Siege of Vijayanagar
Siege of Vijayanagar | |||||||||
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Part of Bahmani–Vijayanagar Wars | |||||||||
![]() Natural fortress of Vijayanagar | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Bahmani Sultanate |
Vijayanagar Empire Velama Chiefs | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
Ahmad Shah Bahmani Ugrasen Ghorpade[1][2] |
Vira Vijaya (POW) Linga | ||||||||
Strength | |||||||||
40,000 horsemen[3] | 1,000,000[3] | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
Unknown | 20,000 massacred by sect, sects unknown. | ||||||||
Location within Karnataka |
The siege of Vijayanagar or Bahmani–Vijayanagar war of 1423 was a military campaign by the Bahmani Sultanate in the Deccan plateau, led by Ahmad Shah I Wali, against the Vijayanagar empire, ruled by Vira Vijaya Bukka Raya III, beginning in 1423 in present-day Karnataka. The campaign resulted in a victory for the Bahmanis, leading to the recapture of all of the Sultanate's territories that had fallen into the hands of Vijayanagar during the war of 1420.
After their triumph in the war with the Bahmanis in 1420, the Vijayanagar empire carried out a massacre of the civilian population, violating the treaty signed between them during the war of 1367. Following the coronation of Ahmad Shah Wali after the death of his brother Tajuddin Firuz Shah, Ahmad sought revenge for his brother's defeat by assembling an army. Vira Vijaya, the king of Vijayanagar, opposed them with a vast army, supported by Velama Chiefs. However, they were repelled from Tungabhadra, and at one point, the Vijayanagar king was taken as a prisoner of war, though he later managed to escape.
Ahmad Shah retaliated by massacring the Vijayanagar population, seeking retribution for their actions in the earlier war. This led to the Vijayanagar ruler seeking peace, which he achieved by paying a large indemnity as a tribute and returning the lands taken from the Bahmanis in the war of 1420.
Background
During the Bahmani-Vijayanagar war of 1419, the majority of Bahmani territories were safeguarded by Ahmad Shah Wali, the brother of Tajuddin Firuz Shah, the Bahmani ruler.[4] Following the war's failure, Firuz, weakened by illness and burdened by his own shortcomings and the stark contrast with Ahmad's successful defense of the kingdom, came to a stark realization. He understood increasingly that neither he nor his son Hassan could effectively govern the Sultanate without Ahmad's support. Consequently, he delegated more and more of the state affairs to his brother.[5]
In 1413, a great saint, Hazrat Gesu Daraz, arrived in the capital of the Bahmanis, Gulbarga from Delhi and began to attract a large following to his place of retreat near the fort on the western side. An inevitable conflict arose between the Firuz and the saint, as Firuz, despite his scholarly knowledge, began to question the saint's intellectual worth. As tensions escalated, the saint relocated to the spot where his tomb now stands, a couple of miles from his khanqah. Meanwhile, Firuz's brother, Ahmad, recognized the spiritual and moral influence wielded by the saint and endeavored to garner favor with his disciples.[6]
Fall of Firuz Shah
The close relationship between the saint and Ahmad sparked jealousy among Firuz's entourage, leading them to scheme against Ahmad. Two courtiers, Hoshiyar Ainul Mulk and Bidar Nizamul Mulk, advised the Sultan to blind Ahmad in order to eliminate him as a threat. Ahmad learned of this plot and discreetly left the capital with his trusted companion, Khalaf Hasan of Basra, accompanied by only 400 horsemen.[7]
However, Ahmad soon found himself supported by an army of more than twenty thousand soldiers. In any case, there were individuals of influence around Firuz who had not aligned themselves with Ahmad and opted to resist forcefully. Ahmad gathered his supporters, comprising a majority of the army, and advanced towards Gulbarga. This led to a sporadic civil war, which the devastated country could scarcely sustain.[5] Khalaf Hasan devised a clever strategy: he gathered four hundred oxen from the local banjaras and drove them directly into the enemy's camp. Under the cover of night, he launched a surprise attack on the Bahmani royal army, with real cavalry support from the rear. The army of Bahmani was overwhelmed by the stampede of its own elephants, and Ahmad emerged victorious, marching towards the capital.[8]
Firuz, realizing the gravity of the situation, met Ahmad five miles outside the city. There was no fighting, as a significant portion of the royal army had defected to Ahmad's side on the battlefield. On 22 September 1422, the gates of the capital were opened for Ahmad. In a poignant moment, Firuz accepted the changed circumstances and led his victorious brother to the throne room. There, he ceremoniously fastened the sword of state to Ahmad's waist and assisted him in taking his seat on the turquoise throne.[8][9]
The emotional confrontation between the two brothers culminated in a heartfelt embrace, with Firuz overcome with tears. Burhan-i Ma’asir vividly depicts the poignant scene as follows:[10]
Ahmad: Your Majesty, I did all this for no other reason but to save my life.
Firoz: God be praised that the Kingdom is going to the rightful man. It was my fault that having a brother like you I tried to hand over the kingdom to a less worthy person. My last desire is that you should treat your nephew Hasan Khan with kindness as befits a man like you and regard my progeny with the love similar to that which I bear for you.— Sayyid Ali Tabataba'i, Burhan-i Ma'asir, [11]
Following these events, Firuz passed away within two weeks on 28 September 1422. Ahmad demonstrated great consideration for his nephew Hassan, with whom rumors suggested he had been negotiating even during the conflict. Despite advice from Ahmad's ministers, particularly Gesu daraz, urging the new Sultan to either confine the young prince strictly in prison or have him executed, Ahmad took a different approach. He appointed Hassan to a senior command in the army and granted him his father's palace at Firuzabad along with a generous estate. Additionally, he permitted Hassan to enjoy activities such as hunting and leisure in the vicinity, provided he sought permission before leaving. Hassan opted for these privileges over the challenging task of restoring the Sultanate's fallen fortunes, which demanded a focus on matters of war. During his uncle's reign, Hassan contentedly spent his time in quiet pursuits, accompanied by his wives, scholars, and horses.[12] After his succession to the throne, Ahmad Shah moved the Bahmani capital from Gulbarga to Bidar, making Firuz the last ruler of the Bahmanis of Bidar.[8]
Struggles at Vijayanagar
This internal conflict within the Bahmani Sultanate may have appeared to present Vijayanagar with an opportune moment to dismantle the Sultanate entirely. However, the Vijayanagar Empire was not in a position to capitalize on it. In the same year, 1422, the Palace of Vijayanagar was also embroiled in internal turmoil. It is possible that Deva Raya II's return from his campaigns north of the Krishna was prompted by awareness of the impending power struggle in Vijayanagar, thereby inadvertently aiding the Bahmanis. Additionally, Ahmad's cautious bid to seize the throne from his brother may have been influenced by the unfolding events in Vijayanagar, presenting him with an opportune moment. Alternatively, this convergence of events may simply have been one of the unpredictable twists of history.[13]
Reference
- ↑ M. S. Ghorpade. History Of Mudhol State. pp. 53–56.
- ↑ Sardesai, H. S. (2002). Shivaji, the Great Maratha. Cosmo Publications. p. 121. ISBN 978-81-7755-285-0.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 Connolly, Peter; Gillingham, John; Lazenby, John (2016-05-13). The Hutchinson Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Warfare. Routledge. p. 6. ISBN 978-1-135-93674-7.
In 1423, with an army of 40,000 horsemen, he (Ahmad) defeated a million-strong Hindu army on the river Tungabhadra.
- ↑ Watson 1964, p. 186.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 Watson 1964, p. 188.
- ↑ Nizami 1982, p. 982.
- ↑ Sherwani 1985, pp. 166-167.
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 Nizami 1982, p. 983.
- ↑ Watson 1964, pp. 188-189.
- ↑ Sherwani 1985, p. 168.
- ↑ Sherwani 1985, pp. 168-169.
- ↑ Watson 1964, pp. 190-191.
- ↑ Watson 1964, p. 191.