station|airbase]] outside of [[Peshawar]], from which [[U-2 incident|spy missions]] over the [[Soviet Union]] were launched.<ref>"Story of Pakistan, Part-1"/, Retrieved 25 August 2015</ref> [[China–Pakistan relations|Relations with neighboring China]] were strengthened but his alignment with the US worsened relations with the [[Pakistan-Soviet Union relations|Soviet Union]] in 1962. He launched [[Operation Gibraltar]] against India in 1965, leading to [[Indo-Pakistani War of 1965|all-out war]]. However, with Soviet Union [[Tashkent Declaration|intervention]] in 1966, peace was negotiated and relations among the three nations improved.
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== Early life ==
== Early life ==


Ayub Khan was born on 14 May 1907 in [[Rehana, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa|Rehana]], a village in [[Abbottabad District]] of the [[North-West Frontier Province]] of [[British Raj|British India]] (now in [[Haripur District]], [[Khyber Pakhtunkhwa]], Pakistan) into the [[Tareen]] tribe of [[Pashtuns]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Gauhar |first=Altaf |author-link=Altaf Gauhar |year=1993 |title=Ayub Khan: Pakistan's First Military Ruler |location=Lahore |publisher=Sang-e-Meel Publications |page=35 |isbn=978-969-35-0295-4}}</ref><ref name="Hussain">{{Cite book|title=Pakistan and the emergence of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan|last1=Hussain|first1=Rizwan|year=2005|publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd|isbn=978-0-7546-4434-7|page=74|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TRW_M_xybyYC&pg=PA74|access-date=22 August 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Amir|first=Intikhab|date=23 April 2013|title=Where pragmatism holds sway|url=https://www.dawn.com/2013/04/23/where-pragmatism-holds-sway/|work=Dawn|language=en|access-date=19 September 2022}}</ref><ref>Sir Olaf Caroe, "The Pathans 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957". Oxford University Press {{ISBN|978-0-19-577221-0}}. Page 453.</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=A history of Pakistan and its origins|last1=Jaffrelot|first1=Christophe |year=2004|publisher=Anthem Press|isbn=978-1-84331-149-2|page=69|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q9sI_Y2CKAcC&pg=PA69 |access-date=22 August 2022}}</ref>
Ayub Khan was born on 14 May 1907 in [[Rehana, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa|Rehana]], a village in [[Abbottabad District]] of the [[North-West Frontier Province]] of [[British Raj|British India]] (now in [[Haripur District]], [[Khyber Pakhtunkhwa]], Pakistan) into the [[Tareen]] tribe of [[Pashtuns]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Gauhar |first=Altaf |author-link=Altaf Gauhar |year=1993 |title=Ayub Khan: Pakistan's First Military Ruler |location=Lahore |publisher=Sang-e-Meel Publications |page=35 |isbn=978-969-35-0295-4}}</ref><ref name="Hussain">{{Cite book|title=Pakistan and the emergence of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan|last1=Hussain|first1=Rizwan|year=2005|publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd|isbn=978-0-7546-4434-7|page=74|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TRW_M_xybyYC&pg=PA74|access-date=22 August 2010}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Amir|first=Intikhab|date=23 April 2013|title=Where pragmatism holds sway|url=https://www.dawn.com/2013/04/23/where-pragmatism-holds-sway/|work=Dawn|language=en|access-date=19 September 2020}}</ref><ref>Sir Olaf Caroe, "The Pathans 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957". Oxford University Press {{ISBN|978-0-19-577221-0}}. Page 453.</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=A history of Pakistan and its origins|last1=Jaffrelot|first1=Christophe |year=2004|publisher=Anthem Press|isbn=978-1-84331-149-2|page=69|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q9sI_Y2CKAcC&pg=PA69 |access-date=22 August 2010}}</ref>


He was the first child of the second wife of [[Mir Dad Khan]], a [[Risaldar-Major]] (a regimental [[junior commissioned officer|JCO]] which was then known as [[viceroy's commissioned officer|VCO]]) in the [[9th Hodson's Horse]] which was a cavalry regiment of the [[British Indian Army]].<ref>{{Cite news |date=4 June 2015|title=Forming the govt : PML-N seeks Haripur tehsil triumph through bloodlines|url=http://tribune.com.pk/story/897889/forming-the-govt-pml-n-seeks-haripur-tehsil-triumph-through-bloodlines|work=The Express Tribune|language=en|access-date=19 September 2022}}</ref> For his basic education, he was enrolled in a school in [[Sarai Saleh]], which was about 4 miles from his village. He used to go to school on a [[mule]]'s back and was shifted to a school in [[Haripur, Pakistan|Haripur]], where he started living with his grandmother.<ref name=":0" />
He was the first child of the second wife of [[Mir Dad Khan]], a [[Risaldar-Major]] (a regimental [[junior commissioned officer|JCO]] which was then known as [[viceroy's commissioned officer|VCO]]) in the [[9th Hodson's Horse]] which was a cavalry regiment of the [[British Indian Army]].<ref>{{Cite news |date=4 June 2015|title=Forming the govt : PML-N seeks Haripur tehsil triumph through bloodlines|url=http://tribune.com.pk/story/897889/forming-the-govt-pml-n-seeks-haripur-tehsil-triumph-through-bloodlines|work=The Express Tribune|language=en|access-date=19 September 2020}}</ref> For his basic education, he was enrolled in a school in [[Sarai Saleh]], which was about 4 miles from his village. He used to go to school on a [[mule]]'s back and was shifted to a school in [[Haripur, Pakistan|Haripur]], where he started living with his grandmother.<ref name=":0" />


He went on to study at [[Aligarh Muslim University]] (AMU) and {{Sfn|Malik|2008|p=147}} while pursuing his college education, he was accepted into the [[Royal Military College, Sandhurst|Royal Military College at Sandhurst]] by the recommendation of General [[Andrew Skeen]]; he did not complete his degree at AMU and departed for Great Britain.<ref name="Greenwood Publishing Group, Malik">{{cite book|last1=Malik|first1=Iftikhar Haider|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z6NfsuDACQwC&q=ayub+khan+aligarh&pg=PA146|title=The History of Pakistan|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=2008|isbn=9780313341373|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref><ref>Karl J. Newman: Pakistan under Ayub Khan, Bhutto und Zia-ul-Haq. S. 31, {{ISBN|3-8039-0327-0}}.</ref> Ayub Khan was fluent in Urdu, Pashto, English, and his regional [[Northern Hindko|Northern Hindko dialect]].<ref>''The Political Dilemmas of Military Regimes'' (1985), by Christopher S. Clapham, George D. E. Philip, p. 203.</ref>
He went on to study at [[Aligarh Muslim University]] (AMU) and {{Sfn|Malik|2008|p=147}} while pursuing his college education, he was accepted into the [[Royal Military College, Sandhurst|Royal Military College at Sandhurst]] by the recommendation of General [[Andrew Skeen]]; he did not complete his degree at AMU and departed for Great Britain.<ref name="Greenwood Publishing Group, Malik">{{cite book|last1=Malik|first1=Iftikhar Haider|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z6NfsuDACQwC&q=ayub+khan+aligarh&pg=PA146|title=The History of Pakistan|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=2008|isbn=9780313341373|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref><ref>Karl J. Newman: Pakistan under Ayub Khan, Bhutto und Zia-ul-Haq. S. 31, {{ISBN|3-8039-0327-0}}.</ref> Ayub Khan was fluent in Urdu, Pashto, English, and his regional [[Northern Hindko|Northern Hindko dialect]].<ref>''The Political Dilemmas of Military Regimes'' (1985), by Christopher S. Clapham, George D. E. Philip, p. 203.</ref>


== Military career ==
== Military career ==
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He was promoted to lieutenant on 2 May 1930 and to [[Captain (army)|captain]] on 2 February 1937.<ref name="ReferenceA">{{London Gazette|issue=33613|page=3572|date=6 June 1930}}</ref><ref name="ReferenceB">{{London Gazette|issue=34381|page=1827|date=19 March 1937}}</ref> During [[World War II]], he was promoted to the temporary rank of [[lieutenant-colonel]] in 1942 and was posted in Burma to participate in the [[Burma Campaign 1942–1943|first phase]] of the [[Burma Campaign]] in 1942–43.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} He was promoted to the permanent rank of major on 2 February 1945.<ref>{{London Gazette|issue=37085|page=2577|date=18 May 1945}}</ref> Later that year, he was promoted to temporary [[colonel]] and assumed the command of his own regiment in which he was commissioned to direct operations in the [[Burma Campaign 1944–1945|second phase]] of the Burma Campaign; however, he was soon temporarily [[Leave of absence|suspended without pay]] from that command for visible cowardice under fire.<ref>See accounts of Sardar [[Shaukat Hayat Khan]] ''The Nation that Lost its Soul: Memoirs'', Lahore: Jang Publications, 1992, p 187; and Lt Col (r) HE Empson 'Hard Times- The Burmese Campaign 1942–1945' Aldershot: Gale and Polden, 1952</ref>
He was promoted to lieutenant on 2 May 1930 and to [[Captain (army)|captain]] on 2 February 1937.<ref name="ReferenceA">{{London Gazette|issue=33613|page=3572|date=6 June 1930}}</ref><ref name="ReferenceB">{{London Gazette|issue=34381|page=1827|date=19 March 1937}}</ref> During [[World War II]], he was promoted to the temporary rank of [[lieutenant-colonel]] in 1942 and was posted in Burma to participate in the [[Burma Campaign 1942–1943|first phase]] of the [[Burma Campaign]] in 1942–43.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} He was promoted to the permanent rank of major on 2 February 1945.<ref>{{London Gazette|issue=37085|page=2577|date=18 May 1945}}</ref> Later that year, he was promoted to temporary [[colonel]] and assumed the command of his own regiment in which he was commissioned to direct operations in the [[Burma Campaign 1944–1945|second phase]] of the Burma Campaign; however, he was soon temporarily [[Leave of absence|suspended without pay]] from that command for visible cowardice under fire.<ref>See accounts of Sardar [[Shaukat Hayat Khan]] ''The Nation that Lost its Soul: Memoirs'', Lahore: Jang Publications, 1992, p 187; and Lt Col (r) HE Empson 'Hard Times- The Burmese Campaign 1942–1945' Aldershot: Gale and Polden, 1952</ref>


In 1946, he was posted back to [[British Raj|British India]] and was stationed in the [[North-West Frontier Province (1901–1955)|North-West Frontier Province]]. In 1947, he was promoted to [[Brigadier (United Kingdom)|brigadier]] and commanded a [[brigade]] in mountainous [[South Waziristan]].<ref name="Rowman & Littlefield, Burki">{{cite book|last1=Burki|first1=Shahid Javed|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rk-sBwAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+world+war+II&pg=PA87|title=Historical Dictionary of Pakistan|date=19 March 2015|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield, Burki|isbn=9781442241480|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref> When the United Kingdom [[Indian Independence Act 1947|announced]] the [[Partition of India|partition of British India]] into India and Pakistan, he was one of the most senior serving officers in the British Indian Army who [[Pakistani citizenship|opted]] for Pakistan in 1947.<ref name="Psychology Press, Leonard">{{cite book|last1=Leonard|first1=Thomas M.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3mE04D9PMpAC&q=ayub+khan+commander&pg=PA125|title=Encyclopedia of the Developing World|date=27 October 2005|publisher=Psychology Press, Leonard|isbn=9781579583880|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref><ref name="Rowman & Littlefield, Burki"/> At the time of his joining, he was the tenth ranking officer in terms of seniority with [[service number]] PA-010.{{Sfn|Nawaz|2008|p=33}}
In 1946, he was posted back to [[British Raj|British India]] and was stationed in the [[North-West Frontier Province (1901–1955)|North-West Frontier Province]]. In 1947, he was promoted to [[Brigadier (United Kingdom)|brigadier]] and commanded a [[brigade]] in mountainous [[South Waziristan]].<ref name="Rowman & Littlefield, Burki">{{cite book|last1=Burki|first1=Shahid Javed|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rk-sBwAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+world+war+II&pg=PA87|title=Historical Dictionary of Pakistan|date=19 March 2015|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield, Burki|isbn=9781442241480|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref> When the United Kingdom [[Indian Independence Act 1947|announced]] the [[Partition of India|partition of British India]] into India and Pakistan, he was one of the most senior serving officers in the British Indian Army who [[Pakistani citizenship|opted]] for Pakistan in 1947.<ref name="Psychology Press, Leonard">{{cite book|last1=Leonard|first1=Thomas M.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3mE04D9PMpAC&q=ayub+khan+commander&pg=PA125|title=Encyclopedia of the Developing World|date=27 October 2005|publisher=Psychology Press, Leonard|isbn=9781579583880|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref><ref name="Rowman & Littlefield, Burki"/> At the time of his joining, he was the tenth ranking officer in terms of seniority with [[service number]] PA-010.{{Sfn|Nawaz|2008|p=33}}


In the early part of 1948, he was given the command of the 14th Infantry Division{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} in the rank of acting major-general stationed in [[Dacca]], [[East Pakistan]].{{Sfn|Nawaz|2008|p=79}} In 1949, he was decorated with the [[Hilal-i-Jurat]] (HJ) by Prime Minister [[Liaquat Ali Khan]] for non-combatant service and called back to [[General Headquarters (Pakistan Army)|General Headquarters]] as the [[Adjutant General]] of the army on November of the same year.{{Citation needed|date=June 2021}}
In the early part of 1948, he was given the command of the 14th Infantry Division{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} in the rank of acting major-general stationed in [[Dacca]], [[East Pakistan]].{{Sfn|Nawaz|2008|p=79}} In 1949, he was decorated with the [[Hilal-i-Jurat]] (HJ) by Prime Minister [[Liaquat Ali Khan]] for non-combatant service and called back to [[General Headquarters (Pakistan Army)|General Headquarters]] as the [[Adjutant General]] of the army on November of the same year.{{Citation needed|date=June 2021}}
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{{further|Commander-in-Chief (Pakistan Army)}}
{{further|Commander-in-Chief (Pakistan Army)}}


General [[Douglas Gracey|Sir Douglas Gracey]] relinquished the command of the Pakistan Army on 23 January 1951, under pressure of calls for "nationalisation" of the army.<ref name=Ankit>{{citation |last=Ankit |first=Rakesh |title=The Defiant Douglas |newspaper=Epilogue |volume=4 |number=1 |pages=46–47 |date=January 2010 |url=https://issuu.com/epilogue/docs/january_10}}</ref> The [[Government of Pakistan|Pakistan government]] already called for appointing native commanders-in-chief of the army, [[Pakistan Air Force|air force]], and [[Pakistan Navy|navy]] and dismissed deputation appointments from the [[British military]].<ref name="Springer, Reimer">{{cite book|last1=Cheema|first1=Pervaiz I.|last2=Riemer|first2=Manuel|title=Pakistan's Defence Policy 1947–58|publisher=Springer, Reimer|isbn=9781349209422|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CX6xCwAAQBAJ&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA82 |page=82 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=22 August 1990}}</ref><ref name="Cambridge University Press, Tudor">{{cite book|last1=Tudor|first1=Maya|title=The Promise of Power: The Origins of Democracy in India and Autocracy in Pakistan|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781107032965|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=N2-9ahosP94C&q=commander+in+chief+pakistan+ayub+1953&pg=PA30 |page=30 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=14 March 2022}}</ref> The [[GHQ (Pakistan Army)|General Headquarters]] sent the nomination papers to the [[Prime Minister's Secretariat (Pakistan)|Prime Minister's Secretariat]] for the appointment of [[commander-in-chief]].{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} There were four-senior officers in the race: Major-General [[Muhammed Akbar Khan|Akbar Khan]], Major-General [[Iftikhar Khan]], Major-General [[Ishfakul Majid]], and Major-General N.A.M. Raza, and among these officers Akbar was the senior-most as he was commissioned in 1920.<ref>{{cite news |last=Siddiqui |first=A. R. |date=25 April 2004 |title=Army's top slot: the seniority factor |url=http://www.dawn.com/news/1065891 |newspaper=Dawn}}</ref>
General [[Douglas Gracey|Sir Douglas Gracey]] relinquished the command of the Pakistan Army on 23 January 1951, under pressure of calls for "nationalisation" of the army.<ref name=Ankit>{{citation |last=Ankit |first=Rakesh |title=The Defiant Douglas |newspaper=Epilogue |volume=4 |number=1 |pages=46–47 |date=January 2010 |url=https://issuu.com/epilogue/docs/january_10}}</ref> The [[Government of Pakistan|Pakistan government]] already called for appointing native commanders-in-chief of the army, [[Pakistan Air Force|air force]], and [[Pakistan Navy|navy]] and dismissed deputation appointments from the [[British military]].<ref name="Springer, Reimer">{{cite book|last1=Cheema|first1=Pervaiz I.|last2=Riemer|first2=Manuel|title=Pakistan's Defence Policy 1947–58|publisher=Springer, Reimer|isbn=9781349209422|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CX6xCwAAQBAJ&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA82 |page=82 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=22 August 1990}}</ref><ref name="Cambridge University Press, Tudor">{{cite book|last1=Tudor|first1=Maya|title=The Promise of Power: The Origins of Democracy in India and Autocracy in Pakistan|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781107032965|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=N2-9ahosP94C&q=commander+in+chief+pakistan+ayub+1953&pg=PA30 |page=30 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=14 March 2013}}</ref> The [[GHQ (Pakistan Army)|General Headquarters]] sent the nomination papers to the [[Prime Minister's Secretariat (Pakistan)|Prime Minister's Secretariat]] for the appointment of [[commander-in-chief]].{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} There were four-senior officers in the race: Major-General [[Muhammed Akbar Khan|Akbar Khan]], Major-General [[Iftikhar Khan]], Major-General [[Ishfakul Majid]], and Major-General N.A.M. Raza, and among these officers Akbar was the senior-most as he was commissioned in 1920.<ref>{{cite news |last=Siddiqui |first=A. R. |date=25 April 2004 |title=Army's top slot: the seniority factor |url=http://www.dawn.com/news/1065891 |newspaper=Dawn}}</ref>


Initially, Gen. [[Iftikhar Khan]] (commissioned in 1929) was selected for appointment as the first native commander-in-chief of the army, but he died in an airplane crash en route to take command after finishing the senior [[staff officer|staff officers']] course in the United Kingdom. All three remaining generals were bypassed including the recommended senior-most Major-General Akbar Khan and Major-General Ishfakul Majid (commissioned in 1924).{{citation needed|date=October 2021}}
Initially, Gen. [[Iftikhar Khan]] (commissioned in 1929) was selected for appointment as the first native commander-in-chief of the army, but he died in an airplane crash en route to take command after finishing the senior [[staff officer|staff officers']] course in the United Kingdom. All three remaining generals were bypassed including the recommended senior-most Major-General Akbar Khan and Major-General Ishfakul Majid (commissioned in 1924).{{citation needed|date=October 2021}}
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Defence Secretary [[Iskandar Mirza]], at that time, played a crucial role in lobbying for the army post selection as presenting with convincing arguments to Prime Minister Ali Khan to promote the junior-most Major-General Ayub Khan (commissioned in 1928) to the post despite the fact that his name was not included in the nomination list.{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} Ayub's papers of promotion were approved and he was appointed the first native commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army on 17 January 1951 by Prime Minister Ali Khan.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Nawaz">{{cite book |last1=Nawaz |first1=Shuja |year=2008|title=Crossed Swords: Pakistan, its Army, and the Wars Within |publisher=Oxford University Press |page=80 |isbn=978-0-19-547660-6}}</ref>
Defence Secretary [[Iskandar Mirza]], at that time, played a crucial role in lobbying for the army post selection as presenting with convincing arguments to Prime Minister Ali Khan to promote the junior-most Major-General Ayub Khan (commissioned in 1928) to the post despite the fact that his name was not included in the nomination list.{{citation needed|date=October 2021}} Ayub's papers of promotion were approved and he was appointed the first native commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army on 17 January 1951 by Prime Minister Ali Khan.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Nawaz">{{cite book |last1=Nawaz |first1=Shuja |year=2008|title=Crossed Swords: Pakistan, its Army, and the Wars Within |publisher=Oxford University Press |page=80 |isbn=978-0-19-547660-6}}</ref>


Ayub's becoming the commander in chief of the Pakistan Army marked a change in the military tradition to one of preferring native Pakistanis; it ended the transitional role of [[British Armed Forces|British military]] officers.<ref>{{cite book|last=Haqqani|first=Hussain|title=Pakistan Between Mosque and Military|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nYppZ_dEjdIC&q=liaquat+ali+khan+and+Ayub+Khan&pg=PA33|isbn=9780870032851|date=10 March 2022}}</ref> Although the [[Pakistani government]] announced the appointment of the navy's native [[Chief of Naval Staff (Pakistan)#History|commander in chief]] in 1951, it was Ayub Khan who helped Vice-Admiral [[Haji Mohammad Siddiq Choudri|M.S. Choudhri]] to be appointed as the first native navy commander in chief, also in 1953.<ref name="Springer, Reimer"/><ref name="NYU Press, Cheema">{{cite book|last1=Cheema|first1=Pervaiz Iqbal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cw_gduyRv5oC&q=Vice+Admiral+choudri+1953&pg=PA93|title=The Armed Forces of Pakistan|publisher=NYU Press, Cheema|year=2002|isbn=9780814716335|pages=93–94|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref> The events surrounding Ayub's appointment set the precedent for a native general being promoted out of turn, ostensibly because he was the least ambitious of the generals in the line of promotion and the most loyal to civil government at that time.<ref>The rule of seniority by Kamal Zafar Sunday 5 March 2006 [http://www.nation.com.pk/daily/mar-2006/5/columns5.php The Nation] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070311040129/http://www.nation.com.pk/daily/mar-2006/5/columns5.php |date=11 March 2007 }}</ref> Ayub, alongside [[HMS Choudri|Admiral Choudhri]], cancelled and disbanded the [[United Kingdom Armed Forces|British military]] tradition in the navy and the army when the U.S. military's [[Military Assistance Advisory Group|advisers]] were dispatched to the [[Pakistan Armed Forces|Pakistani military]] in 1955–57. British military traditions were only kept in the air force due to a [[Arthur McDonald|British commander]] and major staff consisting of [[Royal Air Force]] officers.<ref name="Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan">{{cite web|last=Hamid Hussain|title=Tale of a love affair that never was: United States-Pakistan Defence Relations|url=http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120304115412/http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|archive-date=4 March 2012|access-date=12 February 2012|website=Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan|publisher=Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan}}</ref>
Ayub's becoming the commander in chief of the Pakistan Army marked a change in the military tradition to one of preferring native Pakistanis; it ended the transitional role of [[British Armed Forces|British military]] officers.<ref>{{cite book|last=Haqqani|first=Hussain|title=Pakistan Between Mosque and Military|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nYppZ_dEjdIC&q=liaquat+ali+khan+and+Ayub+Khan&pg=PA33|isbn=9780870032851|date=10 March 2010}}</ref> Although the [[Pakistani government]] announced the appointment of the navy's native [[Chief of Naval Staff (Pakistan)#History|commander in chief]] in 1951, it was Ayub Khan who helped Vice-Admiral [[Haji Mohammad Siddiq Choudri|M.S. Choudhri]] to be appointed as the first native navy commander in chief, also in 1953.<ref name="Springer, Reimer"/><ref name="NYU Press, Cheema">{{cite book|last1=Cheema|first1=Pervaiz Iqbal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cw_gduyRv5oC&q=Vice+Admiral+choudri+1953&pg=PA93|title=The Armed Forces of Pakistan|publisher=NYU Press, Cheema|year=2002|isbn=9780814716335|pages=93–94|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref> The events surrounding Ayub's appointment set the precedent for a native general being promoted out of turn, ostensibly because he was the least ambitious of the generals in the line of promotion and the most loyal to civil government at that time.<ref>The rule of seniority by Kamal Zafar Sunday 5 March 2006 [http://www.nation.com.pk/daily/mar-2006/5/columns5.php The Nation] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070311040129/http://www.nation.com.pk/daily/mar-2006/5/columns5.php |date=11 March 2007 }}</ref> Ayub, alongside [[HMS Choudri|Admiral Choudhri]], cancelled and disbanded the [[United Kingdom Armed Forces|British military]] tradition in the navy and the army when the U.S. military's [[Military Assistance Advisory Group|advisers]] were dispatched to the [[Pakistan Armed Forces|Pakistani military]] in 1955–57. British military traditions were only kept in the air force due to a [[Arthur McDonald|British commander]] and major staff consisting of [[Royal Air Force]] officers.<ref name="Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan">{{cite web|last=Hamid Hussain|title=Tale of a love affair that never was: United States-Pakistan Defence Relations|url=http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120304115412/http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|archive-date=4 March 2012|access-date=12 February 2012|website=Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan|publisher=Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan}}</ref>


In 1953, Ayub visited Turkey, his first foreign visit as an army commander in chief, and was said to have been impressed with [[Turkish Armed Forces|Turkish military]] tradition; he met only with the [[List of Ministers of National Defence of Turkey|Turkish Defence minister]] during his visit. Thereafter, he went to the United States and visited the [[United States Department of State|US State Department]] and [[The Pentagon|Pentagon]] to lobby for forging [[Pakistan-United States military relations|military relations]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Yesilbursa|first=Behcet Kemal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cZKRAgAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan+medical+visit&pg=PA26|title=The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950-59|date=8 July 2005|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-76686-3|pages=26|language=en}}</ref> He termed this visit as a "medical visit" but made a strong plea for military aid which was not considered due to India's opposition.<ref name="Routledge, Yesilbursa">{{cite book|last1=Yesilbursa|first1=Behcet Kemal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cZKRAgAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan+medical+visit&pg=PA26|title=The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950–59|date=8 July 2005|publisher=Routledge, Yesilbursa|isbn=978-1135766863|pages=27|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref>
In 1953, Ayub visited Turkey, his first foreign visit as an army commander in chief, and was said to have been impressed with [[Turkish Armed Forces|Turkish military]] tradition; he met only with the [[List of Ministers of National Defence of Turkey|Turkish Defence minister]] during his visit. Thereafter, he went to the United States and visited the [[United States Department of State|US State Department]] and [[The Pentagon|Pentagon]] to lobby for forging [[Pakistan-United States military relations|military relations]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Yesilbursa|first=Behcet Kemal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cZKRAgAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan+medical+visit&pg=PA26|title=The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950-59|date=8 July 2005|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-76686-3|pages=26|language=en}}</ref> He termed this visit as a "medical visit" but made a strong plea for military aid which was not considered due to India's opposition.<ref name="Routledge, Yesilbursa">{{cite book|last1=Yesilbursa|first1=Behcet Kemal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cZKRAgAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan+medical+visit&pg=PA26|title=The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950–59|date=8 July 2005|publisher=Routledge, Yesilbursa|isbn=978-1135766863|pages=27|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref>


=== Cabinet and Defence Minister ===
=== Cabinet and Defence Minister ===
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In 1955, Prime Minister Bogra was dismissed by Governor-General Malik Ghulam Muhammad and he was succeeded by the new Prime Minister [[Chaudhry Muhammad Ali]] as the Defence Minister.{{Sfn|Shah|2014|p=167}}
In 1955, Prime Minister Bogra was dismissed by Governor-General Malik Ghulam Muhammad and he was succeeded by the new Prime Minister [[Chaudhry Muhammad Ali]] as the Defence Minister.{{Sfn|Shah|2014|p=167}}


After the [[1954 East Bengal Legislative Assembly election|1954 provincial elections in East Pakistan]], the [[Awami League#Founding and early Pakistan era (1949–66)|Awami League]] formed the government there while [[West Pakistan]] was governed by the PML, but the PML government collapsed in 1956.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Rizvi|first1=Hasan Askari|last2=Shah|first2=Aqil|last3=Paul|first3=T.V.|last4=Fair|first4=C. Christine|date=2015|title=The Military and Pakistan's Political and Security Disposition|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24905306|journal=Asia Policy|issue=19|pages=147–151|jstor=24905306|issn=1559-0968}}</ref> He was called on to join the Cabinet as Defence Minister by Prime Minister [[H. S. Suhrawardy|H.S. Suhrawardy]] and maintained closer relations with Iskander Mirza who now had become the [[List of Presidents of Pakistan|first]] [[President of Pakistan|President]] of the country after the successful promulgation of the [[Constitution of Pakistan of 1956|Constitution]] in 1956.{{citation needed|date=September 2022}} In 1957, President Mirza promoted him from acting full general to the substantive rank of full general.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Sridharan|first1=E.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cIM8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT128|title=International Relations Theory and South Asia (OIP): Volume I: Security, Political Economy, Domestic Politics, Identities, and Images|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2014|isbn=978-0-19-908939-0|pages=232}}</ref><ref name="Royal Book Company, Ahmad, 2004">{{cite book |last1=Ahmad |first1=Syed Sami |year=2004 |title=History of Pakistan and Role of the Army |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dvBtAAAAMAAJ |publisher=Royal Book Company |location=Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan |isbn=978-969-407-306-4}}</ref>
After the [[1954 East Bengal Legislative Assembly election|1954 provincial elections in East Pakistan]], the [[Awami League#Founding and early Pakistan era (1949–66)|Awami League]] formed the government there while [[West Pakistan]] was governed by the PML, but the PML government collapsed in 1956.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Rizvi|first1=Hasan Askari|last2=Shah|first2=Aqil|last3=Paul|first3=T.V.|last4=Fair|first4=C. Christine|date=2015|title=The Military and Pakistan's Political and Security Disposition|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24905306|journal=Asia Policy|issue=19|pages=147–151|jstor=24905306|issn=1559-0968}}</ref> He was called on to join the Cabinet as Defence Minister by Prime Minister [[H. S. Suhrawardy|H.S. Suhrawardy]] and maintained closer relations with Iskander Mirza who now had become the [[List of Presidents of Pakistan|first]] [[President of Pakistan|President]] of the country after the successful promulgation of the [[Constitution of Pakistan of 1956|Constitution]] in 1956.{{citation needed|date=September 2020}} In 1957, President Mirza promoted him from acting full general to the substantive rank of full general.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Sridharan|first1=E.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cIM8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT128|title=International Relations Theory and South Asia (OIP): Volume I: Security, Political Economy, Domestic Politics, Identities, and Images|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2014|isbn=978-0-19-908939-0|pages=232}}</ref><ref name="Royal Book Company, Ahmad, 2004">{{cite book |last1=Ahmad |first1=Syed Sami |year=2004 |title=History of Pakistan and Role of the Army |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dvBtAAAAMAAJ |publisher=Royal Book Company |location=Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan |isbn=978-969-407-306-4}}</ref>


Around this time the [[Ministry of Defence (Pakistan)|MoD]], led by General Ayub Khan, began to see the serious [[interservice rivalry]] between the [[GHQ (Pakistan Army)|General Headquarters]] staff and the [[NHQ (Pakistan Navy)|Naval Headquarters]] staff.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Singh|first=Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wCm2DFZblOYC&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA382|title=The Military Factor in Pakistan|date=2008|publisher=Lancer Publishers|isbn=978-0-9815378-9-4|pages=381–382|language=en}}</ref> [[Commander in Chief (Pakistan Navy)|Commander in Chief]] of Navy Vice-Admiral [[Haji Mohammad Siddiq Choudri|M. S. Choudri]] and his NHQ staff had been fighting with the [[Ministry of Finance (Pakistan)|Finance ministry]] and the [[Ministry of Defense (Pakistan)|MoD]] over the issues of rearmament and contingency plans.<ref name="Lancer Publishers, Singh">{{cite book|last1=Singh|first1=Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wCm2DFZblOYC&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA382|title=The Military Factor in Pakistan|publisher=Lancer Publishers, Singh|year=2008|isbn=9780981537894|pages=383|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref> Meanwhile, he continued to serve with Prime Minister [[I. I. Chundrigar|Chundrigar]] and [[Feroz Khan Noon|Feroz Noon]]'s government as Defence Minister.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Rizvi |first=Hasan-Askari |year=2000 |title=Military, State, and Society in Pakistan |publisher=Macmillan Press |page= |isbn=0-333-79388-9}}</ref>{{page needed|date=July 2021}}
Around this time the [[Ministry of Defence (Pakistan)|MoD]], led by General Ayub Khan, began to see the serious [[interservice rivalry]] between the [[GHQ (Pakistan Army)|General Headquarters]] staff and the [[NHQ (Pakistan Navy)|Naval Headquarters]] staff.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Singh|first=Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wCm2DFZblOYC&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA382|title=The Military Factor in Pakistan|date=2008|publisher=Lancer Publishers|isbn=978-0-9815378-9-4|pages=381–382|language=en}}</ref> [[Commander in Chief (Pakistan Navy)|Commander in Chief]] of Navy Vice-Admiral [[Haji Mohammad Siddiq Choudri|M. S. Choudri]] and his NHQ staff had been fighting with the [[Ministry of Finance (Pakistan)|Finance ministry]] and the [[Ministry of Defense (Pakistan)|MoD]] over the issues of rearmament and contingency plans.<ref name="Lancer Publishers, Singh">{{cite book|last1=Singh|first1=Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wCm2DFZblOYC&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA382|title=The Military Factor in Pakistan|publisher=Lancer Publishers, Singh|year=2008|isbn=9780981537894|pages=383|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref> Meanwhile, he continued to serve with Prime Minister [[I. I. Chundrigar|Chundrigar]] and [[Feroz Khan Noon|Feroz Noon]]'s government as Defence Minister.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Rizvi |first=Hasan-Askari |year=2000 |title=Military, State, and Society in Pakistan |publisher=Macmillan Press |page= |isbn=0-333-79388-9}}</ref>{{page needed|date=July 2021}}


In 1958, he chaired the joint military meeting where he became involved in a heated discussion with Admiral [[M. S. Choudri]].<ref name="defencejournal.com">{{cite web|last1=Hussain|first1=Hamid|title=National Security Decision Making Process|url=http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/march/process.htm|website=www.defencejournal.com|publisher=defencejournal.com|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref> He reportedly complained against Admiral Choudri to President Mirza and criticized Admiral Choudri for "neither having the brain, imagination, or depth of thought to understand such (defence) problems nor the vision or the ability to make any contribution".<ref name="Dawn newspapers, Ghani">{{cite news|last1=Ghani|first1=Nadia|title=NON-FICTION: The narcissist|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/826646|access-date=3 November 2016|work=DAWN.COM|agency=Dawn newspapers|publisher=Dawn newspapers, Ghani|date=11 July 2022}}</ref> The impasse was broken with Admiral Choudhri resigning from the navy in protest as a result of having differences with the navy's plans of expansion and modernization.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Cheema|first=Pervaiz Iqbal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cw_gduyRv5oC&q=Vice+Admiral+choudri+1953&pg=PA93|title=The Armed Forces of Pakistan|date=2002|publisher=NYU Press|isbn=978-0-8147-1633-5|pages=381|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Singh|first=Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wCm2DFZblOYC&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA382|title=The Military Factor in Pakistan|date=2008|publisher=Lancer Publishers|isbn=978-0-9815378-9-4|pages=94|language=en}}</ref> In 1958, Vice-Admiral [[Afzal Rahman Khan]], who was known to be a confidant of General Ayub Khan, was appointed as [[Chief of Naval Staff (Pakistan)|naval chief]] by President Mirza.<ref name="Rizvi 104">{{Cite book|last=Rizvi|first=H.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZwGIDAAAQBAJ&q=Afzal+Rahman+Khan+admiral&pg=PA104|title=Military, State and Society in Pakistan|date=15 May 2000|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-0-230-59904-8|pages=104|language=en}}</ref>
In 1958, he chaired the joint military meeting where he became involved in a heated discussion with Admiral [[M. S. Choudri]].<ref name="defencejournal.com">{{cite web|last1=Hussain|first1=Hamid|title=National Security Decision Making Process|url=http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/march/process.htm|website=www.defencejournal.com|publisher=defencejournal.com|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref> He reportedly complained against Admiral Choudri to President Mirza and criticized Admiral Choudri for "neither having the brain, imagination, or depth of thought to understand such (defence) problems nor the vision or the ability to make any contribution".<ref name="Dawn newspapers, Ghani">{{cite news|last1=Ghani|first1=Nadia|title=NON-FICTION: The narcissist|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/826646|access-date=3 November 2016|work=DAWN.COM|agency=Dawn newspapers|publisher=Dawn newspapers, Ghani|date=11 July 2010}}</ref> The impasse was broken with Admiral Choudhri resigning from the navy in protest as a result of having differences with the navy's plans of expansion and modernization.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Cheema|first=Pervaiz Iqbal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cw_gduyRv5oC&q=Vice+Admiral+choudri+1953&pg=PA93|title=The Armed Forces of Pakistan|date=2002|publisher=NYU Press|isbn=978-0-8147-1633-5|pages=381|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Singh|first=Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wCm2DFZblOYC&q=Admiral+Choudhri&pg=PA382|title=The Military Factor in Pakistan|date=2008|publisher=Lancer Publishers|isbn=978-0-9815378-9-4|pages=94|language=en}}</ref> In 1958, Vice-Admiral [[Afzal Rahman Khan]], who was known to be a confidant of General Ayub Khan, was appointed as [[Chief of Naval Staff (Pakistan)|naval chief]] by President Mirza.<ref name="Rizvi 104">{{Cite book|last=Rizvi|first=H.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZwGIDAAAQBAJ&q=Afzal+Rahman+Khan+admiral&pg=PA104|title=Military, State and Society in Pakistan|date=15 May 2000|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-0-230-59904-8|pages=104|language=en}}</ref>


== President of Pakistan (1958–1969) ==
== President of Pakistan (1958–1969) ==
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[[File:Queen Elizabeth II and the Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth Nations, at Windsor Castle (1960 Commonwealth Prime Minister's Conference).jpg|thumb|alt=A formal group of Elizabeth in tiara and evening dress with eleven prime ministers in evening dress or national costume.|Ayub Khan (back row, second from the right) with [[Elizabeth II]], former [[Queen of Pakistan]] at the 1960 [[Commonwealth Prime Minister's Conference]], [[Windsor Castle]]]]
[[File:Queen Elizabeth II and the Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth Nations, at Windsor Castle (1960 Commonwealth Prime Minister's Conference).jpg|thumb|alt=A formal group of Elizabeth in tiara and evening dress with eleven prime ministers in evening dress or national costume.|Ayub Khan (back row, second from the right) with [[Elizabeth II]], former [[Queen of Pakistan]] at the 1960 [[Commonwealth Prime Minister's Conference]], [[Windsor Castle]]]]


Under threat of being dismissed, Prime Minister [[H. S. Suhrawardy|H.S. Suhrawardy]] resigned and Prime Minister [[Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar|I.I. Chundiragar]] took over the post but in a mere two months he too tendered his resignation after losing a [[Motion of no confidence|vote of no confidence]] in the [[National Assembly of Pakistan|National Assembly]]. The [[Constituent Assembly of Pakistan|Constituent Assembly]] then elected [[Feroz Khan Noon|Sir Feroz Noon]] for the post of the prime minister; Noon had much wider support from the western [[Republican Party (Pakistan)|Republican Party]], the eastern Awami League, and the [[Krishak Sramik Janata League|Krishak Sramik]].<ref name="Author House, Din">{{cite book|last1=Din|first1=Waheed Ud|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0JlCSH3Qnw0C&q=I+I+Chundrigar+Ayub&pg=PA49|title=The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time|date=16 May 2011|publisher=Author House, Din|isbn=9781456744144|page=49|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref>
Under threat of being dismissed, Prime Minister [[H. S. Suhrawardy|H.S. Suhrawardy]] resigned and Prime Minister [[Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar|I.I. Chundiragar]] took over the post but in a mere two months he too tendered his resignation after losing a [[Motion of no confidence|vote of no confidence]] in the [[National Assembly of Pakistan|National Assembly]]. The [[Constituent Assembly of Pakistan|Constituent Assembly]] then elected [[Feroz Khan Noon|Sir Feroz Noon]] for the post of the prime minister; Noon had much wider support from the western [[Republican Party (Pakistan)|Republican Party]], the eastern Awami League, and the [[Krishak Sramik Janata League|Krishak Sramik]].<ref name="Author House, Din">{{cite book|last1=Din|first1=Waheed Ud|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0JlCSH3Qnw0C&q=I+I+Chundrigar+Ayub&pg=PA49|title=The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time|date=16 May 2011|publisher=Author House, Din|isbn=9781456744144|page=49|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref>


This new alliance threatened President [[Iskander Mirza]] because [[Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy|Suhrawardy]] and Feroz began campaigning to become prime minister and president in the upcoming [[Elections in Pakistan|general elections]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Din|first=Waheed Ud|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0JlCSH3Qnw0C&q=I+I+Chundrigar+Ayub&pg=PA49|title=The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time|date=16 May 2011|publisher=Author House|isbn=978-1-4567-4414-4|pages=50–51|language=en}}</ref> The conservative [[Pakistan Muslim League (N)|Pakistan Muslim League]], led by its President [[Abdul Qayyum Khan|A.Q. Khan]], was also gaining momentum in [[West Pakistan]] and threatened for the ''[[Dharna]]'' movement.<ref name="Rizvi 83">{{Cite book|last=Rizvi|first=H.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZwGIDAAAQBAJ&q=Afzal+Rahman+Khan+admiral&pg=PA104|title=Military, State and Society in Pakistan|date=15 May 2000|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-0-230-59904-8|pages=83|language=en}}</ref> These events were against President Mirza hence he was willing to dissolve even Pakistan's [[One Unit]] for his advantage.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II" />
This new alliance threatened President [[Iskander Mirza]] because [[Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy|Suhrawardy]] and Feroz began campaigning to become prime minister and president in the upcoming [[Elections in Pakistan|general elections]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Din|first=Waheed Ud|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0JlCSH3Qnw0C&q=I+I+Chundrigar+Ayub&pg=PA49|title=The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time|date=16 May 2011|publisher=Author House|isbn=978-1-4567-4414-4|pages=50–51|language=en}}</ref> The conservative [[Pakistan Muslim League (N)|Pakistan Muslim League]], led by its President [[Abdul Qayyum Khan|A.Q. Khan]], was also gaining momentum in [[West Pakistan]] and threatened for the ''[[Dharna]]'' movement.<ref name="Rizvi 83">{{Cite book|last=Rizvi|first=H.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZwGIDAAAQBAJ&q=Afzal+Rahman+Khan+admiral&pg=PA104|title=Military, State and Society in Pakistan|date=15 May 2000|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-0-230-59904-8|pages=83|language=en}}</ref> These events were against President Mirza hence he was willing to dissolve even Pakistan's [[One Unit]] for his advantage.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II" />


At midnight on 7 October 1958, President Mirza ordered a mass mobilization of the [[Pakistan Armed Forces]] and abrogated the [[Constitution of Pakistan of 1956|Constitution]] after sending a letter to Prime Minister Feroz and the [[Constituent Assembly of Pakistan|Constituent Assembly]] about the [[1958 Pakistani coup d'état|coup d'état]].<ref name="Rizvi 83"/>  Most of the country's politicians only became aware of the coup the next morning; only [[United States Ambassador to Pakistan|U.S. Ambassador]] [[James M. Langley|James Langley]] and the British High Commissioner were kept fully informed of political developments in the country.<ref name="Springer, Rizvi">{{cite book|last1=Rizvi|first1=H.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZwGIDAAAQBAJ&q=Afzal+Rahman+Khan+admiral&pg=PA104|title=Military, State and Society in Pakistan|date=15 May 2000|publisher=Springer, Rizvi|isbn=9780230599048|pages=84|language=en|access-date=1 November 2022}}</ref> President Mirza appointed General Ayub [[chief martial law administrator]] (CMLA), who then declared martial law.<ref name="Simon and Schuster, Oborne">{{cite book|last1=Oborne|first1=Peter| author-link =Peter Oborne|title=Wounded Tiger: A History of Cricket in Pakistan|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=9781849832489|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EXXGBwAAQBAJ&q=iskander+mirza+martial+law&pg=PA157 |pages=157–158 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=9 April 2022}}</ref>
At midnight on 7 October 1958, President Mirza ordered a mass mobilization of the [[Pakistan Armed Forces]] and abrogated the [[Constitution of Pakistan of 1956|Constitution]] after sending a letter to Prime Minister Feroz and the [[Constituent Assembly of Pakistan|Constituent Assembly]] about the [[1958 Pakistani coup d'état|coup d'état]].<ref name="Rizvi 83"/>  Most of the country's politicians only became aware of the coup the next morning; only [[United States Ambassador to Pakistan|U.S. Ambassador]] [[James M. Langley|James Langley]] and the British High Commissioner were kept fully informed of political developments in the country.<ref name="Springer, Rizvi">{{cite book|last1=Rizvi|first1=H.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZwGIDAAAQBAJ&q=Afzal+Rahman+Khan+admiral&pg=PA104|title=Military, State and Society in Pakistan|date=15 May 2000|publisher=Springer, Rizvi|isbn=9780230599048|pages=84|language=en|access-date=1 November 2016}}</ref> President Mirza appointed General Ayub [[chief martial law administrator]] (CMLA), who then declared martial law.<ref name="Simon and Schuster, Oborne">{{cite book|last1=Oborne|first1=Peter| author-link =Peter Oborne|title=Wounded Tiger: A History of Cricket in Pakistan|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=9781849832489|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EXXGBwAAQBAJ&q=iskander+mirza+martial+law&pg=PA157 |pages=157–158 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=9 April 2015}}</ref>


Ayub justified his part by declaring that: "History would never have forgiven us if the present chaotic conditions were allowed to go on any further," and his goal was to restore a democracy that the "people can understand and work", not to rule indefinitely.<ref name="Jalal 2014 98-100">{{Cite book|last=Jalal|first=Ayesha|title=The Struggle for Pakistan: A Muslim Homeland and Global Politics|publisher=Belknap Press|date=16 September 2014|isbn=978-0674052895|pages=98–100}}</ref> When the public ''was'' informed, public reactions were mixed. The immediate crackdown on smuggling, corruption, and trafficking won Ayub plenty of support from the commoners. The middle-class and the upper-middle class were more apprehensive.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}}
Ayub justified his part by declaring that: "History would never have forgiven us if the present chaotic conditions were allowed to go on any further," and his goal was to restore a democracy that the "people can understand and work", not to rule indefinitely.<ref name="Jalal 2014 98-100">{{Cite book|last=Jalal|first=Ayesha|title=The Struggle for Pakistan: A Muslim Homeland and Global Politics|publisher=Belknap Press|date=16 September 2014|isbn=978-0674052895|pages=98–100}}</ref> When the public ''was'' informed, public reactions were mixed. The immediate crackdown on smuggling, corruption, and trafficking won Ayub plenty of support from the commoners. The middle-class and the upper-middle class were more apprehensive.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}}
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On 2 March 1961, he passed and signed the "Muslim Family Laws" bill through the [[wikt:ordinance|ordinance]] under which unmitigated [[polygamy]] was abolished, consent of the current wife was made mandatory for a second marriage, brakes were also placed on the practice of instant divorce where men could divorce women by saying:"I divorce you" three times under Islamic tradition.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Moghissi">{{cite book|last1=Moghissi|first1=Haideh|title=Women and Islam: Women's movements in Muslim societies|year=2005|publisher=Taylor & Francis, Moghissi|isbn=9780415324212|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6ln19FcDV7wC&q=Muslim+family+law+ayub&pg=PA204 |pages=203–204;205 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en}}</ref>
On 2 March 1961, he passed and signed the "Muslim Family Laws" bill through the [[wikt:ordinance|ordinance]] under which unmitigated [[polygamy]] was abolished, consent of the current wife was made mandatory for a second marriage, brakes were also placed on the practice of instant divorce where men could divorce women by saying:"I divorce you" three times under Islamic tradition.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Moghissi">{{cite book|last1=Moghissi|first1=Haideh|title=Women and Islam: Women's movements in Muslim societies|year=2005|publisher=Taylor & Francis, Moghissi|isbn=9780415324212|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6ln19FcDV7wC&q=Muslim+family+law+ayub&pg=PA204 |pages=203–204;205 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en}}</ref>


The Arbitration Councils were set up under the law in the urban and rural areas to deal with cases of: (a) grant of sanction to a person to contract a second marriage during the subsistence of a marriage; (b) reconciliation of a dispute between a husband and a wife; (c) grant of a maintenance allowance to the wife and children.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://ghazali.net/book1/chapter_4.htm |title=ISLAMIC PAKISTAN: ILLUSIONS & REALITY by Abdul Sattar Ghazali |publisher=Ghazali.net |access-date=29 April 2022}}</ref>
The Arbitration Councils were set up under the law in the urban and rural areas to deal with cases of: (a) grant of sanction to a person to contract a second marriage during the subsistence of a marriage; (b) reconciliation of a dispute between a husband and a wife; (c) grant of a maintenance allowance to the wife and children.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://ghazali.net/book1/chapter_4.htm |title=ISLAMIC PAKISTAN: ILLUSIONS & REALITY by Abdul Sattar Ghazali |publisher=Ghazali.net |access-date=29 April 2010}}</ref>


===Economy and infrastructure===
===Economy and infrastructure===
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[[File:Kaptai dam in East Pakistan being visited by Ayub Khan.jpg|thumb|left|Kaptai dam in East Pakistan being visited by Ayub Khan]]
[[File:Kaptai dam in East Pakistan being visited by Ayub Khan.jpg|thumb|left|Kaptai dam in East Pakistan being visited by Ayub Khan]]


Industrialization and rural development through constructing modern [[National Highways of Pakistan|national freeways]] are considered his greatest achievements and his era is remembered for successful industrialization in the impoverished country. Strong emphasis on capitalism and [[foreign direct investment]] (FDI) in the industry is often regarded as the "Great Decade" in the history of the country (both [[Economic history of Pakistan|economical]] and [[Political history of Pakistan|political history]]).<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III)">{{cite web |url=http://storyofpakistan.com/muhammad-ayub-khan/3 |title=Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III) |publisher=Story of Pakistan |access-date=11 February 2022}}</ref> The "Great Decade" was celebrated, which highlighted the development plans executed during the years of Ayub's rule, the private consortium companies and industries, and is credited with creating an environment where the private sector was encouraged to establish medium and small-scale industries in Pakistan.<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III)"/> This opened up avenues for new job opportunities and thus the economic graph of the country started rising.<ref>{{Cite news |date=4 December 2015|title=Democratising Pakistan?|url=https://dailytimes.com.pk/97215/democratising-pakistan-ii/|work=Daily Times|language=en-US|access-date=5 October 2022}}</ref> He oversaw the development and completion of mega projects such as [[List of dams and reservoirs in Pakistan|hydroelectric dams]], [[List of power stations in Pakistan|power stations]], and [[List of barrages and headworks in Pakistan|barrages]] all over the country.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Mason|first=Colin|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VUYdBQAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan++hydroelectric+dams&pg=PA181|title=A Short History of Asia|date=24 June 2014|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-1-137-34061-0|pages=81|language=en}}</ref> During 1960–66, the annual GDP growth was recorded at 6.8%.<ref name="SAGE, Kukreja">{{cite book|last1=Kukreja|first1=Veena|title=Contemporary Pakistan: Political Processes, Conflicts and Crises|publisher=SAGE|isbn=9780761996835|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gdVNL2_DUtYC&q=Ayub+Khan+economy&pg=PA304 |page=304 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=24 February 2022}}</ref>
Industrialization and rural development through constructing modern [[National Highways of Pakistan|national freeways]] are considered his greatest achievements and his era is remembered for successful industrialization in the impoverished country. Strong emphasis on capitalism and [[foreign direct investment]] (FDI) in the industry is often regarded as the "Great Decade" in the history of the country (both [[Economic history of Pakistan|economical]] and [[Political history of Pakistan|political history]]).<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III)">{{cite web |url=http://storyofpakistan.com/muhammad-ayub-khan/3 |title=Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III) |publisher=Story of Pakistan |access-date=11 February 2012}}</ref> The "Great Decade" was celebrated, which highlighted the development plans executed during the years of Ayub's rule, the private consortium companies and industries, and is credited with creating an environment where the private sector was encouraged to establish medium and small-scale industries in Pakistan.<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III)"/> This opened up avenues for new job opportunities and thus the economic graph of the country started rising.<ref>{{Cite news |date=4 December 2015|title=Democratising Pakistan?|url=https://dailytimes.com.pk/97215/democratising-pakistan-ii/|work=Daily Times|language=en-US|access-date=5 October 2020}}</ref> He oversaw the development and completion of mega projects such as [[List of dams and reservoirs in Pakistan|hydroelectric dams]], [[List of power stations in Pakistan|power stations]], and [[List of barrages and headworks in Pakistan|barrages]] all over the country.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Mason|first=Colin|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VUYdBQAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan++hydroelectric+dams&pg=PA181|title=A Short History of Asia|date=24 June 2014|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-1-137-34061-0|pages=81|language=en}}</ref> During 1960–66, the annual GDP growth was recorded at 6.8%.<ref name="SAGE, Kukreja">{{cite book|last1=Kukreja|first1=Veena|title=Contemporary Pakistan: Political Processes, Conflicts and Crises|publisher=SAGE|isbn=9780761996835|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gdVNL2_DUtYC&q=Ayub+Khan+economy&pg=PA304 |page=304 |access-date=3 November 2016|language=en|date=24 February 2003}}</ref>


Several hydroelectric projects were completed, including the [[Mangla Dam]] (one of the world's largest dams), several small dams and water reservoirs in West Pakistan, and one dam in East Pakistan, the [[Kaptai Dam]].<ref name="Palgrave Macmillan, Mason">{{cite book|last1=Mason|first1=Colin|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VUYdBQAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan++hydroelectric+dams&pg=PA181|title=A Short History of Asia|date=24 June 2014|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=9781137340610|pages=85|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref> President Ayub authorized planning of [[nuclear power plant]]s, overriding the concerns of his own finance minister, [[Muhammad Shoaib (politician)|Muhammad Shoaib]], about their [[Economics of nuclear power plants|cost]].<ref name="Stanford University Press, Khan">{{cite book|last1=Khan|first1=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=9780804784801|pages=54|language=en|access-date=4 November 2022}}</ref> Initially, two nuclear power plants were to be established in the country: one in [[Karachi Nuclear Power Plant|Karachi]] and the other in [[Dhaka]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=54|language=en}}</ref> Dr. [[Abdus Salam]]. supported by the President, personally approved the project in Karachi while the project in East Pakistan never materialized.<ref name="Shahid-ur-Rehman p. 21">Shahid-ur-Rehman, "Z.A. Bhutto, A Man in Hurry for the Bomb," Long Road To Chagai, p. 21.</ref>
Several hydroelectric projects were completed, including the [[Mangla Dam]] (one of the world's largest dams), several small dams and water reservoirs in West Pakistan, and one dam in East Pakistan, the [[Kaptai Dam]].<ref name="Palgrave Macmillan, Mason">{{cite book|last1=Mason|first1=Colin|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VUYdBQAAQBAJ&q=Ayub+Khan++hydroelectric+dams&pg=PA181|title=A Short History of Asia|date=24 June 2014|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=9781137340610|pages=85|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref> President Ayub authorized planning of [[nuclear power plant]]s, overriding the concerns of his own finance minister, [[Muhammad Shoaib (politician)|Muhammad Shoaib]], about their [[Economics of nuclear power plants|cost]].<ref name="Stanford University Press, Khan">{{cite book|last1=Khan|first1=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=9780804784801|pages=54|language=en|access-date=4 November 2016}}</ref> Initially, two nuclear power plants were to be established in the country: one in [[Karachi Nuclear Power Plant|Karachi]] and the other in [[Dhaka]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=54|language=en}}</ref> Dr. [[Abdus Salam]]. supported by the President, personally approved the project in Karachi while the project in East Pakistan never materialized.<ref name="Shahid-ur-Rehman p. 21">Shahid-ur-Rehman, "Z.A. Bhutto, A Man in Hurry for the Bomb," Long Road To Chagai, p. 21.</ref>


Extensive education reforms were supposedly carried out and 'scientific development efforts' were also supposedly made during his years. These policies could not be sustained after 1965, when the economy collapsed and led to economic declines which he was unable to control.<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV)">{{cite web |url=http://storyofpakistan.com/muhammad-ayub-khan/4 |title=Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV) |publisher=Story of Pakistan |access-date=11 February 2022}}</ref><ref>[http://www.dawn.com/news/1293604/what-they-never-tell-us-about-ayub-khans-regime Dawn review Aug 2015]</ref>
Extensive education reforms were supposedly carried out and 'scientific development efforts' were also supposedly made during his years. These policies could not be sustained after 1965, when the economy collapsed and led to economic declines which he was unable to control.<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV)">{{cite web |url=http://storyofpakistan.com/muhammad-ayub-khan/4 |title=Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV) |publisher=Story of Pakistan |access-date=11 February 2012}}</ref><ref>[http://www.dawn.com/news/1293604/what-they-never-tell-us-about-ayub-khans-regime Dawn review Aug 2015]</ref>


Ayub introduced new curricula and textbooks for universities and schools. Many public-sector universities and schools were built during his era.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Lall">{{cite book |last1=Lall |first1=Marie |last2=Vickers |first2=Edward |date=2010 |title=Education as a Political Tool in Asia |publisher=Taylor & Francis |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aAI-G2EuBr0C&pg=PA183 |page=183 |isbn=9780415595360 |access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref>  He also introduced [[Agriculture in Pakistan|agricultural reforms]] preventing anyone from occupying more than 500 acres of irrigated and 1000 acres of unirrigated land. An [[Pakistan Refinery|oil refinery]] was established in Karachi. These reforms led to 15% [[Gross national product|GNP growth]] of the country that was three times greater than that of India. Despite the increase in the [[GNP]] growth, the profit and revenue was gained by the famous 22 families of the time that controlled 66% of the [[Industry of Pakistan|industries]] and [[Agriculture in Pakistan|land]] of the country and 80% of the [[Banking in Pakistan|banking]] and [[Insurance in Pakistan|insurance]] companies of Pakistan.<ref>{{Cite web|title=CONSTITUTION (THIRD AMENDMENT) ACT, 1974|url=http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/amendments/3amendment.html|access-date=5 October 2020|website=www.pakistani.org}}</ref>
Ayub introduced new curricula and textbooks for universities and schools. Many public-sector universities and schools were built during his era.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Lall">{{cite book |last1=Lall |first1=Marie |last2=Vickers |first2=Edward |date=2010 |title=Education as a Political Tool in Asia |publisher=Taylor & Francis |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aAI-G2EuBr0C&pg=PA183 |page=183 |isbn=9780415595360 |access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref>  He also introduced [[Agriculture in Pakistan|agricultural reforms]] preventing anyone from occupying more than 500 acres of irrigated and 1000 acres of unirrigated land. An [[Pakistan Refinery|oil refinery]] was established in Karachi. These reforms led to 15% [[Gross national product|GNP growth]] of the country that was three times greater than that of India. Despite the increase in the [[GNP]] growth, the profit and revenue was gained by the famous 22 families of the time that controlled 66% of the [[Industry of Pakistan|industries]] and [[Agriculture in Pakistan|land]] of the country and 80% of the [[Banking in Pakistan|banking]] and [[Insurance in Pakistan|insurance]] companies of Pakistan.<ref>{{Cite web|title=CONSTITUTION (THIRD AMENDMENT) ACT, 1974|url=http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/amendments/3amendment.html|access-date=5 October 2020|website=www.pakistani.org}}</ref>


===Defence spending===
===Defence spending===


During the Ayub era, the navy was able to introduce submarines and slowly modified itself by acquiring warships.<ref name="Springer, Reimer" /> However, Ayub drastically reduced funding of the military in the 1950s and de-prioritized [[nuclear weapon]]s in the 1960s.<ref name="Stanford University Press, Khan"/><ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Zafar|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XW8KBAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+nuclear&pg=PA22|title=Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence|date=17 July 2014|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-317-67601-0|pages=55|language=en}}</ref> The military relied on donations from the United States for major weapons procurements.<ref name="Routledge, Zafar Khan">{{cite book|last1=Khan|first1=Zafar|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XW8KBAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+nuclear&pg=PA22|title=Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence|date=17 July 2014|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781317676010|page=22|language=en|access-date=4 November 2022}}</ref> Major funding was made available for military acquisitions and procurement towards [[conventional weapon]]ry for [[Conventional warfare|conventional defence]]. In the 1960s, the Pakistani military acquired American{{nbh}}produced conventional weapons such as [[Jeep CJ]]s, [[M48 Patton]] and [[M24 Chaffee]] tanks, [[M16 rifle]]s, [[F-86]] fighter airplanes, and the submarine [[PNS Ghazi]]; all through the US [[Foreign Military Sales]] program.<ref name="Routledge, Zafar Khan"/> In 1961, President Ayub started the nation's full{{nbh}}fledged space program in cooperation with the air force, and created the [[Space and Upper Atmosphere Research Commission|Suparco]] civilian space agency that launched [[Chronology of Pakistan's rocket tests|sounding rockets]] throughout the 1960s.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=235–236|language=en}}</ref>
During the Ayub era, the navy was able to introduce submarines and slowly modified itself by acquiring warships.<ref name="Springer, Reimer" /> However, Ayub drastically reduced funding of the military in the 1950s and de-prioritized [[nuclear weapon]]s in the 1960s.<ref name="Stanford University Press, Khan"/><ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Zafar|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XW8KBAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+nuclear&pg=PA22|title=Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence|date=17 July 2014|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-317-67601-0|pages=55|language=en}}</ref> The military relied on donations from the United States for major weapons procurements.<ref name="Routledge, Zafar Khan">{{cite book|last1=Khan|first1=Zafar|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XW8KBAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+nuclear&pg=PA22|title=Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence|date=17 July 2014|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781317676010|page=22|language=en|access-date=4 November 2016}}</ref> Major funding was made available for military acquisitions and procurement towards [[conventional weapon]]ry for [[Conventional warfare|conventional defence]]. In the 1960s, the Pakistani military acquired American{{nbh}}produced conventional weapons such as [[Jeep CJ]]s, [[M48 Patton]] and [[M24 Chaffee]] tanks, [[M16 rifle]]s, [[F-86]] fighter airplanes, and the submarine [[PNS Ghazi]]; all through the US [[Foreign Military Sales]] program.<ref name="Routledge, Zafar Khan"/> In 1961, President Ayub started the nation's full{{nbh}}fledged space program in cooperation with the air force, and created the [[Space and Upper Atmosphere Research Commission|Suparco]] civilian space agency that launched [[Chronology of Pakistan's rocket tests|sounding rockets]] throughout the 1960s.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=235–236|language=en}}</ref>


Ayub directed Pakistan's [[nuclear technology]] efforts towards [[nuclear power|electrical power generation]], disregarding recommendations to use it for military purposes. He reportedly spent [[Pakistani rupee|₨.]] 721 million on civilian nuclear power plants and related education of engineers and scientists.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=53|language=en}}</ref>
Ayub directed Pakistan's [[nuclear technology]] efforts towards [[nuclear power|electrical power generation]], disregarding recommendations to use it for military purposes. He reportedly spent [[Pakistani rupee|₨.]] 721 million on civilian nuclear power plants and related education of engineers and scientists.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=53|language=en}}</ref>
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[[File:President Lyndon B. Johnson meets with President Ayub Khan.jpg|thumb|left|250px|President Ayub receiving Vice President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] in [[Karachi]], c. 1967.]]
[[File:President Lyndon B. Johnson meets with President Ayub Khan.jpg|thumb|left|250px|President Ayub receiving Vice President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] in [[Karachi]], c. 1967.]]


The [[Central Intelligence Agency]] leased [[Peshawar Air Station]] in the 1950s and spying into the Soviet Union from the air station grew immensely, with Ayub's full knowledge, during his presidency.  When these activities were exposed in 1960 after a U-2 flying out of the air station was [[1960 U-2 incident|shot down and its pilot captured]] by the USSR,<ref>{{Cite news |last=Dawn.com|date=4 July 2012|title=Timeline: History of US-Pakistan relations|url=https://www.dawn.com/2012/07/04/timeline-history-of-us-pakistan-relations/|work=Dawn|language=en|access-date=5 October 2022}}</ref> President Ayub was in the United Kingdom on a state visit. When the local CIA station chief briefed President Ayub on the incident, Ayub shrugged his shoulders and said that he had expected this would happen at some point.<ref>{{Cite web|date=4 March 2012|title=Tale of a love affair that never was|url=http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|access-date=5 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120304115412/http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|archive-date=4 March 2022}}</ref>
The [[Central Intelligence Agency]] leased [[Peshawar Air Station]] in the 1950s and spying into the Soviet Union from the air station grew immensely, with Ayub's full knowledge, during his presidency.  When these activities were exposed in 1960 after a U-2 flying out of the air station was [[1960 U-2 incident|shot down and its pilot captured]] by the USSR,<ref>{{Cite news |last=Dawn.com|date=4 July 2012|title=Timeline: History of US-Pakistan relations|url=https://www.dawn.com/2012/07/04/timeline-history-of-us-pakistan-relations/|work=Dawn|language=en|access-date=5 October 2020}}</ref> President Ayub was in the United Kingdom on a state visit. When the local CIA station chief briefed President Ayub on the incident, Ayub shrugged his shoulders and said that he had expected this would happen at some point.<ref>{{Cite web|date=4 March 2012|title=Tale of a love affair that never was|url=http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|access-date=5 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120304115412/http://www.defencejournal.com/2002/june/loveaffair.htm|archive-date=4 March 2012}}</ref>


The resulting Soviet ire severely compromised the national security of Pakistan. Ayub Khan had to publicly offer his apologies to the Soviet Union after USSR Secretary General [[Nikita Khrushchev]] made a threat to bomb Peshawar.<ref name="Khan 43">{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=43|language=en}}</ref> President Ayub directed his [[Foreign Office of Pakistan|Foreign Office]] to reduce tensions with the Soviet Union by facilitating state visits by Soviet Premier [[Alexei Kosygin|Kosygin]] and Soviet Foreign Minister [[Andrei Gromyko|Gromyko]] and agreeing to downplay relations with the United States.<ref name="Khan 43"/>
The resulting Soviet ire severely compromised the national security of Pakistan. Ayub Khan had to publicly offer his apologies to the Soviet Union after USSR Secretary General [[Nikita Khrushchev]] made a threat to bomb Peshawar.<ref name="Khan 43">{{Cite book|last=Khan|first=Feroz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yGgrNAsKZjEC&q=ayub+khan+nuclear+grass&pg=PA33|title=Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb|date=7 November 2012|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0-8047-8480-1|pages=43|language=en}}</ref> President Ayub directed his [[Foreign Office of Pakistan|Foreign Office]] to reduce tensions with the Soviet Union by facilitating state visits by Soviet Premier [[Alexei Kosygin|Kosygin]] and Soviet Foreign Minister [[Andrei Gromyko|Gromyko]] and agreeing to downplay relations with the United States.<ref name="Khan 43"/>
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In 1963, Ayub signed the historic [[Sino-Pakistan Frontier Agreement]] with [[People's Republic of China|China]] despite US opposition. This alliance of a non-communist country with a communist one was a significant event in the [[Cold War (1953–62)|history]] of the [[Cold War]].<ref>Mitra, Subrata Kumar; Mike Enskat; Clemens Spiess (2004). Political parties in South Asia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 157. {{ISBN|0-275-96832-4}}.</ref>
In 1963, Ayub signed the historic [[Sino-Pakistan Frontier Agreement]] with [[People's Republic of China|China]] despite US opposition. This alliance of a non-communist country with a communist one was a significant event in the [[Cold War (1953–62)|history]] of the [[Cold War]].<ref>Mitra, Subrata Kumar; Mike Enskat; Clemens Spiess (2004). Political parties in South Asia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 157. {{ISBN|0-275-96832-4}}.</ref>


During 1961–65, Ayub lost much of his support from President [[John F. Kennedy|John Kennedy]] and President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] as they sought [[Indo-U.S. relations|closer relations]] with India.  President Johnson placed an embargo on [[India and Pakistan|both nations]] during the [[Indo-Pakistani war of 1965|war]] in 1965.<ref name="Carnegie Endowment, Haqqani">{{cite book|last1=Haqqani|first1=Husain|title=Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military|publisher=Carnegie Endowment|isbn=9780870032851|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nYppZ_dEjdIC&q=ayub+khan+foreign+policy&pg=PA44 |pages=44–45 |access-date=6 November 2016|language=en|date=10 March 2022}}</ref> Relations with the Soviet Union were eventually normalized when the Soviets facilitated a [[Tashkent Agreement|peace treaty]] between Pakistan and India in 1965, and reached a trade treaty with Pakistan the following year.<ref name="Springer, Malik">{{cite book|last1=Malik|first1=Hafeez|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oliwCwAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+Soviet+union&pg=PA171|title=Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East|date=18 June 1990|publisher=Springer|isbn=9781349113187|pages=171–175|language=en|access-date=6 November 2022}}</ref> In 1966–67, Ayub wrestled with the United States' attempt to dictate Pakistan's foreign policy, while he strengthened relations with the Soviet Union and China.<ref name="Cambridge University Press, McGarr">{{cite book|last1=McGarr|first1=Paul M.|title=The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781107292260|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QYkYAAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+china&pg=RA1-PT286|access-date=6 November 2016|language=en|date=1 August 2022}}</ref> Despite initiatives to normalize relations with the Soviet Union, Ayub Khan remained inclined towards the United States and the [[Pro-western|western world]], receiving President Johnson in Karachi in 1967.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Malik|first=Hafeez|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oliwCwAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+Soviet+union&pg=PA171|title=Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East|date=18 June 1990|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-1-349-11318-7|pages=174|language=en}}</ref>
During 1961–65, Ayub lost much of his support from President [[John F. Kennedy|John Kennedy]] and President [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] as they sought [[Indo-U.S. relations|closer relations]] with India.  President Johnson placed an embargo on [[India and Pakistan|both nations]] during the [[Indo-Pakistani war of 1965|war]] in 1965.<ref name="Carnegie Endowment, Haqqani">{{cite book|last1=Haqqani|first1=Husain|title=Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military|publisher=Carnegie Endowment|isbn=9780870032851|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nYppZ_dEjdIC&q=ayub+khan+foreign+policy&pg=PA44 |pages=44–45 |access-date=6 November 2016|language=en|date=10 March 2010}}</ref> Relations with the Soviet Union were eventually normalized when the Soviets facilitated a [[Tashkent Agreement|peace treaty]] between Pakistan and India in 1965, and reached a trade treaty with Pakistan the following year.<ref name="Springer, Malik">{{cite book|last1=Malik|first1=Hafeez|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oliwCwAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+Soviet+union&pg=PA171|title=Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East|date=18 June 1990|publisher=Springer|isbn=9781349113187|pages=171–175|language=en|access-date=6 November 2016}}</ref> In 1966–67, Ayub wrestled with the United States' attempt to dictate Pakistan's foreign policy, while he strengthened relations with the Soviet Union and China.<ref name="Cambridge University Press, McGarr">{{cite book|last1=McGarr|first1=Paul M.|title=The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781107292260|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QYkYAAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+china&pg=RA1-PT286|access-date=6 November 2016|language=en|date=1 August 2013}}</ref> Despite initiatives to normalize relations with the Soviet Union, Ayub Khan remained inclined towards the United States and the [[Pro-western|western world]], receiving President Johnson in Karachi in 1967.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Malik|first=Hafeez|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oliwCwAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+Soviet+union&pg=PA171|title=Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East|date=18 June 1990|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-1-349-11318-7|pages=174|language=en}}</ref>


In 1961–62, Ayub paid a state visit to the United Kingdom.  He attracted much attention from the [[British society|British public]] when his involvement in the [[Christine Keeler]] affair was revealed.<ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/film/2012/jul/11/scandal-keeler-profumo The Guardian 11 July 2012] Retrieved December 2015</ref><ref>[http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n01/tariq-ali/the-general-in-his-labyrinth Tariq Ali on Ayub Khan 4 January 2007] Retrieved December 2015</ref>
In 1961–62, Ayub paid a state visit to the United Kingdom.  He attracted much attention from the [[British society|British public]] when his involvement in the [[Christine Keeler]] affair was revealed.<ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/film/2012/jul/11/scandal-keeler-profumo The Guardian 11 July 2012] Retrieved December 2015</ref><ref>[http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n01/tariq-ali/the-general-in-his-labyrinth Tariq Ali on Ayub Khan 4 January 2007] Retrieved December 2015</ref>
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{{see also|Operation Gibraltar}}
{{see also|Operation Gibraltar}}


In 1959, Ayub Khan's interest in building defence forces had already diminished when he made an offer of joint defense with India during the [[Sino-Indian War|Sino-Indo clashes]] in October 1959 in Ladakh, in a move seen as a result of American pressure and a lack of understanding of foreign affairs<ref name="Dawn News Papers, 5 April 2009">{{cite news|last=Iqbal Ahmad Khan|title=Bhutto's foreign policy legacy|url=http://archives.dawn.com/archives/31374|access-date=11 February 2012|newspaper=Dawn News Papers, 5 April 2009|date=5 April 2022}}</ref> Upon hearing this proposal, India's Prime Minister [[Jawaharlal Nehru|Nehru]] reportedly countered, "Defence Minister Ayub: Joint Defence on what?"<ref name="Cambridge University Press, McGarr" />{{Rp|84–86}} India remained uninterested in such proposals and Prime Minister Nehru decided to [[India and the Non-Aligned Movement|push his country's role]] in the [[Non-Aligned Movement]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=McGarr|first=Paul M.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QYkYAAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+china&pg=RA1-PT286|title=The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965|date=1 August 2013|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-29226-0|pages=85|language=en}}</ref> In 1960, President Ayub, together with Prime Minister Nehru, signed the [[Indus Waters Treaty]] brokered by the [[World Bank]].<ref name="guardian">[https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/jun/03/kashmir.india1 War over water] The Guardian, Monday 3 June 2002 01.06 BST</ref> In 1962, after India was defeated by China, Ayub Khan disguised a few thousand soldiers as guerillas and sent them to Indian Kashmir to incite the people to rebel.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Rashid |first1=Ahmed |title=Pakistan in the Brink |date=2012 |publisher=Allen Lane |isbn=9781846145858 |page=47}}</ref> In 1964, the [[Pakistan Army]] engaged with the [[Indian Army]] in several [[Indo-Pakistani wars and conflicts|skirmishes]], and clandestine operations began.
In 1959, Ayub Khan's interest in building defence forces had already diminished when he made an offer of joint defense with India during the [[Sino-Indian War|Sino-Indo clashes]] in October 1959 in Ladakh, in a move seen as a result of American pressure and a lack of understanding of foreign affairs<ref name="Dawn News Papers, 5 April 2009">{{cite news|last=Iqbal Ahmad Khan|title=Bhutto's foreign policy legacy|url=http://archives.dawn.com/archives/31374|access-date=11 February 2012|newspaper=Dawn News Papers, 5 April 2009|date=5 April 2009}}</ref> Upon hearing this proposal, India's Prime Minister [[Jawaharlal Nehru|Nehru]] reportedly countered, "Defence Minister Ayub: Joint Defence on what?"<ref name="Cambridge University Press, McGarr" />{{Rp|84–86}} India remained uninterested in such proposals and Prime Minister Nehru decided to [[India and the Non-Aligned Movement|push his country's role]] in the [[Non-Aligned Movement]].<ref>{{Cite book|last=McGarr|first=Paul M.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QYkYAAAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+china&pg=RA1-PT286|title=The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965|date=1 August 2013|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-29226-0|pages=85|language=en}}</ref> In 1960, President Ayub, together with Prime Minister Nehru, signed the [[Indus Waters Treaty]] brokered by the [[World Bank]].<ref name="guardian">[https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/jun/03/kashmir.india1 War over water] The Guardian, Monday 3 June 2002 01.06 BST</ref> In 1962, after India was defeated by China, Ayub Khan disguised a few thousand soldiers as guerillas and sent them to Indian Kashmir to incite the people to rebel.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Rashid |first1=Ahmed |title=Pakistan in the Brink |date=2012 |publisher=Allen Lane |isbn=9781846145858 |page=47}}</ref> In 1964, the [[Pakistan Army]] engaged with the [[Indian Army]] in several [[Indo-Pakistani wars and conflicts|skirmishes]], and clandestine operations began.


The [[Indo-Pakistani War of 1965|war]] with India in 1965 was a turning point in his presidency, and it ended in a settlement reached by Ayub Khan at Tashkent, called the [[Tashkent Declaration]], which was facilitated by the Soviet Union. The settlement was perceived negatively by many Pakistanis and led [[Foreign Minister of Pakistan|Foreign Minister]] [[Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto]] to resign his post and take up opposition to Ayub Khan.<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV)"/> According to Morrice James, "For them (Pakistanis) Ayub had betrayed the nation and had inexcusably lost face before the Indians."<ref name="Victoria">''Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War'' by Victoria Schofield Published 2003, by I.B.Tauris {{ISBN|1-86064-898-3}} p. 112.</ref>
The [[Indo-Pakistani War of 1965|war]] with India in 1965 was a turning point in his presidency, and it ended in a settlement reached by Ayub Khan at Tashkent, called the [[Tashkent Declaration]], which was facilitated by the Soviet Union. The settlement was perceived negatively by many Pakistanis and led [[Foreign Minister of Pakistan|Foreign Minister]] [[Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto]] to resign his post and take up opposition to Ayub Khan.<ref name="Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV)"/> According to Morrice James, "For them (Pakistanis) Ayub had betrayed the nation and had inexcusably lost face before the Indians."<ref name="Victoria">''Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War'' by Victoria Schofield Published 2003, by I.B.Tauris {{ISBN|1-86064-898-3}} p. 112.</ref>


According to [[Sartaj Aziz]], deputy chairman of the [[Planning Commission (Pakistan)|Planning Commission]], it was Foreign Minister Bhutto who had inadvertently set Pakistan on the road to war with India. During a cabinet meeting, Bhutto had gone on a populist [[Indophobia in Pakistan|anti-Indian]] and [[Anti-American sentiment in Pakistan|anti-American]] binge and succeeded in spellbinding President Ayub into thinking he was becoming a world statesman fawned upon by the enemies of the United States. When Ayub authorized [[Operation Gibraltar]], the fomenting of an  Kashmiri insurgency against India, Aziz famously told the President: "Sir, I hope you realize that our foreign policy and our economic requirements are not fully consistent, in fact they are rapidly falling out of line". Aziz opposed Operation Gibraltar, fearing the economical turmoil that would jolt the country's economy, but was in turn opposed by his own senior bureaucrats. In that meeting, Foreign Minister Bhutto convinced the president and the finance minister [[Muhammad Shoaib (politician)|Muhammad Shoaib]] that India would not attack Pakistan due to [[Kashmir]] being a [[Kashmir dispute|disputed territory]], and per Bhutto's remarks: "Pakistan's incursion into [[Indian-occupied Kashmir]], at [A]khnoor, would not provide [India] with the justification for attacking Pakistan across the international boundary because Kashmir was a disputed territory". This theory proved wrong when India launched a full-scale war against [[West Pakistan]] in 1965.<ref name="Oxford University Press">{{cite news|last=Ahmed|first=Khaled|date=9 August 2009|title=Book Review: Sartaj Aziz on 'excessive' leaders|newspaper=Pakistan Times|url=http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/09-Aug-2009/book-review-sartaj-aziz-on-excessive-leaders-by-khaled-ahmed|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304063953/http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/09-Aug-2009/book-review-sartaj-aziz-on-excessive-leaders-by-khaled-ahmed|archive-date=4 March 2022}}</ref>
According to [[Sartaj Aziz]], deputy chairman of the [[Planning Commission (Pakistan)|Planning Commission]], it was Foreign Minister Bhutto who had inadvertently set Pakistan on the road to war with India. During a cabinet meeting, Bhutto had gone on a populist [[Indophobia in Pakistan|anti-Indian]] and [[Anti-American sentiment in Pakistan|anti-American]] binge and succeeded in spellbinding President Ayub into thinking he was becoming a world statesman fawned upon by the enemies of the United States. When Ayub authorized [[Operation Gibraltar]], the fomenting of an  Kashmiri insurgency against India, Aziz famously told the President: "Sir, I hope you realize that our foreign policy and our economic requirements are not fully consistent, in fact they are rapidly falling out of line". Aziz opposed Operation Gibraltar, fearing the economical turmoil that would jolt the country's economy, but was in turn opposed by his own senior bureaucrats. In that meeting, Foreign Minister Bhutto convinced the president and the finance minister [[Muhammad Shoaib (politician)|Muhammad Shoaib]] that India would not attack Pakistan due to [[Kashmir]] being a [[Kashmir dispute|disputed territory]], and per Bhutto's remarks: "Pakistan's incursion into [[Indian-occupied Kashmir]], at [A]khnoor, would not provide [India] with the justification for attacking Pakistan across the international boundary because Kashmir was a disputed territory". This theory proved wrong when India launched a full-scale war against [[West Pakistan]] in 1965.<ref name="Oxford University Press">{{cite news|last=Ahmed|first=Khaled|date=9 August 2009|title=Book Review: Sartaj Aziz on 'excessive' leaders|newspaper=Pakistan Times|url=http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/09-Aug-2009/book-review-sartaj-aziz-on-excessive-leaders-by-khaled-ahmed|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304063953/http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/09-Aug-2009/book-review-sartaj-aziz-on-excessive-leaders-by-khaled-ahmed|archive-date=4 March 2016}}</ref>


His [[Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army|army C-in-C]] General Musa Khan did not order the Pakistan Army to respond without the confirmation by President Ayub Khan despite Foreign Minister Bhutto's urging <ref>{{Cite book|last=Hiro|first=Dilip|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PpPCBAAAQBAJ&q=Mirza++Ayub+Khan%E2%80%99s+rivals&pg=PA149|title=The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan|date=24 February 2015|publisher=PublicAffairs|isbn=978-1-56858-503-1|pages=182–183|language=en}}</ref> However, after the [[Indian Army]] advanced towards the [[Rann of Kutch]], General Musa Khan ordered the army to respond against the opposing force.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Hiro|first=Dilip|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PpPCBAAAQBAJ&q=Mirza++Ayub+Khan%E2%80%99s+rivals&pg=PA149|title=The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan|date=24 February 2015|publisher=PublicAffairs|isbn=978-1-56858-503-1|pages=183|language=en}}</ref> He faced serious altercations with, and public criticism from, [[Commander in Chief (Pakistan Air Force)|air chief]] [[Air Marshal|AM]] [[Asghar Khan]] for hiding the details of the war. The [[AHQ (Pakistan Air Force)|Air AHQ]] began fighting the president over the contingency plans, and this inter-services rivalry ended with Asghar Khan's resignation.<ref name="Dawn newspapers, Editorial">{{cite news|last1=Editorial publication|date=6 September 2005|title=Nur Khan reminisces '65 war|work=DAWN.COM|publisher=Dawn newspapers, Editorial|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/155474/nur-khan-reminisces|access-date=31 October 2022}}</ref> To reduce interservices tensions and criticism, [[Chief of Naval Staff (Pakistan)|navy commander]] Admiral [[Afzal Rahman Khan|A. R. Khan]] authorised the shelling of coastal [[Indian Navy]] posts at [[Operation Dwarka|Dwarka]], India.<ref name="AuthorHouse, Baig">{{cite book|last1=Baig|first1=Muhammad Anwar; Ebad|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H_A5-RABah4C&q=iskander+mirza+martial+law&pg=PA22|title=Pakistan: Time for Change|date=20 December 2012|publisher=AuthorHouse|isbn=9781477250310|pages=25|language=en|access-date=3 November 2022}}</ref>
His [[Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army|army C-in-C]] General Musa Khan did not order the Pakistan Army to respond without the confirmation by President Ayub Khan despite Foreign Minister Bhutto's urging <ref>{{Cite book|last=Hiro|first=Dilip|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PpPCBAAAQBAJ&q=Mirza++Ayub+Khan%E2%80%99s+rivals&pg=PA149|title=The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan|date=24 February 2015|publisher=PublicAffairs|isbn=978-1-56858-503-1|pages=182–183|language=en}}</ref> However, after the [[Indian Army]] advanced towards the [[Rann of Kutch]], General Musa Khan ordered the army to respond against the opposing force.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Hiro|first=Dilip|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PpPCBAAAQBAJ&q=Mirza++Ayub+Khan%E2%80%99s+rivals&pg=PA149|title=The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan|date=24 February 2015|publisher=PublicAffairs|isbn=978-1-56858-503-1|pages=183|language=en}}</ref> He faced serious altercations with, and public criticism from, [[Commander in Chief (Pakistan Air Force)|air chief]] [[Air Marshal|AM]] [[Asghar Khan]] for hiding the details of the war. The [[AHQ (Pakistan Air Force)|Air AHQ]] began fighting the president over the contingency plans, and this inter-services rivalry ended with Asghar Khan's resignation.<ref name="Dawn newspapers, Editorial">{{cite news|last1=Editorial publication|date=6 September 2005|title=Nur Khan reminisces '65 war|work=DAWN.COM|publisher=Dawn newspapers, Editorial|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/155474/nur-khan-reminisces|access-date=31 October 2016}}</ref> To reduce interservices tensions and criticism, [[Chief of Naval Staff (Pakistan)|navy commander]] Admiral [[Afzal Rahman Khan|A. R. Khan]] authorised the shelling of coastal [[Indian Navy]] posts at [[Operation Dwarka|Dwarka]], India.<ref name="AuthorHouse, Baig">{{cite book|last1=Baig|first1=Muhammad Anwar; Ebad|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H_A5-RABah4C&q=iskander+mirza+martial+law&pg=PA22|title=Pakistan: Time for Change|date=20 December 2012|publisher=AuthorHouse|isbn=9781477250310|pages=25|language=en|access-date=3 November 2016}}</ref>


About the 1965 war's contingency plans, AM [[Nur Khan]] briefly wrote that "Rumours about an impending operation were rife but the army had not shared the plans with other forces."<ref name="Dawn newspapers, Editorial"/>
About the 1965 war's contingency plans, AM [[Nur Khan]] briefly wrote that "Rumours about an impending operation were rife but the army had not shared the plans with other forces."<ref name="Dawn newspapers, Editorial"/>
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{{main|1965 Pakistani presidential election}}
{{main|1965 Pakistani presidential election}}


In 1964, President Ayub Khan was confident in his apparent popularity and saw the deep divisions within the political opposition which ultimately led him to announce [[Elections in Pakistan|presidential elections]] in 1965. He earned the nomination of the [[Pakistan Muslim League]] (PML) and was shocked when [[Fatima Jinnah]] was nominated by the [[Movement for the Restoration of Democracy|Combined Opposition Parties]].<ref name="Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965">{{cite web|date=25 October 2013|title=Presidential Election {{!}} Elections were held on 2 January 1965|url=http://storyofpakistan.com/presidential-election#prettyPhoto|access-date=4 November 2016|website=Story Of Pakistan|publisher=Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965}}</ref>{{better source needed|date=August 2022}}
In 1964, President Ayub Khan was confident in his apparent popularity and saw the deep divisions within the political opposition which ultimately led him to announce [[Elections in Pakistan|presidential elections]] in 1965. He earned the nomination of the [[Pakistan Muslim League]] (PML) and was shocked when [[Fatima Jinnah]] was nominated by the [[Movement for the Restoration of Democracy|Combined Opposition Parties]].<ref name="Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965">{{cite web|date=25 October 2013|title=Presidential Election {{!}} Elections were held on 2 January 1965|url=http://storyofpakistan.com/presidential-election#prettyPhoto|access-date=4 November 2016|website=Story Of Pakistan|publisher=Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965}}</ref>{{better source needed|date=August 2020}}


[[Fatima Jinnah]] had gained a lot of support from Karachi, [[Lahore]], and various parts of West and East Pakistan opposed to President Ayub Khan. Jinnah targeted the [[Indus Waters Treaty]], Pakistan's over-reliance on the United States, and its troubled relations with the Soviet Union. During the elections, President Ayub earned notoriety when his son, [[Gohar Ayub Khan]], was named in the news media for authorizing political murders in Karachi, particularly of Jinnah supporters.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Goulbourne">{{cite book|last1=Goulbourne|first1=Harry|title=Race and Ethnicity: Solidarities and communities|date=2001|publisher=Taylor & Francis|location=London [u.a.]|isbn=9780415225014|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WIg_9GI9a8gC&q=Ayub+Khan++karachi+1965+elections&pg=PA232 |page=232 |language=en}}</ref>
[[Fatima Jinnah]] had gained a lot of support from Karachi, [[Lahore]], and various parts of West and East Pakistan opposed to President Ayub Khan. Jinnah targeted the [[Indus Waters Treaty]], Pakistan's over-reliance on the United States, and its troubled relations with the Soviet Union. During the elections, President Ayub earned notoriety when his son, [[Gohar Ayub Khan]], was named in the news media for authorizing political murders in Karachi, particularly of Jinnah supporters.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Goulbourne">{{cite book|last1=Goulbourne|first1=Harry|title=Race and Ethnicity: Solidarities and communities|date=2001|publisher=Taylor & Francis|location=London [u.a.]|isbn=9780415225014|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WIg_9GI9a8gC&q=Ayub+Khan++karachi+1965+elections&pg=PA232 |page=232 |language=en}}</ref>


Angry protesters demonstrated in the streets of [[Sindh]], chanting slogans against President Ayub.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Goulbourne"/> Fatima Jinnah won the popular vote in a landslide but Ayub Khan won the election through the [[Electoral College (Pakistan)|Electoral College]] vote.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Riches">{{cite book|last1=Riches|first1=Christopher|last2=Palmowski|first2=Jan|title=A Dictionary of Contemporary World History|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=9780191060762|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KBI1DQAAQBAJ&q=Fatima+Jinnah+1965+elections&pg=PT1194 |page=xxx |access-date=4 November 2016|language=en|date=15 September 2022}}</ref> During this time, Ayub Khan used the [[Pakistani intelligence agencies|Pakistani intelligence community]] for his own advantage. [[Military Intelligence (Pakistan)|Military Intelligence]] actively monitored politicians and political gatherings and the [[Intelligence Bureau (Pakistan)|Intelligence Bureau]] taped politicians' telephone conversations.<ref name="Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965"/> This was the first departure of the intelligence community from national defence and security to direct interference with [[Politics of Pakistan|national politics]], an interference which continued in succeeding years.<ref name="global security">{{cite web|last1=Pike|first1=John|title=Military Intelligence – Pakistan Intelligence Agencies|url=http://www.globalsecurity.org/intell/world/pakistan/mi.htm|access-date=5 November 2016|website=www.globalsecurity.org|publisher=global security}}</ref>
Angry protesters demonstrated in the streets of [[Sindh]], chanting slogans against President Ayub.<ref name="Taylor & Francis, Goulbourne"/> Fatima Jinnah won the popular vote in a landslide but Ayub Khan won the election through the [[Electoral College (Pakistan)|Electoral College]] vote.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Riches">{{cite book|last1=Riches|first1=Christopher|last2=Palmowski|first2=Jan|title=A Dictionary of Contemporary World History|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=9780191060762|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KBI1DQAAQBAJ&q=Fatima+Jinnah+1965+elections&pg=PT1194 |page=xxx |access-date=4 November 2016|language=en|date=15 September 2016}}</ref> During this time, Ayub Khan used the [[Pakistani intelligence agencies|Pakistani intelligence community]] for his own advantage. [[Military Intelligence (Pakistan)|Military Intelligence]] actively monitored politicians and political gatherings and the [[Intelligence Bureau (Pakistan)|Intelligence Bureau]] taped politicians' telephone conversations.<ref name="Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965"/> This was the first departure of the intelligence community from national defence and security to direct interference with [[Politics of Pakistan|national politics]], an interference which continued in succeeding years.<ref name="global security">{{cite web|last1=Pike|first1=John|title=Military Intelligence – Pakistan Intelligence Agencies|url=http://www.globalsecurity.org/intell/world/pakistan/mi.htm|access-date=5 November 2016|website=www.globalsecurity.org|publisher=global security}}</ref>


It was reported that the elections were widely [[Vote rigging|rigged]] by the state authorities and machinery under the control of Ayub Khan and it is believed that had the elections been held via direct ballot, Fatima Jinnah would have won. The Electoral College consisted of only 80,000 Basic Democrats. They were easily manipulated by President Ayub Khan, who won the bitterly-contested elections with 64% of the Electoral College vote.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,830952,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071029212804/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,830952,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=29 October 2007 |title=Trouble with Mother |publisher=Time.com |date=25 December 1964 |access-date=29 April 2022}}</ref> According to journalists of the time, the election did not conform to international standards; many viewed the election results with great suspicion.<ref name="Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965"/>
It was reported that the elections were widely [[Vote rigging|rigged]] by the state authorities and machinery under the control of Ayub Khan and it is believed that had the elections been held via direct ballot, Fatima Jinnah would have won. The Electoral College consisted of only 80,000 Basic Democrats. They were easily manipulated by President Ayub Khan, who won the bitterly-contested elections with 64% of the Electoral College vote.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,830952,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071029212804/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,830952,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=29 October 2007 |title=Trouble with Mother |publisher=Time.com |date=25 December 1964 |access-date=29 April 2010}}</ref> According to journalists of the time, the election did not conform to international standards; many viewed the election results with great suspicion.<ref name="Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965"/>


=== 1969 nationwide riots and resignation ===
=== 1969 nationwide riots and resignation ===
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{{See also|Six point movement}}
{{See also|Six point movement}}


The controversial victory over [[Fatima Jinnah]] in the [[1965 Pakistani presidential election|1965 presidential election]] and the outcome of the [[Indo-Pakistani war of 1965|war]] with India in the same year brought devastating results for Ayub Khan's image and his presidency. Upon returning from [[Tashkent]], Foreign Minister Bhutto went to the [[Media of Pakistan|television media]] and criticized President Ayub for selling the nation's honor and sacrifice, which prompted President Ayub to depose Bhutto.<ref name="M.E. Sharpe, Abbas,">{{cite book|last1=Abbas|first1=Hassan|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GbgoBGFSMRQC&q=ayub+khan+1965+war&pg=PA52|title=Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror|date=1 September 2004|publisher=M.E. Sharpe|isbn=9780765631718|pages=52–53|language=en|access-date=4 November 2022}}</ref> In [[Karachi]], public resentment towards Ayub had been rising since the 1965 elections and his policies were widely disapproved.<ref name="Routledge Rath">{{cite book|last1=Rath|first1=Saroj Kumar|title=Fragile Frontiers: The Secret History of Mumbai Terror Attacks|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781317562511|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Dh7ICQAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+tashkent+agreement&pg=PT51|access-date=4 November 2016|language=en|date=3 June 2022}}</ref>
The controversial victory over [[Fatima Jinnah]] in the [[1965 Pakistani presidential election|1965 presidential election]] and the outcome of the [[Indo-Pakistani war of 1965|war]] with India in the same year brought devastating results for Ayub Khan's image and his presidency. Upon returning from [[Tashkent]], Foreign Minister Bhutto went to the [[Media of Pakistan|television media]] and criticized President Ayub for selling the nation's honor and sacrifice, which prompted President Ayub to depose Bhutto.<ref name="M.E. Sharpe, Abbas,">{{cite book|last1=Abbas|first1=Hassan|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GbgoBGFSMRQC&q=ayub+khan+1965+war&pg=PA52|title=Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror|date=1 September 2004|publisher=M.E. Sharpe|isbn=9780765631718|pages=52–53|language=en|access-date=4 November 2016}}</ref> In [[Karachi]], public resentment towards Ayub had been rising since the 1965 elections and his policies were widely disapproved.<ref name="Routledge Rath">{{cite book|last1=Rath|first1=Saroj Kumar|title=Fragile Frontiers: The Secret History of Mumbai Terror Attacks|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781317562511|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Dh7ICQAAQBAJ&q=ayub+khan+tashkent+agreement&pg=PT51|access-date=4 November 2016|language=en|date=3 June 2015}}</ref>


In 1967, [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]] formed the socialist [[Pakistan Peoples Party]] (PPP) and embarked on a nationwide tour where he attacked the Ayub administration's economic, religious, and social policies.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Wynbrandt|first=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=978-0-8160-6184-6|pages=196|language=en}}</ref> The detention of Bhutto further inflamed the opposition and demonstrations were sparked all over the country with the East Pakistani Awami League charging the Ayub administration with [[Geographical segregation|segregating policies]] towards the East.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Wynbrandt|first=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=978-0-8160-6184-6|pages=197|language=en}}</ref> [[List of trade unions in Pakistan|Labour unions]] called for labour strikes against Ayub Khan's labour legislation and dissatisfaction was widespread in the country's middle class by the end of 1968.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|last=Wynbrandt|first=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=978-0-8160-6184-6|pages=198|language=en}}</ref> When Ayub Khan was confronted with the [[Six point movement|Six Point movement]] led by [[Sheikh Mujibur Rahman]] and with the criticism by Bhutto's PPP, he responded by imprisoning both leaders but that made matters worse for Ayub's administration.<ref name=":1"/> [[Socialism in Pakistan|Left-wing]] parties, allied with the [[Conservatism in Pakistan|conservative masses]], began advocating for the [[Islam in Pakistan|Islamic]] [[parliamentary democracy]] system against his presidential rule.<ref name="Dawn, Inpaper magazine"/>
In 1967, [[Zulfikar Ali Bhutto]] formed the socialist [[Pakistan Peoples Party]] (PPP) and embarked on a nationwide tour where he attacked the Ayub administration's economic, religious, and social policies.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Wynbrandt|first=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=978-0-8160-6184-6|pages=196|language=en}}</ref> The detention of Bhutto further inflamed the opposition and demonstrations were sparked all over the country with the East Pakistani Awami League charging the Ayub administration with [[Geographical segregation|segregating policies]] towards the East.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Wynbrandt|first=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=978-0-8160-6184-6|pages=197|language=en}}</ref> [[List of trade unions in Pakistan|Labour unions]] called for labour strikes against Ayub Khan's labour legislation and dissatisfaction was widespread in the country's middle class by the end of 1968.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|last=Wynbrandt|first=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=978-0-8160-6184-6|pages=198|language=en}}</ref> When Ayub Khan was confronted with the [[Six point movement|Six Point movement]] led by [[Sheikh Mujibur Rahman]] and with the criticism by Bhutto's PPP, he responded by imprisoning both leaders but that made matters worse for Ayub's administration.<ref name=":1"/> [[Socialism in Pakistan|Left-wing]] parties, allied with the [[Conservatism in Pakistan|conservative masses]], began advocating for the [[Islam in Pakistan|Islamic]] [[parliamentary democracy]] system against his presidential rule.<ref name="Dawn, Inpaper magazine"/>
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In 1968, he survived an assassination attempt while visiting [[Dacca]] and was visibly shaken afterwards, according to close aides; though this was not reported in the press of the day.<ref name="Hassan Abbas">{{cite book | author=Hassan Abbas | title=Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror | publisher=M. E. Sharpe | year=2004 | isbn=978-0-7656-1497-1 | url-access=registration | url=https://archive.org/details/pakistansdriftin00hass }}, p. 53.</ref>
In 1968, he survived an assassination attempt while visiting [[Dacca]] and was visibly shaken afterwards, according to close aides; though this was not reported in the press of the day.<ref name="Hassan Abbas">{{cite book | author=Hassan Abbas | title=Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror | publisher=M. E. Sharpe | year=2004 | isbn=978-0-7656-1497-1 | url-access=registration | url=https://archive.org/details/pakistansdriftin00hass }}, p. 53.</ref>


In 1969, Ayub Khan opened negotiations with the opposition parties in what was termed as a "[[Round table (discussion)|Round Table Conference]]" where he held talks with every opposition party except for the Awami League and the Pakistan Peoples Party.<ref name="Infobase Publishing">{{cite book|last1=Wynbrandt|first1=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=9780816061846|pages=198|access-date=4 November 2022}}</ref>  However, these discussions yielded no results and strong anti-Ayub demonstrations calling for his resignation were sparked all over the country.<ref name=":1" /> During this time, Ayub Khan survived a near-fatal [[Heart attack|cardiac arrest]] that put him out of the office, and later survived a [[paralysis]] attack that put him in a [[wheelchair]].<ref name="Mittal Publications, Akbar">{{cite book|last1=Akbar|first1=M. K.|title=Pakistan from Jinnah to Sharif|date=January 1997|publisher=Mittal Publications|isbn=9788170996743|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BcIniHQAHfUC&q=ayub+khan+1965+war&pg=PA37 |pages=43–47 |access-date=4 November 2016|language=en}}</ref> The [[Police Service of Pakistan|police]] were unable to maintain [[Law and order in Pakistan|law and order]] in the country, especially in East Pakistan where [[1969 uprising in East Pakistan|riots and a serious uprising]] were quelled. At one point, [[Interior Minister of Pakistan|Home]] and [[Defence Minister of Pakistan|Defence Minister]] Vice-Admiral Rahman told journalists that the "country was under the Mob rule and that Police were not strong enough to tackle the situation".<ref name="Springer, Siddiqui">{{cite book|last1=Siddiqui|first1=Kalim|title=Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan|date=18 June 1972|publisher=Springer, Siddiqui|isbn=9781349013395|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f86uCwAAQBAJ&q=AR+Khan+minister+resigned&pg=PA130 |page=130 |access-date=1 November 2016|language=en}}</ref>
In 1969, Ayub Khan opened negotiations with the opposition parties in what was termed as a "[[Round table (discussion)|Round Table Conference]]" where he held talks with every opposition party except for the Awami League and the Pakistan Peoples Party.<ref name="Infobase Publishing">{{cite book|last1=Wynbrandt|first1=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xQGwgJnCPZgC&pg=PA196|title=A Brief History of Pakistan|date=2009|publisher=Infobase Publishing|isbn=9780816061846|pages=198|access-date=4 November 2016}}</ref>  However, these discussions yielded no results and strong anti-Ayub demonstrations calling for his resignation were sparked all over the country.<ref name=":1" /> During this time, Ayub Khan survived a near-fatal [[Heart attack|cardiac arrest]] that put him out of the office, and later survived a [[paralysis]] attack that put him in a [[wheelchair]].<ref name="Mittal Publications, Akbar">{{cite book|last1=Akbar|first1=M. K.|title=Pakistan from Jinnah to Sharif|date=January 1997|publisher=Mittal Publications|isbn=9788170996743|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BcIniHQAHfUC&q=ayub+khan+1965+war&pg=PA37 |pages=43–47 |access-date=4 November 2016|language=en}}</ref> The [[Police Service of Pakistan|police]] were unable to maintain [[Law and order in Pakistan|law and order]] in the country, especially in East Pakistan where [[1969 uprising in East Pakistan|riots and a serious uprising]] were quelled. At one point, [[Interior Minister of Pakistan|Home]] and [[Defence Minister of Pakistan|Defence Minister]] Vice-Admiral Rahman told journalists that the "country was under the Mob rule and that Police were not strong enough to tackle the situation".<ref name="Springer, Siddiqui">{{cite book|last1=Siddiqui|first1=Kalim|title=Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan|date=18 June 1972|publisher=Springer, Siddiqui|isbn=9781349013395|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f86uCwAAQBAJ&q=AR+Khan+minister+resigned&pg=PA130 |page=130 |access-date=1 November 2016|language=en}}</ref>


The PPP also led very strong protests, street demonstrations, and riots against the Ayub Khan's administration when the prices of food consumer products such as sugar, tea, and wheat, hiked up. Disapproval of Ayub Khan was widely expressed by chanted slogans and insults referring to him.<ref name="Random House Publishing Group">{{cite book|last1=Constable|first1=Pamela|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y-wU1aVyM9IC&q=ayub+khan+price+hike&pg=PA39|title=Playing with Fire: Pakistan at War with Itself|date=19 July 2011|publisher=Random House Publishing Group|isbn=9780679603450|pages=39–40|language=en|access-date=4 November 2022}}</ref> On the streets of major cities of West Pakistan, massive [[Graffiti|wall chalking]]s that employed [[Derogatory term|derogatory]] and [[pejorative]] terms for Ayub made [[headline]]s in the [[Newspapers in Pakistan|print]] and [[News channels in Pakistan|broadcast]] media.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Constable|first=Pamela|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y-wU1aVyM9IC&q=ayub+khan+price+hike&pg=PA39|title=Playing with Fire: Pakistan at War with Itself|date=19 July 2011|publisher=Random House Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-679-60345-0|pages=41|language=en}}</ref> Ayub Khan himself was shocked upon hearing that young protesters and college students in [[West Pakistan|West]] had been referring him to as "Dog". According to a [[Dawn (newspaper)|''Dawn'']] editorial in 2014, it was the first time in the country's history when derogatory language was used against its politicians.<ref name="Dawn, Inpaper magazine">{{cite news|last1=InpaperMagazine|first1=From|title=Exit stage left: the movement against Ayub Khan|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/1128832|access-date=8 November 2016|work=DAWN.COM|agency=Dawn newspapers|publisher=Dawn, Inpaper magazine|date=31 August 2022}}</ref>
The PPP also led very strong protests, street demonstrations, and riots against the Ayub Khan's administration when the prices of food consumer products such as sugar, tea, and wheat, hiked up. Disapproval of Ayub Khan was widely expressed by chanted slogans and insults referring to him.<ref name="Random House Publishing Group">{{cite book|last1=Constable|first1=Pamela|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y-wU1aVyM9IC&q=ayub+khan+price+hike&pg=PA39|title=Playing with Fire: Pakistan at War with Itself|date=19 July 2011|publisher=Random House Publishing Group|isbn=9780679603450|pages=39–40|language=en|access-date=4 November 2016}}</ref> On the streets of major cities of West Pakistan, massive [[Graffiti|wall chalking]]s that employed [[Derogatory term|derogatory]] and [[pejorative]] terms for Ayub made [[headline]]s in the [[Newspapers in Pakistan|print]] and [[News channels in Pakistan|broadcast]] media.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Constable|first=Pamela|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y-wU1aVyM9IC&q=ayub+khan+price+hike&pg=PA39|title=Playing with Fire: Pakistan at War with Itself|date=19 July 2011|publisher=Random House Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-679-60345-0|pages=41|language=en}}</ref> Ayub Khan himself was shocked upon hearing that young protesters and college students in [[West Pakistan|West]] had been referring him to as "Dog". According to a [[Dawn (newspaper)|''Dawn'']] editorial in 2014, it was the first time in the country's history when derogatory language was used against its politicians.<ref name="Dawn, Inpaper magazine">{{cite news|last1=InpaperMagazine|first1=From|title=Exit stage left: the movement against Ayub Khan|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/1128832|access-date=8 November 2016|work=DAWN.COM|agency=Dawn newspapers|publisher=Dawn, Inpaper magazine|date=31 August 2014}}</ref>


Elements in the [[Pakistani military|military]] began supporting the opposition political parties; it was this that finally brought about the demise of Ayub Khan's era.  On 25 March 1969, President Ayub Khan, after consulting Advocate Raja Muhammad Qalib Ali Khan (the last person to meet the president before resignation) resigned from office and invited [[Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army|commander-in-chief of the army]] General [[Yahya Khan]] to take over control of the country.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Pakistan - AYUB KHAN|url=http://www.countrystudies.us/pakistan/18.htm|access-date=5 October 2020|website=www.countrystudies.us}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Akbar|first=M. K.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BcIniHQAHfUC&q=ayub+khan+1965+war&pg=PA37|title=Pakistan from Jinnah to Sharif|date=1 January 1997|publisher=Mittal Publications|isbn=978-81-7099-674-3|pages=48|language=en}}</ref>
Elements in the [[Pakistani military|military]] began supporting the opposition political parties; it was this that finally brought about the demise of Ayub Khan's era.  On 25 March 1969, President Ayub Khan, after consulting Advocate Raja Muhammad Qalib Ali Khan (the last person to meet the president before resignation) resigned from office and invited [[Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army|commander-in-chief of the army]] General [[Yahya Khan]] to take over control of the country.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Pakistan - AYUB KHAN|url=http://www.countrystudies.us/pakistan/18.htm|access-date=5 October 2020|website=www.countrystudies.us}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Akbar|first=M. K.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BcIniHQAHfUC&q=ayub+khan+1965+war&pg=PA37|title=Pakistan from Jinnah to Sharif|date=1 January 1997|publisher=Mittal Publications|isbn=978-81-7099-674-3|pages=48|language=en}}</ref>
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== Death and legacy ==
== Death and legacy ==


Ayub Khan did not comment on the [[Bangladesh Liberation War]] (or [[Bangladesh Liberation War|East Pakistan's Secessionist War]] from Pakistan's perspective) in 1971. He died of a heart attack on 19 April 1974 at his [[villa]] near [[Islamabad]].<ref>{{cite news|title=Ex President of Pakistan Ayub Khan, Dies|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=2199&dat=19740419&id=kJxjAAAAIBAJ&pg=4149,2977014|access-date=21 August 2016|work=Lawrence Journal-World|agency=AP|issue=95|date=20 April 1974| volume=116 |location=Islamabad, Pakistan|pages=13|language=EN}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Ayub Khan dead at 67|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1454&dat=19740420&id=tmE0AAAAIBAJ&pg=3105,5096342|access-date=21 August 2016|work=Star-News|agency=UPI|issue=28|date=20 April 1974|volume = 44}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Field Marshal Ayub Dead; Ex‐President of Pakistan|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1974/04/21/archives/field-marshalayub-deadexpresident-of-pakistan-stability-in.html|work=The New York Times|date=21 April 1974|access-date=21 August 2022}}</ref>
Ayub Khan did not comment on the [[Bangladesh Liberation War]] (or [[Bangladesh Liberation War|East Pakistan's Secessionist War]] from Pakistan's perspective) in 1971. He died of a heart attack on 19 April 1974 at his [[villa]] near [[Islamabad]].<ref>{{cite news|title=Ex President of Pakistan Ayub Khan, Dies|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=2199&dat=19740419&id=kJxjAAAAIBAJ&pg=4149,2977014|access-date=21 August 2016|work=Lawrence Journal-World|agency=AP|issue=95|date=20 April 1974| volume=116 |location=Islamabad, Pakistan|pages=13|language=EN}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Ayub Khan dead at 67|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1454&dat=19740420&id=tmE0AAAAIBAJ&pg=3105,5096342|access-date=21 August 2016|work=Star-News|agency=UPI|issue=28|date=20 April 1974|volume = 44}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Field Marshal Ayub Dead; Ex‐President of Pakistan|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1974/04/21/archives/field-marshalayub-deadexpresident-of-pakistan-stability-in.html|work=The New York Times|date=21 April 1974|access-date=21 August 2016}}</ref>


Ayub Khan's presidency allied Pakistan with the American-led [[CENTO|military alliance]] against the Soviet Union which helped Pakistan develop its strong economic background and its long-term political and strategic relations with the United States.<ref name="countrystudies" /> Major [[Foreign direct investment|economic aid and trade]] from the United States and [[European Union|European Communities]] ultimately led Pakistan's industrial sector to develop rapidly but the consequences of [[cartel]]ization included increased [[Income inequality metrics|inequality]] in the [[distribution of wealth]]. After 1965, he became extremely concerned about the arrogance and bossiness of the US over the direction of [[Foreign policy of Pakistan|Pakistan's foreign policy]] when the US publicly criticized Pakistan for building [[Pakistan-China relations|ties with China]] and [[Pakistan-Soviet Union relations|Soviet Union]]; he authored a book over this issue known as ''Friends not Masters''.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Khan|first1=Mohammad Ayub|title=Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography|publisher=Oxford University Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z9K6AAAAIAAJ|access-date=5 November 2016|language=en|year=1967}}</ref><ref name="Daily Star, 2011">{{cite news|author=Megasthenes |title=The Field Marshal from Beyond the Grave|url=http://archive.thedailystar.net/forum/2011/December/revolution.htm|access-date=5 November 2016|work=Daily Star|date=2022}}</ref>
Ayub Khan's presidency allied Pakistan with the American-led [[CENTO|military alliance]] against the Soviet Union which helped Pakistan develop its strong economic background and its long-term political and strategic relations with the United States.<ref name="countrystudies" /> Major [[Foreign direct investment|economic aid and trade]] from the United States and [[European Union|European Communities]] ultimately led Pakistan's industrial sector to develop rapidly but the consequences of [[cartel]]ization included increased [[Income inequality metrics|inequality]] in the [[distribution of wealth]]. After 1965, he became extremely concerned about the arrogance and bossiness of the US over the direction of [[Foreign policy of Pakistan|Pakistan's foreign policy]] when the US publicly criticized Pakistan for building [[Pakistan-China relations|ties with China]] and [[Pakistan-Soviet Union relations|Soviet Union]]; he authored a book over this issue known as ''Friends not Masters''.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Khan|first1=Mohammad Ayub|title=Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography|publisher=Oxford University Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z9K6AAAAIAAJ|access-date=5 November 2016|language=en|year=1967}}</ref><ref name="Daily Star, 2011">{{cite news|author=Megasthenes |title=The Field Marshal from Beyond the Grave|url=http://archive.thedailystar.net/forum/2011/December/revolution.htm|access-date=5 November 2016|work=Daily Star|date=2011}}</ref>


Ayub Khan began his diary in September 1966, and ended his record in October 1972, because of his failing health. The diary covers events such as his resignation from office, assumption of power by [[Yahya Khan]], the separation of East and West Pakistan, and the replacement of Yahya by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. After his death in 1972, the diary was not released to the public for thirty years due to opinions which would have been detrimental to the reputation of powerful individuals at the time. Ayub Khan wanted his diary to be edited by [[Altaf Gauhar]] but after Ayub Khan's death the six-year-long diary was entrusted to Oxford University Press (OUP) to edit and publish. At OUP, ''Diaries of Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan, 1966-1972'' was edited and annotated by [[Craig Baxter]].<ref>The power of US in Pakistan</ref>
Ayub Khan began his diary in September 1966, and ended his record in October 1972, because of his failing health. The diary covers events such as his resignation from office, assumption of power by [[Yahya Khan]], the separation of East and West Pakistan, and the replacement of Yahya by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. After his death in 1972, the diary was not released to the public for thirty years due to opinions which would have been detrimental to the reputation of powerful individuals at the time. Ayub Khan wanted his diary to be edited by [[Altaf Gauhar]] but after Ayub Khan's death the six-year-long diary was entrusted to Oxford University Press (OUP) to edit and publish. At OUP, ''Diaries of Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan, 1966-1972'' was edited and annotated by [[Craig Baxter]].<ref>The power of US in Pakistan</ref>
Line 361: Line 361:
[[Gohar Ayub Khan]] also faced criticisms during that time on questions of family corruption and cronyism through his business links with his father-in-law, retired Lieutenant General [[Habibullah Khan Khattak]]. One Western commentator in 1969 estimated Gohar Ayub's personal wealth at the time at $4 million, while his family's wealth was put in the range of $10–20 million.<ref>(Pick April 1969).</ref> Public criticism of Gohar's personal wealth and that of the President increased. All these criticisms harmed President Ayub Khan's image.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}}
[[Gohar Ayub Khan]] also faced criticisms during that time on questions of family corruption and cronyism through his business links with his father-in-law, retired Lieutenant General [[Habibullah Khan Khattak]]. One Western commentator in 1969 estimated Gohar Ayub's personal wealth at the time at $4 million, while his family's wealth was put in the range of $10–20 million.<ref>(Pick April 1969).</ref> Public criticism of Gohar's personal wealth and that of the President increased. All these criticisms harmed President Ayub Khan's image.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}}


He is also blamed for not doing enough to tackle the significant economic disparity between East and West Pakistan. Whilst he was aware of the acute grievances of East Pakistan, he did try to address the situation. However, the Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized that, in the absence of democratic institutions, densely populated and politicized East Pakistan province continued to feel it was being slighted.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.mongabay.com/history/pakistan/pakistan-the_ayub_khan_era.html |title=Pakistan-THE AYUB KHAN ERA |publisher=Mongabay.com |access-date=9 December 2022}}</ref>
He is also blamed for not doing enough to tackle the significant economic disparity between East and West Pakistan. Whilst he was aware of the acute grievances of East Pakistan, he did try to address the situation. However, the Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized that, in the absence of democratic institutions, densely populated and politicized East Pakistan province continued to feel it was being slighted.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.mongabay.com/history/pakistan/pakistan-the_ayub_khan_era.html |title=Pakistan-THE AYUB KHAN ERA |publisher=Mongabay.com |access-date=9 December 2012}}</ref>


After his death, his descendants became active in [[Politics of Pakistan|national politics]] in the 1990s until the present; however, these family members have been controversial. His son Gohar is an active member of the conservative [[Pakistan Muslim League (N)|PML(N)]] and was the [[Foreign Minister of Pakistan|Foreign Minister]] in the [[Nawaz Sharif|Sharif ministry]] in the 1990s but was removed due to his controversial and unauthorized statements about India.<ref name="tft-photoarchive"/> His daughter Nasim did not enter politics and married [[Miangul Aurangzeb]], the [[Wali of Swat]].<ref name="tft-photoarchive">{{cite news|url=http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft/article.php?issue=20110916&page=30|title=Photo Archive: Ayub Khan visits the US (1961)|publisher=The Friday Times|date=16 September 2011|access-date=19 September 2022}}</ref>
After his death, his descendants became active in [[Politics of Pakistan|national politics]] in the 1990s until the present; however, these family members have been controversial. His son Gohar is an active member of the conservative [[Pakistan Muslim League (N)|PML(N)]] and was the [[Foreign Minister of Pakistan|Foreign Minister]] in the [[Nawaz Sharif|Sharif ministry]] in the 1990s but was removed due to his controversial and unauthorized statements about India.<ref name="tft-photoarchive"/> His daughter Nasim did not enter politics and married [[Miangul Aurangzeb]], the [[Wali of Swat]].<ref name="tft-photoarchive">{{cite news|url=http://www.thefridaytimes.com/beta2/tft/article.php?issue=20110916&page=30|title=Photo Archive: Ayub Khan visits the US (1961)|publisher=The Friday Times|date=16 September 2011|access-date=19 September 2011}}</ref>


His son Shaukat was a successful businessman and had four children, three sons, and one daughter. All three sons went into business and politics, with Akbar, [[Arshad Ayub Khan|Arshad]], and Yousaf Ayub Khan becoming successful members of the provincial and national assemblies.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II" />
His son Shaukat was a successful businessman and had four children, three sons, and one daughter. All three sons went into business and politics, with Akbar, [[Arshad Ayub Khan|Arshad]], and Yousaf Ayub Khan becoming successful members of the provincial and national assemblies.<ref name="Story of Pakistan, part-II" />

Revision as of 12:22, 19 December 2022


Field Marshal
Ayub Khan
HPk, NPk, HJ, MBE, GCMG, DMN
ایوب خان
Khan in West Germany in 1961
2nd President of Pakistan
In office
27 October 1958 – 25 March 1969
Preceded byIskander Mirza
Succeeded byYahya Khan
4th Minister of Defense
In office
28 October 1958 – 21 October 1966
DeputyFederal Secretary Defence
Preceded byAyub Khuhro
Succeeded byV-Adm. Afzal Rahman Khan
In office
24 October 1954 – 11 August 1955
Prime MinisterMohammad Ali Bogra
DeputyAkhter Husain
(Defence Secretary)
Preceded byMohammad Ali Bogra
Succeeded byMohammad Ali
Minister of Interior
In office
23 March 1965 – 17 August 1965
DeputyInterior Secretary
Preceded byK. H. Khan
Succeeded byAli Akbar Khan
3rd Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army
In office
23 January 1951[1] – 26 October 1958
PresidentIskander Mirza
Governor General
Prime Minister
DeputyChief of General Staff
Preceded byDouglas Gracey
Succeeded byMusa Khan
Chief Martial Law Administrator
In office
7 October 1958 – 27 October 1958
PresidentIskander Mirza
Preceded byFeroz Khan Noon
Succeeded byNurul Amin (1971)
Personal details
Born
Muhammad Ayub Khan

(1907-05-14)14 May 1907
Rehana, NWFP, British India (Now, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan)
Died19 April 1974(1974-04-19) (aged 66)
Islamabad, Pakistan
Cause of deathHeart attack
Resting placeRehana, Haripur, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan
Nationality
Political partyConvention Muslim League (before 1974)
Other political
affiliations		Pakistan Muslim League (1962)
Children2, including Gohar Ayub Khan
CabinetMinistry of Talents
Civilian awards
Military service
Branch/service
Years of service1928–58[lower-alpha 1]
RankField Marshal[lower-alpha 2]
Unit15th Punjab Regiment
Commands
Battles/wars
Military awards

Muhammad Ayub Khan (Urdu: محمد ایوب خان; 14 May 1907 – 19 April 1974), was the second President of Pakistan. He was an army general who seized the presidency from Iskander Mirza in a coup in 1958, the first successful coup d'état in the country's history. Popular demonstrations and labour strikes supported by the protests in East Pakistan ultimately led to his forced resignation in 1969. During his presidency, differences between East and West Pakistan arose to an enormous degree, that ultimately led to the Independence of East Pakistan.

Trained at the British Royal Military College, Ayub Khan fought in World War II as a colonel in the British Indian Army before deciding to transfer to the Pakistan Army in the aftermath of the partition of India in 1947. His assignments included command of the 14th Division in East-Bengal. He was elevated to become the first native Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army in 1951 by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, succeeding General Douglas Gracey.[3] From 1953 to 1958, he served in the civilian government as Defence and Home Minister and supported President Iskander Mirza's decision to impose martial law against Prime Minister Feroze Khan's administration in 1958.[4] Two weeks later, he took over the presidency from Mirza after a breakdown in civil-military relations between him and Mirza.[4][5][6]

Upon taking power, he appointed General Musa Khan as Commander-in-Chief in 1958 to replace him in that role. He aligned Pakistan with the United States, and allowed American access to air bases inside Pakistan, most notably the airbase outside of Peshawar, from which spy missions over the Soviet Union were launched.[7] Relations with neighboring China were strengthened but his alignment with the US worsened relations with the Soviet Union in 1962. He launched Operation Gibraltar against India in 1965, leading to all-out war. However, with Soviet Union intervention in 1966, peace was negotiated and relations among the three nations improved.

Domestically, Ayub subscribed to the laissez-faire policy of Western-aligned nations at the time. He privatized state-owned industries, and liberalized the economy generally. Large inflows of foreign aid and investment led to the fastest-growing economy in South Asia. His tenure was also distinguished by the completion of hydroelectric stations, dams, and reservoirs. Under Ayub, Pakistan's space program was established, and the country launched its first unmanned space-mission by 1962.[8] However, the failure of land reforms and a weak taxation system meant that most of this growth landed in the hands of the elite.

In 1965, Ayub Khan entered the presidential race as the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) candidate to counter the popular and famed non-partisan Fatima Jinnah and was controversially reelected for a second term. He was faced with allegations of widespread intentional vote riggings, organizing political murders in Karachi, worsening the already-weak legitimacy of his regime after the peace with India, which many Pakistanis considered an embarrassing compromise. In 1967, wide disapproval of price hikes of food prompted demonstrations across the country led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Ayub Khan dramatically fell from power in 1969 amid a popular uprising in East Pakistan led by Mujibur Rahman. He was forced to resign to avoid further protests, and appointed Yahya Khan his successor to oversee elections. He fought a brief illness and died in 1974.

His legacy remains mixed; he is credited with ostensible economic prosperity and what supporters dub the "decade of development" by bringing an industrial and agricultural revolution to the country, but is criticized for beginning the first of the intelligence agencies' incursions into national politics, for concentrating wealth in a corrupt few hands, and segregated policies that later led to the breaking-up of the nation's unity that resulted in the creation of Bangladesh.[9][10]

Early life

Ayub Khan was born on 14 May 1907 in Rehana, a village in Abbottabad District of the North-West Frontier Province of British India (now in Haripur District, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan) into the Tareen tribe of Pashtuns.[11][12][13][14][15]

He was the first child of the second wife of Mir Dad Khan, a Risaldar-Major (a regimental JCO which was then known as VCO) in the 9th Hodson's Horse which was a cavalry regiment of the British Indian Army.[16] For his basic education, he was enrolled in a school in Sarai Saleh, which was about 4 miles from his village. He used to go to school on a mule's back and was shifted to a school in Haripur, where he started living with his grandmother.[15]

He went on to study at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and [17] while pursuing his college education, he was accepted into the Royal Military College at Sandhurst by the recommendation of General Andrew Skeen; he did not complete his degree at AMU and departed for Great Britain.[18][19] Ayub Khan was fluent in Urdu, Pashto, English, and his regional Northern Hindko dialect.[20]

Military career

Brig. Ayub Khan meeting with Governor-General Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah, c. 1947.

Ayub Khan joined the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, as a trainee in July 1926.[21] He was commissioned as a 2nd Lt. on 2 February 1928 in the 1/14th Punjab Regiment (1st Battalion of the 14th Punjab Regiment) of the British Indian Army – before this he was attached to the Royal Fusiliers.[22][23] Amongst those who passed out with him was the future chief of army staff of the Indian Army, General Joyanto Nath Chaudhuri, who served as the army chief from 1962 to 1966 while Ayub was the president of Pakistan.[24] After the standard probationary period of service in the British Army, he was appointed to the British Indian Army on 10 April 1929, joining the 1/14th Punjab Regiment Sherdils, now known as the 5th Punjab Regiment.[25]

He was promoted to lieutenant on 2 May 1930 and to captain on 2 February 1937.[26][27] During World War II, he was promoted to the temporary rank of lieutenant-colonel in 1942 and was posted in Burma to participate in the first phase of the Burma Campaign in 1942–43.[citation needed] He was promoted to the permanent rank of major on 2 February 1945.[28] Later that year, he was promoted to temporary colonel and assumed the command of his own regiment in which he was commissioned to direct operations in the second phase of the Burma Campaign; however, he was soon temporarily suspended without pay from that command for visible cowardice under fire.[29]

In 1946, he was posted back to British India and was stationed in the North-West Frontier Province. In 1947, he was promoted to brigadier and commanded a brigade in mountainous South Waziristan.[30] When the United Kingdom announced the partition of British India into India and Pakistan, he was one of the most senior serving officers in the British Indian Army who opted for Pakistan in 1947.[31][30] At the time of his joining, he was the tenth ranking officer in terms of seniority with service number PA-010.[32]

In the early part of 1948, he was given the command of the 14th Infantry Division[citation needed] in the rank of acting major-general stationed in Dacca, East Pakistan.[33] In 1949, he was decorated with the Hilal-i-Jurat (HJ) by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan for non-combatant service and called back to General Headquarters as the Adjutant General of the army on November of the same year.[citation needed]

Commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army

File:General Ayub Khan in 1951.jpg
General Ayub Khan as C-in-C of the Pakistan Army, in his office, 23 January 1951
Further information: Commander-in-Chief (Pakistan Army)

General Sir Douglas Gracey relinquished the command of the Pakistan Army on 23 January 1951, under pressure of calls for "nationalisation" of the army.[1] The Pakistan government already called for appointing native commanders-in-chief of the army, air force, and navy and dismissed deputation appointments from the British military.[34][35] The General Headquarters sent the nomination papers to the Prime Minister's Secretariat for the appointment of commander-in-chief.[citation needed] There were four-senior officers in the race: Major-General Akbar Khan, Major-General Iftikhar Khan, Major-General Ishfakul Majid, and Major-General N.A.M. Raza, and among these officers Akbar was the senior-most as he was commissioned in 1920.[36]

Initially, Gen. Iftikhar Khan (commissioned in 1929) was selected for appointment as the first native commander-in-chief of the army, but he died in an airplane crash en route to take command after finishing the senior staff officers' course in the United Kingdom. All three remaining generals were bypassed including the recommended senior-most Major-General Akbar Khan and Major-General Ishfakul Majid (commissioned in 1924).[citation needed]

Defence Secretary Iskandar Mirza, at that time, played a crucial role in lobbying for the army post selection as presenting with convincing arguments to Prime Minister Ali Khan to promote the junior-most Major-General Ayub Khan (commissioned in 1928) to the post despite the fact that his name was not included in the nomination list.[citation needed] Ayub's papers of promotion were approved and he was appointed the first native commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army on 17 January 1951 by Prime Minister Ali Khan.[37]

Ayub's becoming the commander in chief of the Pakistan Army marked a change in the military tradition to one of preferring native Pakistanis; it ended the transitional role of British military officers.[38] Although the Pakistani government announced the appointment of the navy's native commander in chief in 1951, it was Ayub Khan who helped Vice-Admiral M.S. Choudhri to be appointed as the first native navy commander in chief, also in 1953.[34][39] The events surrounding Ayub's appointment set the precedent for a native general being promoted out of turn, ostensibly because he was the least ambitious of the generals in the line of promotion and the most loyal to civil government at that time.[40] Ayub, alongside Admiral Choudhri, cancelled and disbanded the British military tradition in the navy and the army when the U.S. military's advisers were dispatched to the Pakistani military in 1955–57. British military traditions were only kept in the air force due to a British commander and major staff consisting of Royal Air Force officers.[41]

In 1953, Ayub visited Turkey, his first foreign visit as an army commander in chief, and was said to have been impressed with Turkish military tradition; he met only with the Turkish Defence minister during his visit. Thereafter, he went to the United States and visited the US State Department and Pentagon to lobby for forging military relations.[42] He termed this visit as a "medical visit" but made a strong plea for military aid which was not considered due to India's opposition.[43]

Cabinet and Defence Minister

Further information: Ministry of Talents, One Unit, and Interservice rivalry

On 24 February 1954, Ayub signed the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) pact for Pakistan and his role in national politics, along with that of Defense Minister Mirza, began to grow[44]

In 1954, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra's relations with the military and Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad deteriorated on issues of the economy.[45] Pressure built up to reconstruct the cabinet which eventually witnessed General Ayub Khan becoming the defence minister and Iskander Mirza as home minister in October 1954.[46][47] Ayub Khan disdained civilian politicians, whose factional infighting had for years prevented adoption of a constitution. He wrote that he reluctantly joined the cabinet as defence minister with "two clear objectives: to save the armed forces from the interference of the politicians, and to unify the provinces of West Pakistan into one unit."[48]

The controversial One Unit Scheme integrated the four western provinces into one political entity, West Pakistan, as a counterbalance against the numerically superior population of East Bengal, which was renamed East Pakistan. The province of Punjab supported the project, but all the other provinces protested against it and its centralisation of power. Opposition was particularly strong in East Bengal, where it was seen as an attack on the democratic principle of political egalitarianism.[49]

In 1955, Prime Minister Bogra was dismissed by Governor-General Malik Ghulam Muhammad and he was succeeded by the new Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali as the Defence Minister.[50]

After the 1954 provincial elections in East Pakistan, the Awami League formed the government there while West Pakistan was governed by the PML, but the PML government collapsed in 1956.[51] He was called on to join the Cabinet as Defence Minister by Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy and maintained closer relations with Iskander Mirza who now had become the first President of the country after the successful promulgation of the Constitution in 1956.[citation needed] In 1957, President Mirza promoted him from acting full general to the substantive rank of full general.[52][53]

Around this time the MoD, led by General Ayub Khan, began to see the serious interservice rivalry between the General Headquarters staff and the Naval Headquarters staff.[54] Commander in Chief of Navy Vice-Admiral M. S. Choudri and his NHQ staff had been fighting with the Finance ministry and the MoD over the issues of rearmament and contingency plans.[55] Meanwhile, he continued to serve with Prime Minister Chundrigar and Feroz Noon's government as Defence Minister.[56][page needed]

In 1958, he chaired the joint military meeting where he became involved in a heated discussion with Admiral M. S. Choudri.[57] He reportedly complained against Admiral Choudri to President Mirza and criticized Admiral Choudri for "neither having the brain, imagination, or depth of thought to understand such (defence) problems nor the vision or the ability to make any contribution".[58] The impasse was broken with Admiral Choudhri resigning from the navy in protest as a result of having differences with the navy's plans of expansion and modernization.[59][60] In 1958, Vice-Admiral Afzal Rahman Khan, who was known to be a confidant of General Ayub Khan, was appointed as naval chief by President Mirza.[61]

President of Pakistan (1958–1969)

Muhammad Ayub Khan
محمد ایوب خان
The President of Pakistan
In office
27 October 1958 – 25 March 1969
MinisterDefence Minister of Pakistan
Deputy
  • Muhammad Khurshid (1958-59)
  • S. Fida Hussain (1959-61)
  • Nazir Ahmed (1961-65)
Opponent(s)Fatima Jinnah
Preceded byIskander Mirza
Succeeded byYahya Khan
Personal details
Political partyPakistan Muslim League
Ayub Khan in 1958 with H. S. Suhrawardy and Mr. and Mrs. S. N. Bakar.
A formal group of Elizabeth in tiara and evening dress with eleven prime ministers in evening dress or national costume.
Ayub Khan (back row, second from the right) with Elizabeth II, former Queen of Pakistan at the 1960 Commonwealth Prime Minister's Conference, Windsor Castle

Under threat of being dismissed, Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy resigned and Prime Minister I.I. Chundiragar took over the post but in a mere two months he too tendered his resignation after losing a vote of no confidence in the National Assembly. The Constituent Assembly then elected Sir Feroz Noon for the post of the prime minister; Noon had much wider support from the western Republican Party, the eastern Awami League, and the Krishak Sramik.[62]

This new alliance threatened President Iskander Mirza because Suhrawardy and Feroz began campaigning to become prime minister and president in the upcoming general elections.[63] The conservative Pakistan Muslim League, led by its President A.Q. Khan, was also gaining momentum in West Pakistan and threatened for the Dharna movement.[64] These events were against President Mirza hence he was willing to dissolve even Pakistan's One Unit for his advantage.[4]

At midnight on 7 October 1958, President Mirza ordered a mass mobilization of the Pakistan Armed Forces and abrogated the Constitution after sending a letter to Prime Minister Feroz and the Constituent Assembly about the coup d'état.[64] Most of the country's politicians only became aware of the coup the next morning; only U.S. Ambassador James Langley and the British High Commissioner were kept fully informed of political developments in the country.[65] President Mirza appointed General Ayub chief martial law administrator (CMLA), who then declared martial law.[66]

Ayub justified his part by declaring that: "History would never have forgiven us if the present chaotic conditions were allowed to go on any further," and his goal was to restore a democracy that the "people can understand and work", not to rule indefinitely.[67] When the public was informed, public reactions were mixed. The immediate crackdown on smuggling, corruption, and trafficking won Ayub plenty of support from the commoners. The middle-class and the upper-middle class were more apprehensive.[citation needed]

President Mirza himself was apprehensive, though for a different reason. He had been contemplating replacing Ayub Khan, and it seems that Ayub knew. Immediately after the Supreme Court's Chief Justice Munir justified the coup under the doctrine of necessity, Ayub sent the military into the presidential palace and exiled Mirza to England.[68] This was largely done with the support of: Admiral A. R. Khan, General Azam Khan, Nawab of Kalabagh Amir Khan, General Dr. Wajid Khan, and Air Marshal Asghar Khan.[citation needed]

The regime came to power with the intent of instituting widespread reform. Like Mirza, Ayub advocated for greater centralization of power, and his ruling style was more American than British. He "vowed to give people access to speedier justice, curb the crippling birth rate, and take appropriate steps, including land reforms and technological innovation, to develop agriculture so that the country could feed itself".[67]

Ayub finally "restored civil administration", although he maintained the Presidency and relied on an intricate web of spy agencies to maintain supremacy over the bureaucracy, including calling upon civilian intelligence agencies.[citation needed]

In 1960, a referendum, that functioned as the Electoral College, was held that asked the general public: "Do you have confidence in Muhammad Ayub Khan?". The voter turnout was recorded at 95.6% and such confirmation was used as impetus to formalise the new system – a presidential system.[69] Ayub Khan was elected president for the next five years and decided to pay his first state visit to the United States with his wife and also daughter Begum Naseem Aurangzeb in July 1961.[69] Highlights of his visit included a state dinner at Mount Vernon, a visit to the Islamic Center of Washington, and a ticker tape parade in New York City.[70]

Constitutional and legal reforms

Further information: Constitution of Pakistan of 1962
President Ayub Khan meeting Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin in 1960s.

A Constitutional Commission was set-up under the Supreme Court to implement the work on the Constitution that was led by Chief Justice Muhammad Shahabuddin and Supreme Court justices. The commission reported in 1961 with its recommendations but President Ayub remained unsatisfied; he eventually altered the constitution so that it was entirely different from the one recommended by the Shahabuddin Commission. The Constitution reflected his personal views of politicians and the restriction of using religions in politics. His presidency restored the writ of government through the promulgated constitution and restored political freedom by lifting the martial law enforced since 1958.[71]

The new Constitution respected Islam, but did not declare Islam as the state religion and was viewed as a liberal constitution.[71] It also provided for election of the president by 80,000 (later raised to 120,000) Basic Democrats who could theoretically make their own choice but who were essentially under his control. He justified this as analogous to the American Electoral College and cited Thomas Jefferson as his inspiration.[72] The Ayub administration "guided" the print newspapers through his takeover of key opposition papers and, while Ayub Khan permitted a National Assembly, it had only limited powers.[73]

On 2 March 1961, he passed and signed the "Muslim Family Laws" bill through the ordinance under which unmitigated polygamy was abolished, consent of the current wife was made mandatory for a second marriage, brakes were also placed on the practice of instant divorce where men could divorce women by saying:"I divorce you" three times under Islamic tradition.[74]

The Arbitration Councils were set up under the law in the urban and rural areas to deal with cases of: (a) grant of sanction to a person to contract a second marriage during the subsistence of a marriage; (b) reconciliation of a dispute between a husband and a wife; (c) grant of a maintenance allowance to the wife and children.[75]

Economy and infrastructure

Kaptai dam in East Pakistan being visited by Ayub Khan

Industrialization and rural development through constructing modern national freeways are considered his greatest achievements and his era is remembered for successful industrialization in the impoverished country. Strong emphasis on capitalism and foreign direct investment (FDI) in the industry is often regarded as the "Great Decade" in the history of the country (both economical and political history).[76] The "Great Decade" was celebrated, which highlighted the development plans executed during the years of Ayub's rule, the private consortium companies and industries, and is credited with creating an environment where the private sector was encouraged to establish medium and small-scale industries in Pakistan.[76] This opened up avenues for new job opportunities and thus the economic graph of the country started rising.[77] He oversaw the development and completion of mega projects such as hydroelectric dams, power stations, and barrages all over the country.[78] During 1960–66, the annual GDP growth was recorded at 6.8%.[79]

Several hydroelectric projects were completed, including the Mangla Dam (one of the world's largest dams), several small dams and water reservoirs in West Pakistan, and one dam in East Pakistan, the Kaptai Dam.[80] President Ayub authorized planning of nuclear power plants, overriding the concerns of his own finance minister, Muhammad Shoaib, about their cost.[81] Initially, two nuclear power plants were to be established in the country: one in Karachi and the other in Dhaka.[82] Dr. Abdus Salam. supported by the President, personally approved the project in Karachi while the project in East Pakistan never materialized.[83]

Extensive education reforms were supposedly carried out and 'scientific development efforts' were also supposedly made during his years. These policies could not be sustained after 1965, when the economy collapsed and led to economic declines which he was unable to control.[84][85]

Ayub introduced new curricula and textbooks for universities and schools. Many public-sector universities and schools were built during his era.[86] He also introduced agricultural reforms preventing anyone from occupying more than 500 acres of irrigated and 1000 acres of unirrigated land. An oil refinery was established in Karachi. These reforms led to 15% GNP growth of the country that was three times greater than that of India. Despite the increase in the GNP growth, the profit and revenue was gained by the famous 22 families of the time that controlled 66% of the industries and land of the country and 80% of the banking and insurance companies of Pakistan.[87]

Defence spending

During the Ayub era, the navy was able to introduce submarines and slowly modified itself by acquiring warships.[34] However, Ayub drastically reduced funding of the military in the 1950s and de-prioritized nuclear weapons in the 1960s.[81][88] The military relied on donations from the United States for major weapons procurements.[89] Major funding was made available for military acquisitions and procurement towards conventional weaponry for conventional defence. In the 1960s, the Pakistani military acquired American‑produced conventional weapons such as Jeep CJs, M48 Patton and M24 Chaffee tanks, M16 rifles, F-86 fighter airplanes, and the submarine PNS Ghazi; all through the US Foreign Military Sales program.[89] In 1961, President Ayub started the nation's full‑fledged space program in cooperation with the air force, and created the Suparco civilian space agency that launched sounding rockets throughout the 1960s.[90]

Ayub directed Pakistan's nuclear technology efforts towards electrical power generation, disregarding recommendations to use it for military purposes. He reportedly spent ₨. 721 million on civilian nuclear power plants and related education of engineers and scientists.[91]

Ayub Khan filled more and more civil administrative positions with army officers, increasing the military's influence over the bureaucracy. He expanded the size of the army by more than half from the early 1960s to 1969, and maintained a high level of military spending as a percentage of GDP during that period, peaking in the immediate aftermath of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965.[92]

Foreign policy

U.S. alliance and 1960 U-2 incident

President Ayub with President Kennedy in Washington D.C., c. 1961.

The main feature of Ayub Khan's foreign policy was prioritized relations with the United States and Europe. Foreign relations with the Soviet Union were downplayed. He enjoyed support from President Dwight Eisenhower in the 1950s and, working with Prime Minister Ali Khan, forged a military alliance with the United States against regional communism. His obsession towards modernization of the armed forces in the shortest time possible saw relations with the United States as the only way to achieve his organizational and personal objectives as he argued against civilian supremacy that would affect American interests in the region as a result of an election.[93]

President Ayub receiving Vice President Johnson in Karachi, c. 1967.

The Central Intelligence Agency leased Peshawar Air Station in the 1950s and spying into the Soviet Union from the air station grew immensely, with Ayub's full knowledge, during his presidency. When these activities were exposed in 1960 after a U-2 flying out of the air station was shot down and its pilot captured by the USSR,[94] President Ayub was in the United Kingdom on a state visit. When the local CIA station chief briefed President Ayub on the incident, Ayub shrugged his shoulders and said that he had expected this would happen at some point.[95]

The resulting Soviet ire severely compromised the national security of Pakistan. Ayub Khan had to publicly offer his apologies to the Soviet Union after USSR Secretary General Nikita Khrushchev made a threat to bomb Peshawar.[96] President Ayub directed his Foreign Office to reduce tensions with the Soviet Union by facilitating state visits by Soviet Premier Kosygin and Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko and agreeing to downplay relations with the United States.[96]

In 1963, Ayub signed the historic Sino-Pakistan Frontier Agreement with China despite US opposition. This alliance of a non-communist country with a communist one was a significant event in the history of the Cold War.[97]

During 1961–65, Ayub lost much of his support from President John Kennedy and President Lyndon Johnson as they sought closer relations with India. President Johnson placed an embargo on both nations during the war in 1965.[98] Relations with the Soviet Union were eventually normalized when the Soviets facilitated a peace treaty between Pakistan and India in 1965, and reached a trade treaty with Pakistan the following year.[99] In 1966–67, Ayub wrestled with the United States' attempt to dictate Pakistan's foreign policy, while he strengthened relations with the Soviet Union and China.[100] Despite initiatives to normalize relations with the Soviet Union, Ayub Khan remained inclined towards the United States and the western world, receiving President Johnson in Karachi in 1967.[101]

In 1961–62, Ayub paid a state visit to the United Kingdom. He attracted much attention from the British public when his involvement in the Christine Keeler affair was revealed.[102][103]

India: 1959 joint defence and 1965 war

Main article: Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
See also: Operation Gibraltar

In 1959, Ayub Khan's interest in building defence forces had already diminished when he made an offer of joint defense with India during the Sino-Indo clashes in October 1959 in Ladakh, in a move seen as a result of American pressure and a lack of understanding of foreign affairs[104] Upon hearing this proposal, India's Prime Minister Nehru reportedly countered, "Defence Minister Ayub: Joint Defence on what?"[100]:84–86 India remained uninterested in such proposals and Prime Minister Nehru decided to push his country's role in the Non-Aligned Movement.[105] In 1960, President Ayub, together with Prime Minister Nehru, signed the Indus Waters Treaty brokered by the World Bank.[106] In 1962, after India was defeated by China, Ayub Khan disguised a few thousand soldiers as guerillas and sent them to Indian Kashmir to incite the people to rebel.[107] In 1964, the Pakistan Army engaged with the Indian Army in several skirmishes, and clandestine operations began.

The war with India in 1965 was a turning point in his presidency, and it ended in a settlement reached by Ayub Khan at Tashkent, called the Tashkent Declaration, which was facilitated by the Soviet Union. The settlement was perceived negatively by many Pakistanis and led Foreign Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to resign his post and take up opposition to Ayub Khan.[84] According to Morrice James, "For them (Pakistanis) Ayub had betrayed the nation and had inexcusably lost face before the Indians."[108]

According to Sartaj Aziz, deputy chairman of the Planning Commission, it was Foreign Minister Bhutto who had inadvertently set Pakistan on the road to war with India. During a cabinet meeting, Bhutto had gone on a populist anti-Indian and anti-American binge and succeeded in spellbinding President Ayub into thinking he was becoming a world statesman fawned upon by the enemies of the United States. When Ayub authorized Operation Gibraltar, the fomenting of an Kashmiri insurgency against India, Aziz famously told the President: "Sir, I hope you realize that our foreign policy and our economic requirements are not fully consistent, in fact they are rapidly falling out of line". Aziz opposed Operation Gibraltar, fearing the economical turmoil that would jolt the country's economy, but was in turn opposed by his own senior bureaucrats. In that meeting, Foreign Minister Bhutto convinced the president and the finance minister Muhammad Shoaib that India would not attack Pakistan due to Kashmir being a disputed territory, and per Bhutto's remarks: "Pakistan's incursion into Indian-occupied Kashmir, at [A]khnoor, would not provide [India] with the justification for attacking Pakistan across the international boundary because Kashmir was a disputed territory". This theory proved wrong when India launched a full-scale war against West Pakistan in 1965.[109]

His army C-in-C General Musa Khan did not order the Pakistan Army to respond without the confirmation by President Ayub Khan despite Foreign Minister Bhutto's urging [110] However, after the Indian Army advanced towards the Rann of Kutch, General Musa Khan ordered the army to respond against the opposing force.[111] He faced serious altercations with, and public criticism from, air chief AM Asghar Khan for hiding the details of the war. The Air AHQ began fighting the president over the contingency plans, and this inter-services rivalry ended with Asghar Khan's resignation.[112] To reduce interservices tensions and criticism, navy commander Admiral A. R. Khan authorised the shelling of coastal Indian Navy posts at Dwarka, India.[113]

About the 1965 war's contingency plans, AM Nur Khan briefly wrote that "Rumours about an impending operation were rife but the army had not shared the plans with other forces."[112]

Ayub Khan's main sponsor, the United States, did not welcome the move and the Johnson administration placed an economic embargo that caused Pakistan to lose US$500 million in aid and grants that had been received through consortium.[109] Ayub Khan could not politically survive in the aftermath of the 1965 war with India and fell from the presidency after surrendering presidential power to Army Commander General Yahya in 1969.[citation needed]

End of his presidency

Presidential election of 1965

Main article: 1965 Pakistani presidential election

In 1964, President Ayub Khan was confident in his apparent popularity and saw the deep divisions within the political opposition which ultimately led him to announce presidential elections in 1965. He earned the nomination of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and was shocked when Fatima Jinnah was nominated by the Combined Opposition Parties.[114][better source needed]

Fatima Jinnah had gained a lot of support from Karachi, Lahore, and various parts of West and East Pakistan opposed to President Ayub Khan. Jinnah targeted the Indus Waters Treaty, Pakistan's over-reliance on the United States, and its troubled relations with the Soviet Union. During the elections, President Ayub earned notoriety when his son, Gohar Ayub Khan, was named in the news media for authorizing political murders in Karachi, particularly of Jinnah supporters.[115]

Angry protesters demonstrated in the streets of Sindh, chanting slogans against President Ayub.[115] Fatima Jinnah won the popular vote in a landslide but Ayub Khan won the election through the Electoral College vote.[116] During this time, Ayub Khan used the Pakistani intelligence community for his own advantage. Military Intelligence actively monitored politicians and political gatherings and the Intelligence Bureau taped politicians' telephone conversations.[114] This was the first departure of the intelligence community from national defence and security to direct interference with national politics, an interference which continued in succeeding years.[117]

It was reported that the elections were widely rigged by the state authorities and machinery under the control of Ayub Khan and it is believed that had the elections been held via direct ballot, Fatima Jinnah would have won. The Electoral College consisted of only 80,000 Basic Democrats. They were easily manipulated by President Ayub Khan, who won the bitterly-contested elections with 64% of the Electoral College vote.[118] According to journalists of the time, the election did not conform to international standards; many viewed the election results with great suspicion.[114]

1969 nationwide riots and resignation

Main article: Agartala Conspiracy Case
See also: Six point movement

The controversial victory over Fatima Jinnah in the 1965 presidential election and the outcome of the war with India in the same year brought devastating results for Ayub Khan's image and his presidency. Upon returning from Tashkent, Foreign Minister Bhutto went to the television media and criticized President Ayub for selling the nation's honor and sacrifice, which prompted President Ayub to depose Bhutto.[119] In Karachi, public resentment towards Ayub had been rising since the 1965 elections and his policies were widely disapproved.[120]

In 1967, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formed the socialist Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and embarked on a nationwide tour where he attacked the Ayub administration's economic, religious, and social policies.[121] The detention of Bhutto further inflamed the opposition and demonstrations were sparked all over the country with the East Pakistani Awami League charging the Ayub administration with segregating policies towards the East.[122] Labour unions called for labour strikes against Ayub Khan's labour legislation and dissatisfaction was widespread in the country's middle class by the end of 1968.[123] When Ayub Khan was confronted with the Six Point movement led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and with the criticism by Bhutto's PPP, he responded by imprisoning both leaders but that made matters worse for Ayub's administration.[123] Left-wing parties, allied with the conservative masses, began advocating for the Islamic parliamentary democracy system against his presidential rule.[124]

In 1968, he survived an assassination attempt while visiting Dacca and was visibly shaken afterwards, according to close aides; though this was not reported in the press of the day.[125]

In 1969, Ayub Khan opened negotiations with the opposition parties in what was termed as a "Round Table Conference" where he held talks with every opposition party except for the Awami League and the Pakistan Peoples Party.[126] However, these discussions yielded no results and strong anti-Ayub demonstrations calling for his resignation were sparked all over the country.[123] During this time, Ayub Khan survived a near-fatal cardiac arrest that put him out of the office, and later survived a paralysis attack that put him in a wheelchair.[127] The police were unable to maintain law and order in the country, especially in East Pakistan where riots and a serious uprising were quelled. At one point, Home and Defence Minister Vice-Admiral Rahman told journalists that the "country was under the Mob rule and that Police were not strong enough to tackle the situation".[128]

The PPP also led very strong protests, street demonstrations, and riots against the Ayub Khan's administration when the prices of food consumer products such as sugar, tea, and wheat, hiked up. Disapproval of Ayub Khan was widely expressed by chanted slogans and insults referring to him.[129] On the streets of major cities of West Pakistan, massive wall chalkings that employed derogatory and pejorative terms for Ayub made headlines in the print and broadcast media.[130] Ayub Khan himself was shocked upon hearing that young protesters and college students in West had been referring him to as "Dog". According to a Dawn editorial in 2014, it was the first time in the country's history when derogatory language was used against its politicians.[124]

Elements in the military began supporting the opposition political parties; it was this that finally brought about the demise of Ayub Khan's era. On 25 March 1969, President Ayub Khan, after consulting Advocate Raja Muhammad Qalib Ali Khan (the last person to meet the president before resignation) resigned from office and invited commander-in-chief of the army General Yahya Khan to take over control of the country.[131][132]

Death and legacy

Ayub Khan did not comment on the Bangladesh Liberation War (or East Pakistan's Secessionist War from Pakistan's perspective) in 1971. He died of a heart attack on 19 April 1974 at his villa near Islamabad.[133][134][135]

Ayub Khan's presidency allied Pakistan with the American-led military alliance against the Soviet Union which helped Pakistan develop its strong economic background and its long-term political and strategic relations with the United States.[3] Major economic aid and trade from the United States and European Communities ultimately led Pakistan's industrial sector to develop rapidly but the consequences of cartelization included increased inequality in the distribution of wealth. After 1965, he became extremely concerned about the arrogance and bossiness of the US over the direction of Pakistan's foreign policy when the US publicly criticized Pakistan for building ties with China and Soviet Union; he authored a book over this issue known as Friends not Masters.[136][137]

Ayub Khan began his diary in September 1966, and ended his record in October 1972, because of his failing health. The diary covers events such as his resignation from office, assumption of power by Yahya Khan, the separation of East and West Pakistan, and the replacement of Yahya by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. After his death in 1972, the diary was not released to the public for thirty years due to opinions which would have been detrimental to the reputation of powerful individuals at the time. Ayub Khan wanted his diary to be edited by Altaf Gauhar but after Ayub Khan's death the six-year-long diary was entrusted to Oxford University Press (OUP) to edit and publish. At OUP, Diaries of Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan, 1966-1972 was edited and annotated by Craig Baxter.[138]

The federal capital was relocated under the Ayub administration from the port city of Karachi to the new and carefully planned city of Islamabad in the mountains. Facilitated by the World Bank, the Ayub administration became a party to the Indus Waters Treaty with archrival India to resolve disputes regarding the sharing of the waters of the six rivers in the Punjab Doab that flow between the two countries. Khan's administration also built a major network of irrigation canals, high-water dams, and thermal and hydroelectric power stations.[139]

He subsidized fertilizers and modernized agriculture through irrigation development and spurred industrial growth with liberal tax benefits.[3] In the decade of his rule, the GNP rose by 45% and manufactured goods began to overtake such traditional exports as jute and cotton.[137] However, the economists in the Planning Commission alleged that his policies were tailored to reward the elite families and major landowners in the country. In 1968, his administration celebrated the so-called "Decade of Development" when the mass protests erupted all over the country due to an increasingly greater divide between the rich and the poor.[137]

Criticism, personal wealth, and family

After 1965, the corruption in government, nepotism, and suppression of free speech, thought, and press increased unrest and turmoil in the country against the Ayub administration.[76] The 1965 presidential election, where Ayub Khan was opposed by Fatima Jinnah, was allegedly rigged. In 2003, the nephew of the Quaid-i-Azam, Akbar Pirbhai, re-ignited the controversy by suggesting that Fatima Jinnah's death in 1967 was an assassination by the Ayub Khan establishment.[140] Gohar Ayub Khan became the subject of criticism by many writers when he was accused of leading a victory parade after the 1965 election right into the heartland of opposition territory in Karachi in a blatantly provocative move. The civil administration's failure to stop the rally led to fierce clashes between opposing groups with many locals being killed.[141]

Gohar Ayub Khan also faced criticisms during that time on questions of family corruption and cronyism through his business links with his father-in-law, retired Lieutenant General Habibullah Khan Khattak. One Western commentator in 1969 estimated Gohar Ayub's personal wealth at the time at $4 million, while his family's wealth was put in the range of $10–20 million.[142] Public criticism of Gohar's personal wealth and that of the President increased. All these criticisms harmed President Ayub Khan's image.[citation needed]

He is also blamed for not doing enough to tackle the significant economic disparity between East and West Pakistan. Whilst he was aware of the acute grievances of East Pakistan, he did try to address the situation. However, the Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized that, in the absence of democratic institutions, densely populated and politicized East Pakistan province continued to feel it was being slighted.[143]

After his death, his descendants became active in national politics in the 1990s until the present; however, these family members have been controversial. His son Gohar is an active member of the conservative PML(N) and was the Foreign Minister in the Sharif ministry in the 1990s but was removed due to his controversial and unauthorized statements about India.[144] His daughter Nasim did not enter politics and married Miangul Aurangzeb, the Wali of Swat.[144]

His son Shaukat was a successful businessman and had four children, three sons, and one daughter. All three sons went into business and politics, with Akbar, Arshad, and Yousaf Ayub Khan becoming successful members of the provincial and national assemblies.[4]

His grandson, Omar, served in the Aziz ministry as a Finance Minister in the 2000s but joined the PML(N) in 2010; he was declared ineligible for the 2013 general election after allegations of vote rigging were proved. In 2018, he joined PTI. Another grandson, Yousaf, who is a party worker of the PTI, was also declared ineligible for submitting fake documents to the Election Commission.[citation needed]

Awards and Decorations

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Nishan-e-Pakistan

(Order of Pakistan)

Hilal-e-Jurat

(Crescent of Courage)

Hilal-e-Pakistan

(HPk)

Pakistan Tamgha

(Pakistan Medal)

1947

Tamgha-e-Jamhuria

(Republic Commemoration Medal)

1956

Member of the

British Empire

(MBE)

The Legion of Merit

(Degree of Chief Commander)

(US)

India General Service Medal

(1936)

1939-1945 Star
Burma Star War Medal

1939–1945

India Service Medal

1939–1945

Queen Elizabeth II

Coronation Medal

(1953)

Foreign Decorations

Foreign Awards
 UK Order of St Michael and St George Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK Member of the British Empire (MBE) Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 US The Legion of Merit (Degree of Chief Commander) Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK India General Service Medal (1936) Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK 1939-1945 Star Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK Burma Star Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK War Medal 1939-1945 Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK India Service Medal 1939–1945 Template:Ribbon devices/alt
 UK Queen Elizabeth II Coronation Medal Template:Ribbon devices/alt

Honours

National honours

Commonwealth honours

See also

Notes

Footnotes

  1. ↑ Ayub retired from active service in 1958, however he made himself field marshal in 1959 and the newspaper Dawn published news on 27 October 1959 about this, the news was as follow: Military Ruler Gets Himself Elevated

    Dawn October 27, 1959 (News Report)

    President Ayub made Field Marshal

    General Mohammad Ayub Khan was conferred the rank of Field Marshal by the presidential cabinet. The communique said that the conferment of this rank will serve to demonstrate to the world in a humble way the high esteem in which he is held by his people and how grateful the nation is to its saviour. The rank of Field Marshal is the highest rank of armies built on the patron of the British Army. The press communique added that by a peaceful revolution last year the President had not only defended the territorial integrity of Pakistan but had also saved the very existence of the nation.[2]

  2. ↑ Ayub never had an active regular military appointment of the rank of field marshal, his last military appointment was the commander-in-chief of the Pakistan Army in the rank of full general.

References

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 Ankit, Rakesh (January 2010), "The Defiant Douglas", Epilogue, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 46–47
  2. ↑ "Gen. Ayub becomes President". Dawn. 6 September 2017. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 "Ayub Khan in US Country Studies". US State Department. Retrieved 16 November 2011., Retrieved 25 August 2015
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 "Ouster of President Iskander Mirza". Story of Pakistan, part-II. June 2003., Retrieved 27 August 2015
  5. ↑ "Field Marshal Ayub Khan Becomes President [1962–1969]". Story of Pakistan, Part-1. June 2003., Retrieved 25 August 2015
  6. ↑ "Kal Tak – 25 May 2011 | Pakistan Politics". Pkpolitics.com. Archived from the original on 9 May 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
  7. ↑ "Story of Pakistan, Part-1"/, Retrieved 25 August 2015
  8. ↑ Newspaper, From the (8 June 2012). "Pakistan's first rocket soars 80 miles high". DAWN.COM. Retrieved 7 September 2022.
  9. ↑ "Martial Law Under Field Marshal Ayub Khan [1958–62]". Story of Pakistan, Part-3. June 2003., Retrieved 25 August 2015
  10. ↑ Dawn daily, Aug 2015 article and review
  11. ↑ Gauhar, Altaf (1993). Ayub Khan: Pakistan's First Military Ruler. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. p. 35. ISBN 978-969-35-0295-4.
  12. ↑ Hussain, Rizwan (2005). Pakistan and the emergence of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-7546-4434-7. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
  13. ↑ Amir, Intikhab (23 April 2013). "Where pragmatism holds sway". Dawn. Retrieved 19 September 2020.
  14. ↑ Sir Olaf Caroe, "The Pathans 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957". Oxford University Press ISBN 978-0-19-577221-0. Page 453.
  15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 Jaffrelot, Christophe (2004). A history of Pakistan and its origins. Anthem Press. p. 69. ISBN 978-1-84331-149-2. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
  16. ↑ "Forming the govt : PML-N seeks Haripur tehsil triumph through bloodlines". The Express Tribune. 4 June 2015. Retrieved 19 September 2020.
  17. ↑ Malik 2008, p. 147.
  18. ↑ Malik, Iftikhar Haider (2008). The History of Pakistan. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780313341373. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  19. ↑ Karl J. Newman: Pakistan under Ayub Khan, Bhutto und Zia-ul-Haq. S. 31, ISBN 3-8039-0327-0.
  20. ↑ The Political Dilemmas of Military Regimes (1985), by Christopher S. Clapham, George D. E. Philip, p. 203.
  21. ↑ Leonard 2005, p. 124-125.
  22. ↑ Leonard 2005, p. 125.
  23. ↑ Indian Army List, 1928 Dec
  24. ↑ "No. 33353". The London Gazette. 3 February 1928. p. 766.
  25. ↑ "No. 33510". The London Gazette. 28 June 1929. p. 4274.
  26. ↑ "No. 33613". The London Gazette. 6 June 1930. p. 3572.
  27. ↑ "No. 34381". The London Gazette. 19 March 1937. p. 1827.
  28. ↑ "No. 37085". The London Gazette. 18 May 1945. p. 2577.
  29. ↑ See accounts of Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan The Nation that Lost its Soul: Memoirs, Lahore: Jang Publications, 1992, p 187; and Lt Col (r) HE Empson 'Hard Times- The Burmese Campaign 1942–1945' Aldershot: Gale and Polden, 1952
  30. ↑ 30.0 30.1 Burki, Shahid Javed (19 March 2015). Historical Dictionary of Pakistan. Rowman & Littlefield, Burki. ISBN 9781442241480. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  31. ↑ Leonard, Thomas M. (27 October 2005). Encyclopedia of the Developing World. Psychology Press, Leonard. ISBN 9781579583880. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  32. ↑ Nawaz 2008, p. 33.
  33. ↑ Nawaz 2008, p. 79.
  34. ↑ 34.0 34.1 34.2 Cheema, Pervaiz I.; Riemer, Manuel (22 August 1990). Pakistan's Defence Policy 1947–58. Springer, Reimer. p. 82. ISBN 9781349209422. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  35. ↑ Tudor, Maya (14 March 2013). The Promise of Power: The Origins of Democracy in India and Autocracy in Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 30. ISBN 9781107032965. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  36. ↑ Siddiqui, A. R. (25 April 2004). "Army's top slot: the seniority factor". Dawn.
  37. ↑ Nawaz, Shuja (2008). Crossed Swords: Pakistan, its Army, and the Wars Within. Oxford University Press. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-19-547660-6.
  38. ↑ Haqqani, Hussain (10 March 2010). Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. ISBN 9780870032851.
  39. ↑ Cheema, Pervaiz Iqbal (2002). The Armed Forces of Pakistan. NYU Press, Cheema. pp. 93–94. ISBN 9780814716335. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  40. ↑ The rule of seniority by Kamal Zafar Sunday 5 March 2006 The Nation Archived 11 March 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  41. ↑ Hamid Hussain. "Tale of a love affair that never was: United States-Pakistan Defence Relations". Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan. Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan. Archived from the original on 4 March 2012. Retrieved 12 February 2012.
  42. ↑ Yesilbursa, Behcet Kemal (8 July 2005). The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950-59. Routledge. p. 26. ISBN 978-1-135-76686-3.
  43. ↑ Yesilbursa, Behcet Kemal (8 July 2005). The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950–59. Routledge, Yesilbursa. p. 27. ISBN 978-1135766863. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  44. ↑ Bahadur, Kalim (1998). Democracy in Pakistan: Crises and Conflicts. Har-Anand Publications. pp. 192–193. ISBN 978-81-241-0083-7.
  45. ↑ Bahadur, Kalim (1998). Democracy in Pakistan: Crises and Conflicts. Har-Anand Publications. p. 191. ISBN 978-81-241-0083-7.
  46. ↑ Bahadur, Kalim (1998). Democracy in Pakistan: Crises and Conflicts. Har-Anand Publications. pp. 191–192. ISBN 978-81-241-0083-7.
  47. ↑ Dixit, J. N. (2003). India-Pakistan in War and Peace. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-134-40758-3.
  48. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. pp. 302–303. ISBN 978-0-19023-518-5.
  49. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. pp. 124, 211. ISBN 978-0-19023-518-5.
  50. ↑ Shah 2014, p. 167.
  51. ↑ Rizvi, Hasan Askari; Shah, Aqil; Paul, T.V.; Fair, C. Christine (2015). "The Military and Pakistan's Political and Security Disposition". Asia Policy (19): 147–151. ISSN 1559-0968. JSTOR 24905306.
  52. ↑ Sridharan, E. (2014). International Relations Theory and South Asia (OIP): Volume I: Security, Political Economy, Domestic Politics, Identities, and Images. Oxford University Press. p. 232. ISBN 978-0-19-908939-0.
  53. ↑ Ahmad, Syed Sami (2004). History of Pakistan and Role of the Army. Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan: Royal Book Company. ISBN 978-969-407-306-4.
  54. ↑ Singh, Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh (2008). The Military Factor in Pakistan. Lancer Publishers. pp. 381–382. ISBN 978-0-9815378-9-4.
  55. ↑ Singh, Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh (2008). The Military Factor in Pakistan. Lancer Publishers, Singh. p. 383. ISBN 9780981537894. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  56. ↑ Rizvi, Hasan-Askari (2000). Military, State, and Society in Pakistan. Macmillan Press. ISBN 0-333-79388-9.
  57. ↑ Hussain, Hamid. "National Security Decision Making Process". www.defencejournal.com. defencejournal.com. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  58. ↑ Ghani, Nadia (11 July 2010). "NON-FICTION: The narcissist". DAWN.COM. Dawn newspapers, Ghani. Dawn newspapers. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  59. ↑ Cheema, Pervaiz Iqbal (2002). The Armed Forces of Pakistan. NYU Press. p. 381. ISBN 978-0-8147-1633-5.
  60. ↑ Singh, Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh (2008). The Military Factor in Pakistan. Lancer Publishers. p. 94. ISBN 978-0-9815378-9-4.
  61. ↑ Rizvi, H. (15 May 2000). Military, State and Society in Pakistan. Springer. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-230-59904-8.
  62. ↑ Din, Waheed Ud (16 May 2011). The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time. Author House, Din. p. 49. ISBN 9781456744144. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  63. ↑ Din, Waheed Ud (16 May 2011). The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time. Author House. pp. 50–51. ISBN 978-1-4567-4414-4.
  64. ↑ 64.0 64.1 Rizvi, H. (15 May 2000). Military, State and Society in Pakistan. Springer. p. 83. ISBN 978-0-230-59904-8.
  65. ↑ Rizvi, H. (15 May 2000). Military, State and Society in Pakistan. Springer, Rizvi. p. 84. ISBN 9780230599048. Retrieved 1 November 2016.
  66. ↑ Oborne, Peter (9 April 2015). Wounded Tiger: A History of Cricket in Pakistan. Simon and Schuster. pp. 157–158. ISBN 9781849832489. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  67. ↑ 67.0 67.1 Jalal, Ayesha (16 September 2014). The Struggle for Pakistan: A Muslim Homeland and Global Politics. Belknap Press. pp. 98–100. ISBN 978-0674052895.
  68. ↑ Jalal, Ayesha (16 September 2014). The Struggle for Pakistan: A Muslim Homeland and Global Politics. Belknap Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0674052895. The joint authority of president and commander-in-chief was untenable and did not last more than a few weeks. Even before the coup, Mirza had been conspiring to replace Ayub as commander-in-chief. By appearing to go along with the president, Ayub bought precious time. Once the Supreme Court headed by Chief Justice Munir dignified the coup as a revolutionary necessity, Ayub sprang into action to establish himself as the undisputed leader of Pakistan. With the backing of his top military commanders, he packed off Mirza to permanent exile.
  69. ↑ 69.0 69.1 "Martial Law Under Field Marshal Ayub Khan Provincial Assemblies were dissolved and all political activities were banned". Story Of Pakistan, Martial law. 1 June 2003. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  70. ↑ "America Welcomes President Ayub". Gordon Wilkison Collection. Texas Archive of the Moving Image. July 1961. Archived from the original on 20 January 2012. Retrieved 28 July 2011.
  71. ↑ 71.0 71.1 Story Of Pakistan, The Constitution of 1962 (1 June 2003). "The Constitution of 1962 | Provided for a unicameral legislature". Story Of Pakistan, The Constitution of 1962. Story Of Pakistan, The Constitution of 1962. Retrieved 3 November 2016.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  72. ↑ Jackson, Roy (4 October 2010). Mawlana Mawdudi and Political Islam: Authority and the Islamic State. Routledge, Jackson. p. 75. ISBN 9781136950360. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  73. ↑ "Islamic Pakistan". ghazali.net. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
  74. ↑ Moghissi, Haideh (2005). Women and Islam: Women's movements in Muslim societies. Taylor & Francis, Moghissi. pp. 203–204, 205. ISBN 9780415324212. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  75. ↑ "ISLAMIC PAKISTAN: ILLUSIONS & REALITY by Abdul Sattar Ghazali". Ghazali.net. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
  76. ↑ 76.0 76.1 76.2 "Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III)". Story of Pakistan. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  77. ↑ "Democratising Pakistan?". Daily Times. 4 December 2015. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
  78. ↑ Mason, Colin (24 June 2014). A Short History of Asia. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-137-34061-0.
  79. ↑ Kukreja, Veena (24 February 2003). Contemporary Pakistan: Political Processes, Conflicts and Crises. SAGE. p. 304. ISBN 9780761996835. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  80. ↑ Mason, Colin (24 June 2014). A Short History of Asia. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 85. ISBN 9781137340610. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  81. ↑ 81.0 81.1 Khan, Feroz (7 November 2012). Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb. Stanford University Press. p. 54. ISBN 9780804784801. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
  82. ↑ Khan, Feroz (7 November 2012). Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb. Stanford University Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-8047-8480-1.
  83. ↑ Shahid-ur-Rehman, "Z.A. Bhutto, A Man in Hurry for the Bomb," Long Road To Chagai, p. 21.
  84. ↑ 84.0 84.1 "Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV)". Story of Pakistan. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  85. ↑ Dawn review Aug 2015
  86. ↑ Lall, Marie; Vickers, Edward (2010). Education as a Political Tool in Asia. Taylor & Francis. p. 183. ISBN 9780415595360. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
  87. ↑ "CONSTITUTION (THIRD AMENDMENT) ACT, 1974". www.pakistani.org. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
  88. ↑ Khan, Zafar (17 July 2014). Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence. Routledge. p. 55. ISBN 978-1-317-67601-0.
  89. ↑ 89.0 89.1 Khan, Zafar (17 July 2014). Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence. Routledge. p. 22. ISBN 9781317676010. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
  90. ↑ Khan, Feroz (7 November 2012). Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb. Stanford University Press. pp. 235–236. ISBN 978-0-8047-8480-1.
  91. ↑ Khan, Feroz (7 November 2012). Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb. Stanford University Press. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-8047-8480-1.
  92. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. pp. 309–310. ISBN 978-0-19023-518-5.
  93. ↑ Hussain, Hamid. "Tale of a love affair that never was: United States-Pakistan Defence Relations". Military Consortium of Pakistan. Military Consortium of Pakistan. Archived from the original on 4 March 2012. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  94. ↑ Dawn.com (4 July 2012). "Timeline: History of US-Pakistan relations". Dawn. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
  95. ↑ "Tale of a love affair that never was". 4 March 2012. Archived from the original on 4 March 2012. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
  96. ↑ 96.0 96.1 Khan, Feroz (7 November 2012). Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb. Stanford University Press. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-8047-8480-1.
  97. ↑ Mitra, Subrata Kumar; Mike Enskat; Clemens Spiess (2004). Political parties in South Asia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 157. ISBN 0-275-96832-4.
  98. ↑ Haqqani, Husain (10 March 2010). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. Carnegie Endowment. pp. 44–45. ISBN 9780870032851. Retrieved 6 November 2016.
  99. ↑ Malik, Hafeez (18 June 1990). Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East. Springer. pp. 171–175. ISBN 9781349113187. Retrieved 6 November 2016.
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  101. ↑ Malik, Hafeez (18 June 1990). Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East. Springer. p. 174. ISBN 978-1-349-11318-7.
  102. ↑ The Guardian 11 July 2012 Retrieved December 2015
  103. ↑ Tariq Ali on Ayub Khan 4 January 2007 Retrieved December 2015
  104. ↑ Iqbal Ahmad Khan (5 April 2009). "Bhutto's foreign policy legacy". Dawn News Papers, 5 April 2009. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  105. ↑ McGarr, Paul M. (1 August 2013). The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965. Cambridge University Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-107-29226-0.
  106. ↑ War over water The Guardian, Monday 3 June 2002 01.06 BST
  107. ↑ Rashid, Ahmed (2012). Pakistan in the Brink. Allen Lane. p. 47. ISBN 9781846145858.
  108. ↑ Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War by Victoria Schofield Published 2003, by I.B.Tauris ISBN 1-86064-898-3 p. 112.
  109. ↑ 109.0 109.1 Ahmed, Khaled (9 August 2009). "Book Review: Sartaj Aziz on 'excessive' leaders". Pakistan Times. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016.
  110. ↑ Hiro, Dilip (24 February 2015). The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan. PublicAffairs. pp. 182–183. ISBN 978-1-56858-503-1.
  111. ↑ Hiro, Dilip (24 February 2015). The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan. PublicAffairs. p. 183. ISBN 978-1-56858-503-1.
  112. ↑ 112.0 112.1 Editorial publication (6 September 2005). "Nur Khan reminisces '65 war". DAWN.COM. Dawn newspapers, Editorial. Retrieved 31 October 2016.
  113. ↑ Baig, Muhammad Anwar; Ebad (20 December 2012). Pakistan: Time for Change. AuthorHouse. p. 25. ISBN 9781477250310. Retrieved 3 November 2016.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
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  116. ↑ Riches, Christopher; Palmowski, Jan (15 September 2016). A Dictionary of Contemporary World History. Oxford University Press. p. xxx. ISBN 9780191060762. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
  117. ↑ Pike, John. "Military Intelligence – Pakistan Intelligence Agencies". www.globalsecurity.org. global security. Retrieved 5 November 2016.
  118. ↑ "Trouble with Mother". Time.com. 25 December 1964. Archived from the original on 29 October 2007. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
  119. ↑ Abbas, Hassan (1 September 2004). Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 52–53. ISBN 9780765631718. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
  120. ↑ Rath, Saroj Kumar (3 June 2015). Fragile Frontiers: The Secret History of Mumbai Terror Attacks. Routledge. ISBN 9781317562511. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
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  122. ↑ Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan. Infobase Publishing. p. 197. ISBN 978-0-8160-6184-6.
  123. ↑ 123.0 123.1 123.2 Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan. Infobase Publishing. p. 198. ISBN 978-0-8160-6184-6.
  124. ↑ 124.0 124.1 InpaperMagazine, From (31 August 2014). "Exit stage left: the movement against Ayub Khan". DAWN.COM. Dawn, Inpaper magazine. Dawn newspapers. Retrieved 8 November 2016.
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  126. ↑ Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan. Infobase Publishing. p. 198. ISBN 9780816061846. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
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  130. ↑ Constable, Pamela (19 July 2011). Playing with Fire: Pakistan at War with Itself. Random House Publishing Group. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-679-60345-0.
  131. ↑ "Pakistan - AYUB KHAN". www.countrystudies.us. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
  132. ↑ Akbar, M. K. (1 January 1997). Pakistan from Jinnah to Sharif. Mittal Publications. p. 48. ISBN 978-81-7099-674-3.
  133. ↑ "Ex President of Pakistan Ayub Khan, Dies". Lawrence Journal-World. Vol. 116, no. 95. Islamabad, Pakistan. AP. 20 April 1974. p. 13. Retrieved 21 August 2016.
  134. ↑ "Ayub Khan dead at 67". Star-News. Vol. 44, no. 28. UPI. 20 April 1974. Retrieved 21 August 2016.
  135. ↑ "Field Marshal Ayub Dead; Ex‐President of Pakistan". The New York Times. 21 April 1974. Retrieved 21 August 2016.
  136. ↑ Khan, Mohammad Ayub (1967). Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 5 November 2016.
  137. ↑ 137.0 137.1 137.2 Megasthenes (2011). "The Field Marshal from Beyond the Grave". Daily Star. Retrieved 5 November 2016.
  138. ↑ The power of US in Pakistan
  139. ↑ Khan, Muhammad Ayub, "Friends Not Masters", Oxford University Press, 1967.
  140. ↑ "Fatima Jinnah | Mother Of Nation (Mader-e Millat)". Pakistan Herald. Retrieved 9 August 2021.
  141. ↑ (Mazari 1999).
  142. ↑ (Pick April 1969).
  143. ↑ "Pakistan-THE AYUB KHAN ERA". Mongabay.com. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
  144. ↑ 144.0 144.1 "Photo Archive: Ayub Khan visits the US (1961)". The Friday Times. 16 September 2011. Retrieved 19 September 2011.
  145. ↑ "Senarai Penuh Penerima Darjah Kebesaran, Bintang dan Pingat Persekutuan Tahun 1962" (PDF).

Further reading

  • Khan, Muhammad Ayub (1966). Diaries of Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan. Oxford University, Karachi. p. 599. ISBN 9780195474428.
  • Khan, Muhammad Ayub (1967). Friends Not Masters. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. p. 290. ISBN 0192111787.
  • Cloughly, Brian (2006). A History of the Pakistan Army. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. pp. Chapter 2, "Ayub Khan, Adjutant General to President". ISBN 978-1-57607-712-2.
  • Shah, Aqil (2014). Military and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-1-134-40758-3.

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