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{{Short description|Use of racial theories for and against Zionism}} | {{Short description|Use of racial theories for and against Zionism}} | ||
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Early Zionists were the primary Jewish supporters of the idea that Jews are a race since, according to Dr. Dafna Hirsch of the [[Open University of Israel]], they believed it "offered scientific 'proof' of the [[National myth|ethno-nationalist]] myth of common descent".{{efn|Europe, proponents of the idea that the Jews were a race were found mainly in the ranks of Zionists, as the idea implied a common biological nature of the otherwise geographically, linguistically, and culturally divided Jewish people, and offered scientific 'proof of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent.{{harvnb|Hirsch|2009|p=592}}}} The question of Jewish biological unity assumed particular importance during early nation building in Israel, given the ethnic diversity of incoming Jewish populations. Since then, every generation has witnessed efforts by both Zionist and non-Zionist Jews to seek a link between national and biological aspects of Jewish identity{{efn|‘In every generation there are still Zionists as well as non-Zionists who are not satisfied with the mental and social notions which bind Jews together, and who seek to find the link between the national and the biological aspects of being Jews.' Footnote: An interesting aspect is that of orthodox-religious circles that seek support of the “biological” argument for the Jewishness (or for membership in the Ten Lost Tribes) of tribes and congregations all over the world. Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail, the founder of the “Amishav” (Hebrew for “My People Return”) organization and the author of the book Israel’s Tribes, followed on his journeys “the footprints of forgotten Jewish communities, who lost their contact with the Jewish world [...] at the same time he also located tribes that have no biological relationship to the people of Israel but who want very much to join them” (Yair Sheleg, “All want to be Jewish”, Haaretz, September | In the late 19th century, a discourse emerged in [[Zionism|Zionist thinking]] seeking to reframe conceptions of [[Jewish identity|Jewishness]] in terms of [[racial identity]] and [[race science]]. In more recent times, [[genetic science]] generally and [[genetic studies on Jews|Jewish population genetics]] in particular have been used in support of or opposition to [[Zionism|Zionist]] political goals, including claims of Jewish ethnic unity and descent linked to the biblical [[Land of Israel]]. | ||
Many aspects of the role of race in the formation of Zionist concepts of Jewish identity were rarely studied or long forgotten, overlooked, made invisible or deliberately suppressed until recent decades.{{sfn|Doron|1980|pp=170-171}}{{sfn| Morris-Reich|2006|pp=4-5}}{{sfn|Gelber|2000|p=133}}{{sfn|Nicosia|2010|pp=1-2}}{{sfn| Hart|2011|p= xxxiv}}{{sfn|Avraham|2017|pp=172-173}}{{sfn|Falk|2017|pp=100-101}} | |||
Early Zionists were the primary Jewish supporters of the idea that Jews are a race since, according to Dr. Dafna Hirsch of the [[Open University of Israel]], they believed it "offered scientific 'proof' of the [[National myth|ethno-nationalist]] myth of common descent".{{efn|Europe, proponents of the idea that the Jews were a race were found mainly in the ranks of Zionists, as the idea implied a common biological nature of the otherwise geographically, linguistically, and culturally divided Jewish people, and offered scientific 'proof of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent.{{harvnb|Hirsch|2009|p=592}}}} The question of Jewish biological unity assumed particular importance during early nation building in Israel, given the ethnic diversity of incoming Jewish populations. Since then, every generation has witnessed efforts by both Zionist and non-Zionist Jews to seek a link between national and biological aspects of Jewish identity.{{efn|‘In every generation there are still Zionists as well as non-Zionists who are not satisfied with the mental and social notions which bind Jews together, and who seek to find the link between the national and the biological aspects of being Jews.' Footnote: An interesting aspect is that of orthodox-religious circles that seek support of the “biological” argument for the Jewishness (or for membership in the Ten Lost Tribes) of tribes and congregations all over the world. Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail, the founder of the “Amishav” (Hebrew for “My People Return”) organization and the author of the book Israel’s Tribes, followed on his journeys “the footprints of forgotten Jewish communities, who lost their contact with the Jewish world [...] at the same time he also located tribes that have no biological relationship to the people of Israel but who want very much to join them” (Yair Sheleg, “All want to be Jewish”, Haaretz, September 17, 1999, p. 27). In recent years, Rabbi Avichail “discovered” the tribe of Menasheh among the Koki, Mizo and Chin in the Manipur mountains at the border between India and Burma. In a TV program on “the search after the lost tribes,” Hillel Halkin, a demographer of cultures, claimed that whereas the Jews of Ethiopia converted to Judaism during the Middle Ages and are not of ancient Jewish stock, the Koki, Mizo and Chin people are direct progeny of the Biblical tribe of Menasheh.{{harv|Falk|2017|p=16}}}} The theme of 'blood logic'/'race' has been described as a recurrent feature of modern Jewish thought in both scholarship and popular belief.{{efn|”throughout all of the de-racializing stages of twentieth-century social thought, Jews have continued to invoke blood logic as a way of defining and maintaining group identity.” . .“race” is a significant component not only of scholarly or academic modern Jewish thought, but also of popular or everyday Jewish thought. It is one of the building blocks of contemporary Jewish identity construction, even if there are many who would dispute the applicability of biological or racial categories to Jews.'{{harv|Hart|2011|pp=xxxiv-=xxxv}}}} | |||
Many aspects of the role of race in the formation of Zionist concepts of Jewish identity were rarely studied or long forgotten, overlooked, made invisible or deliberately suppressed until recent decades.{{sfn|Doron|1980|pp=170-171}}{{sfn| Morris-Reich|2006|pp=4-5}}{{sfn|Gelber|2000|p=133}}{{sfn|Nicosia|2010|pp=1-2}}{{sfn| Hart|2011|p= xxxiv}}{{sfn|Avraham|2017|pp=172-173}}{{sfn|Falk|2017|pp=100-101}} | |||
With the development of [[Human genetic variation|human population genetics]] from the 1950s onwards, these same themes have reverberated in [[genetic studies on Jews]] in relation to studies on the genealogical origins of modern Jews.<ref name=Burton1>{{harvnb|Burton|2021|p=11b}}: "In contrast to the rest of the region, the history of genetic research on Jews in Israel has been relatively well studied. Historians and anthropologists have critically examined how the structuring assumptions of Jewish race science in early-twentieth-century Europe and North America, and their relationship to Zionist nationalism, reverberate within the genetic studies of Jewish populations by Israeli scientists from the 1950s to the present."</ref> | With the development of [[Human genetic variation|human population genetics]] from the 1950s onwards, these same themes have reverberated in [[genetic studies on Jews]] in relation to studies on the genealogical origins of modern Jews.<ref name=Burton1>{{harvnb|Burton|2021|p=11b}}: "In contrast to the rest of the region, the history of genetic research on Jews in Israel has been relatively well studied. Historians and anthropologists have critically examined how the structuring assumptions of Jewish race science in early-twentieth-century Europe and North America, and their relationship to Zionist nationalism, reverberate within the genetic studies of Jewish populations by Israeli scientists from the 1950s to the present."</ref> | ||
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A tradition of thought and ethnography premised on a hierarchy of racial distinctions, though in retrospect known to be a [[pseudoscience]], was deeply entrenched, indeed ubiquitous. among Western scholars by the early twentieth century. {{sfn|Endelman|2005|pp=52-92,50ff.}} As participants in modernity, Jewish thinkers and scientists formed an integral part of the scientific world underwriting these theories. The Nazi Holocaust totally discredited concepts of race and, from 1945 onwards, considerable efforts were made to disabuse the world of the prejudicial notion that Jews constituted a race.{{sfn| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=197}} At the same time, the broader thrust and impact of this discredited world-view long remained under-analysed.{{efn|’The history of modern racial thought and the importance of the Jews as one of its objects have received substantial attention, as well as has Jewish engagement with racial thinking. However, the larger significance of this thought both for the history of racial thinking in the West and for modern Jewish history itself is still under-analysed.’{{harv|Hart|2005|p=50}}}} | A tradition of thought and ethnography premised on a hierarchy of racial distinctions, though in retrospect known to be a [[pseudoscience]], was deeply entrenched, indeed ubiquitous. among Western scholars by the early twentieth century. {{sfn|Endelman|2005|pp=52-92,50ff.}} As participants in modernity, Jewish thinkers and scientists formed an integral part of the scientific world underwriting these theories. The Nazi Holocaust totally discredited concepts of race and, from 1945 onwards, considerable efforts were made to disabuse the world of the prejudicial notion that Jews constituted a race.{{sfn| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=197}} At the same time, the broader thrust and impact of this discredited world-view long remained under-analysed.{{efn|’The history of modern racial thought and the importance of the Jews as one of its objects have received substantial attention, as well as has Jewish engagement with racial thinking. However, the larger significance of this thought both for the history of racial thinking in the West and for modern Jewish history itself is still under-analysed.’{{harv|Hart|2005|p=50}}}} | ||
Ethnic origins have figured as an indispensable basis for determining what groups belong to the Jewish collective.{{sfn| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=197}} Admixture by [[Conversion to Judaism| conversion]] tended to be underplayed in traditional Jewish historiography in contrast to speculations about descendant communities from the biblical [[Ten Lost Tribes]] who in theory would belong to the Jewish ‘blood community’.{{efn|’Groups that claimed Jewish status through conversion, such as the [[Khazars]] in the ninth century or the [[Himyarite Kingdom| Himyarites]] five centuries earlier, fared badly in early Jewish historiography: they were almost totally ignored. But equally remote groups with an imagined bloodline to the Jewish people were of great interest.’{{harv| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=193}}}} When [[Arthur Koestler]]’s [[The Thirteenth Tribe ]] (1976) propounded the thesis that the origins of the [[Ashkenazi]] might be found in the dispersion of the Turkic [[Khazars]], the book encountered an extreme hostility especially among Jewish American critics. Though the book's genetic implications are no longer regarded as tenable, this severity of critical dismissal, according to Elise Burton, reflected an inability or unwillingness to take cognisance of a tradition of a racializing logic in Zionist discussions of a putative Jewish biology.{{efn|‘the critical response to their works, particularly within the Israeli genetics community, revealed what the authors themselves were unable or perhaps unwilling to recognize: the significant extent to which Zionism, like any other ethnic nationalism, relies on a racializing logic of biological ancestry.’ {{harv| Burton| 2022| p=422}}}} | Ethnic origins have figured as an indispensable basis for determining what groups belong to the Jewish collective.{{sfn| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=197}} Admixture by [[Conversion to Judaism|conversion]] tended to be underplayed in traditional Jewish historiography in contrast to speculations about descendant communities from the biblical [[Ten Lost Tribes]] who in theory would belong to the Jewish ‘blood community’.{{efn|’Groups that claimed Jewish status through conversion, such as the [[Khazars]] in the ninth century or the [[Himyarite Kingdom|Himyarites]] five centuries earlier, fared badly in early Jewish historiography: they were almost totally ignored. But equally remote groups with an imagined bloodline to the Jewish people were of great interest.’{{harv| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=193}}}} When [[Arthur Koestler]]’s [[The Thirteenth Tribe]] (1976) propounded the thesis that the origins of the [[Ashkenazi]] might be found in the dispersion of the Turkic [[Khazars]], the book encountered an extreme hostility especially among Jewish American critics. Though the book's genetic implications are no longer regarded as tenable, this severity of critical dismissal, according to Elise Burton, reflected an inability or unwillingness to take cognisance of a tradition of a racializing logic in Zionist discussions of a putative Jewish biology.{{efn|‘the critical response to their works, particularly within the Israeli genetics community, revealed what the authors themselves were unable or perhaps unwilling to recognize: the significant extent to which Zionism, like any other ethnic nationalism, relies on a racializing logic of biological ancestry.’ {{harv| Burton| 2022| p=422}}}} | ||
In 1983 the historian Joachim Doron (1923-1993) examined the tradition of acerbic attacks Zionists once mounted against [[Jewish diaspora|Jews of the diaspora]], much of which concerned differing ways of interpreting jews as a nation/race. This literature, he stated, had ‘been forgotten or even deliberately suppressed’. Doron suggested four reasons for this silence. Firstly, these scathing polemical recriminations by Zionists against other Jews, 'the enemy within', overlapped with anti-Semitic arguments about Jews, and recalling them would only play into the hands of modern anti-Semites. Secondly, both Holocaust survivors and veteran settlers had begun to feel nostalgic about the lost world of the [[shtetl]], whose idealization led them to ignore negative characterizations of life in [[Pale of Settlement|the Pale]] in the 19th-20th century Jewish/Zionist tradition. Thirdly, as a young nation forging a new Jewish identity with ramifications for the postwar diaspora, a vision emphasizing whatever was positive came to dominate Jewish history in Israel. Finally, the | In 1983 the historian Joachim Doron (1923-1993) examined the tradition of acerbic attacks Zionists once mounted against [[Jewish diaspora|Jews of the diaspora]], much of which concerned differing ways of interpreting jews as a nation/race. This literature, he stated, had ‘been forgotten or even deliberately suppressed’. Doron suggested four reasons for this silence. Firstly, these scathing polemical recriminations by Zionists against other Jews, 'the enemy within', overlapped with anti-Semitic arguments about Jews, and recalling them would only play into the hands of modern anti-Semites. Secondly, both Holocaust survivors and veteran settlers had begun to feel nostalgic about the lost world of the [[shtetl]], whose idealization led them to ignore negative characterizations of life in [[Pale of Settlement|the Pale]] in the 19th-20th century Jewish/Zionist tradition. Thirdly, as a young nation forging a new Jewish identity with ramifications for the postwar diaspora, a vision emphasizing whatever was positive came to dominate Jewish history in Israel. Finally, the country's growing political isolation encouraged a trend to ignore world opinion, in [[Ben-Gurion]]’s words, to disregard ‘what the [[goyim]] say’. Jewish Issues that an earlier Zionist press would have excoriated as ‘scandalous’ came to be dismissed as just expressions of [[Self-hating Jew|Jewish self-hatred]].{{sfn|Doron|1980|pp=170-171}} | ||
Since Doron's article, this topical neglect has been gradually addressed, beginning with [[:de:John M. Efron|John Efron]]'s landmark study, ''Defenders of the Race'' (1994).{{sfn|Efron|1994}}{{efn|Among others, [[George Mosse]] had earlier touched on the issue a lecture given at the [[Leo Baeck Institute]] in 1967, later revised and reprinted in his 1970 work ''Germans and Jews'' {{sfn|Mosse|2023|pp=54-79}}}} Brief notices emerged occasionally hinting at gaps in the record. [[:de:Mark H. Gelber|Mark Gelber]], in an aside on his chapter on [[Nathan Birnbaum]], whose racialist ideas had a seminal impact on [[Cultural Zionism]], remarked in 2000 that the ‘racialist orientation' of Birnbaum's student [[Martin Buber]] had been 'relativized or sometimes even suppressed in scholarly literature and other commentary about him.’{{sfn|Gelber|2000|p=133}} Between 2004 and 2006, many studies remediating the [[lacuna]] began to be aired. Nurit Kirsh wrote in 2004 that investigations into the biology of the Jews had rarely been explored for two decades after the | Since Doron's article, this topical neglect has been gradually addressed, beginning with [[:de:John M. Efron|John Efron]]'s landmark study, ''Defenders of the Race'' (1994).{{sfn|Efron|1994}}{{efn|Among others, [[George Mosse]] had earlier touched on the issue a lecture given at the [[Leo Baeck Institute]] in 1967, later revised and reprinted in his 1970 work ''Germans and Jews'' {{sfn|Mosse|2023|pp=54-79}}}} Brief notices emerged occasionally hinting at gaps in the record. [[:de:Mark H. Gelber|Mark Gelber]], in an aside on his chapter on [[Nathan Birnbaum]], whose racialist ideas had a seminal impact on [[Cultural Zionism]], remarked in 2000 that the ‘racialist orientation' of Birnbaum's student [[Martin Buber]] had been 'relativized or sometimes even suppressed in scholarly literature and other commentary about him.’{{sfn|Gelber|2000|p=133}} Between 2004 and 2006, many studies remediating the [[lacuna]] began to be aired. Nurit Kirsh wrote in 2004 that investigations into the biology of the Jews had rarely been explored for two decades after the state's establishment, and argued that Zionist ideology had been so internalised by scientists that the myths remained as unconscious influences on their approach to the subject of population genetics.{{efn|’ What makes population genetics in Israel in the 1950s an interesting and unique case is the unconscious internalization of an ideology by a group of scientists. Because the Zionist ideas did not require articulation and the researchers were unaware of the influence of such ideas on their scientific work, they were not critically examined. The myths were not shattered; on the contrary, they were reinforced.’{{harv|Kirsh|2003|p=655}}}} The following year a special issue of ''Jewish History'' dedicated several articles to aspects of the topic of Jews and racial classifications,{{sfn|Leff|2005|pp=7-28}}{{sfn|Hoffman|2005|pp=65–78}}{{sfn|Hart|2005|pp=49–63}}{{sfn|Goldstein|2005|pp=79–107}} and [[Tudor Parfitt]] published his study of the interrelation between genetics and Jewish identity among the [[Lemba]] and [[Bene Israel]].{{sfn|Parfitt|Egorova|2005|pp=193–224}} | ||
In 2007, the Israel geneticist and historian of science [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]] argued that explicit racial and eugenic notions were particularly in evidence among Zionist writers, and that these interests persisted long after the beginnings of ominous trends in Nazi Germany, and have been continually recycled in tacit positions about a putative biology of Jews adopted both by Zionists and their [[Anti-Zionism|anti-Zionist]] opponents. He concluded: | In 2007, the Israel geneticist and historian of science [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]] argued that explicit racial and eugenic notions were particularly in evidence among Zionist writers, and that these interests persisted long after the beginnings of ominous trends in Nazi Germany, and have been continually recycled in tacit positions about a putative biology of Jews adopted both by Zionists and their [[Anti-Zionism|anti-Zionist]] opponents. He concluded: | ||
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==History== | ==History== | ||
===Background=== | ===Background=== | ||
Traditional Christian [[Anti-Judaism|Judeophobia]] was tempered under the impact of the [[Age of Enlightenment]] as a succeeding [[Jewish emancipation |period of Jewish emancipation]] in [[Civil society|Western civil society]] took root in the 19th century. Many [[Jewish assimilation|acculturated Jewish communities]] {{efn|' It is important to remember that both the Zionists and the Nazis referred to them and their various organizations as “assimilationist." However, the great majority of these so-called assimilationist German Jews neither sought to deny their Jewish identity nor stopped believing that one could be both Jewish and German at the same time. Ruth Gay’s distinction between “assimilation," implying the total elimination of all distinctions between Jews and the non Jewish majority, and the more relevant term “acculturation,” implying the adoption of language, culture, and social convention, while retaining a distinct, religious and historical identity, can be helpful here.'{{harv|Nicosia|2010|p=1,n.2}}}} integrated into Germanic society, came to consider their [[Jewishness]] in terms of their cultural and/or religious heritage.{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}} Coinciding with the emergence of [[Darwinism]] as a biological science of man and the rise of [[scientific racism]] more broadly, the Emancipation period's incremental lowering of traditional socio-cultural discrimination against, and persecution of, Jews faced new challenges. Though there was no intrinsic connection between Darwin's theories and antisemitism,{{sfn|Weikart|2008|p=94}} the latter half of the 19th century witnessed the rise of a [[racial antisemitism]] ([[Wilhelm Marr]] 1873, 1879; [[Eugen Dühring]] 1881, for example) which often had scientific pretensions.{{efn|Marr coined the term 'antisemitism, which 'became popular specifically among writers and scholars, not only because of its scientific pretensions but also because it cast a ckloak of uncertaiinty over the intent of hatred of the Jews (which people were still careful not to mention specifically).'{{harv|Zimmermann|1987|p=94}}}} | Traditional Christian [[Anti-Judaism|Judeophobia]] was tempered under the impact of the [[Age of Enlightenment]] as a succeeding [[Jewish emancipation|period of Jewish emancipation]] in [[Civil society|Western civil society]] took root in the 19th century. Many [[Jewish assimilation|acculturated Jewish communities]] {{efn|' It is important to remember that both the Zionists and the Nazis referred to them and their various organizations as “assimilationist." However, the great majority of these so-called assimilationist German Jews neither sought to deny their Jewish identity nor stopped believing that one could be both Jewish and German at the same time. Ruth Gay’s distinction between “assimilation," implying the total elimination of all distinctions between Jews and the non Jewish majority, and the more relevant term “acculturation,” implying the adoption of language, culture, and social convention, while retaining a distinct, religious and historical identity, can be helpful here.'{{harv|Nicosia|2010|p=1,n.2}}}} integrated into Germanic society, came to consider their [[Jewishness]] in terms of their cultural and/or religious heritage.{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}} Coinciding with the emergence of [[Darwinism]] as a biological science of man and the rise of [[scientific racism]] more broadly, the Emancipation period's incremental lowering of traditional socio-cultural discrimination against, and persecution of, Jews faced new challenges. Though there was no intrinsic connection between Darwin's theories and antisemitism,{{sfn|Weikart|2008|p=94}} the latter half of the 19th century witnessed the rise of a [[racial antisemitism]] ([[Wilhelm Marr]] 1873, 1879; [[Eugen Dühring]] 1881, for example) which often had scientific pretensions.{{efn|Marr coined the term 'antisemitism, which 'became popular specifically among writers and scholars, not only because of its scientific pretensions but also because it cast a ckloak of uncertaiinty over the intent of hatred of the Jews (which people were still careful not to mention specifically).'{{harv|Zimmermann|1987|p=94}}}} | ||
In [[German Empire|the German cultural world]] in particular, this retuning of nationalist [[Volk|völkisch]] thought{{efn|The tradition founded by [[Johann Gottfried Herder|Herder]] originally thought of Jews simply as a distinct national community. The proto-Zionist [[Moses Hess]], for one, in his very influential [[Rome and Jerusalem: The Last National Question|Rome and Jerusalem (1862)]], argued that the Jewish nation was constituted by a 'race', which deserved [[Self-determination|national rights]] like any other.{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}}}} drew strength from the ‘biologization’ of human differences in the form of [[Scientific racism|theories of biological racism]], by seeking an ostensible scientific support in [[social Darwinism]]’s theory of evolution as a [[Survival of the fittest|struggle between species]].{{sfn| Falk|2014|p=3}} Jewish scholars and scientists were therefore forced to confront the new race science: "Some disputed the stability and per manence of racial traits and the existence of pure races. Others internalized racial thinking and then unconsciously reworked and subverted its premises. Still others accepted the idea of racial differences but turned conventional stereotypes on their head."{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=52}} | In [[German Empire|the German cultural world]] in particular, this retuning of nationalist [[Volk|völkisch]] thought{{efn|The tradition founded by [[Johann Gottfried Herder|Herder]] originally thought of Jews simply as a distinct national community. The proto-Zionist [[Moses Hess]], for one, in his very influential [[Rome and Jerusalem: The Last National Question|Rome and Jerusalem (1862)]], argued that the Jewish nation was constituted by a 'race', which deserved [[Self-determination|national rights]] like any other.{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}}}} drew strength from the ‘biologization’ of human differences in the form of [[Scientific racism|theories of biological racism]], by seeking an ostensible scientific support in [[social Darwinism]]’s theory of evolution as a [[Survival of the fittest|struggle between species]].{{sfn| Falk|2014|p=3}} Jewish scholars and scientists were therefore forced to confront the new race science: "Some disputed the stability and per manence of racial traits and the existence of pure races. Others internalized racial thinking and then unconsciously reworked and subverted its premises. Still others accepted the idea of racial differences but turned conventional stereotypes on their head."{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=52}} | ||
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As the older [[Christian antisemitism|Christian antisemitic]] prejudices underwent reformulation in terms of the newer antagonism of racialised thinking,{{efn|'Christian anti-Semites generally accorded Jews a limited amount of toleration, usually their goal was conversion, which wouòld give Jews the same special and legal status as Christians. Many scholars have noted the late nineteenth century shift from traditional forms of Christian anti-Semitism to secular racial anti-Semitism. Although the new racial anti-Semitism of the nineteenth century retained many of the long-standing Jewish stereotypes . . it closed the door to assimilation, since Jews could not discard their immoral character, which was now grounded in their biological essence.'{{harv|Weikart|2008|p=95}}}} groups of Jews, disappointed with what they perceived to be the failures of full emancipation,{{sfn|Avraham|2017| pp=472-473}} began to be drawn to [[Theodor Herzl]]’s proposed Zionist solution to the quandary. Herzl's Zionism arose in reaction to [[European antisemitism|these renewed antisemitic trends]], as an ideology that aimed to reconstruct a distinct Jewish identity along ethnic/volkisch lines.{{sfn|Avraham|2017| pp=472-473}} In doing so, Herzl and his followers challenged the centuries’ old tradition among Jews that they constituted a religious and socio-cultural group by reframing [[Jewishness]] in terms of the concept of a nation-race, with Jews conceived of as an "integral biological entity"{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}} in what has been called a "racialization of Jewish identity". {{efn|Nevertheless, the idea that different Jewish groups around the world are not only culturally similar, but also "genealogically" connected, is still prominent in the public imagination both within and outside Jewish communities. The notion that Jews are a people almost "biologically" related to each other was promoted by early Zionist ideologues.{{harv|Egorova|2015|p=354}}}} The debates over race played a notable role in the arguments that broke out between Zionists and assimilating Jews.{{sfn|Hart|2011|p=xxvii}} | As the older [[Christian antisemitism|Christian antisemitic]] prejudices underwent reformulation in terms of the newer antagonism of racialised thinking,{{efn|'Christian anti-Semites generally accorded Jews a limited amount of toleration, usually their goal was conversion, which wouòld give Jews the same special and legal status as Christians. Many scholars have noted the late nineteenth century shift from traditional forms of Christian anti-Semitism to secular racial anti-Semitism. Although the new racial anti-Semitism of the nineteenth century retained many of the long-standing Jewish stereotypes . . it closed the door to assimilation, since Jews could not discard their immoral character, which was now grounded in their biological essence.'{{harv|Weikart|2008|p=95}}}} groups of Jews, disappointed with what they perceived to be the failures of full emancipation,{{sfn|Avraham|2017| pp=472-473}} began to be drawn to [[Theodor Herzl]]’s proposed Zionist solution to the quandary. Herzl's Zionism arose in reaction to [[European antisemitism|these renewed antisemitic trends]], as an ideology that aimed to reconstruct a distinct Jewish identity along ethnic/volkisch lines.{{sfn|Avraham|2017| pp=472-473}} In doing so, Herzl and his followers challenged the centuries’ old tradition among Jews that they constituted a religious and socio-cultural group by reframing [[Jewishness]] in terms of the concept of a nation-race, with Jews conceived of as an "integral biological entity"{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}} in what has been called a "racialization of Jewish identity". {{efn|Nevertheless, the idea that different Jewish groups around the world are not only culturally similar, but also "genealogically" connected, is still prominent in the public imagination both within and outside Jewish communities. The notion that Jews are a people almost "biologically" related to each other was promoted by early Zionist ideologues.{{harv|Egorova|2015|p=354}}}} The debates over race played a notable role in the arguments that broke out between Zionists and assimilating Jews.{{sfn|Hart|2011|p=xxvii}} | ||
In the early years of the Zionist movement, notable proponents of the idea of a Jewish nation-race included [[Max Nordau]], Herzl's co-founder of the original [[Zionist Organization]], [[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]], the prominent architect of early statist Zionism and the founder of what became Israel's [[Likud]] party,{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=100-102}} and [[Arthur Ruppin]], considered the "father of Israeli sociology". {{sfn|Bloom|2011|p=5}} Jabotinsky wrote that Jewish national integrity relies on “racial purity", whereas Nordau wrote that "The acute eye of the street loafer is sufficient proof that the Jews are a race, or at least a variety, or, if you please, a sub-variety of mankind".{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=100-102}}<ref name=Fishberg>{{harvnb|Fishberg|1911|p=474}}: "Meanwhile, it is important to inquire in detail into the fundamental problems of Zionism. The question of race has already been discussed, and we arrived at the conclusion that the alleged purity of the Jewish race is visionary and not substantiated by scientific observation. [Footnote: Max Nordau, an avowed disciple of [[Cesare Lombroso|Lombroso]], knows that anthropological research has dissipated the notion of Jewish racial purity, but he places more confidence in the acute powers of observation of the street loafer who recognizes a Jew by his nose. "To be sure, the street loafer's diagnosis is not infallible, still it fails him only rarely. But then the scientific diagnosis is not always reliable. The acute eye of the street loafer," concludes Nordau, " is sufficient proof that the Jews are a race, or at least a variety, or, if you please, a sub-variety of mankind." (''[[Le Siècle]]'', 1899; ''Zionistische Schriften'', p. 305). Zangwill asks, "Whoever heard of a religion that was limited to people of particular breed? Of divine truth that was only true for men of dark complexion?" (''[[Jewish Chronicle]]'', June 18, 1909).]"</ref> | In the early years of the Zionist movement, notable proponents of the idea of a Jewish nation-race included [[Max Nordau]], Herzl's co-founder of the original [[Zionist Organization]], [[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]], the prominent architect of early statist Zionism and the founder of what became Israel's [[Likud]] party,{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=100-102}} and [[Arthur Ruppin]], considered the "father of Israeli sociology". {{sfn|Bloom|2011|p=5}} Jabotinsky wrote that Jewish national integrity relies on “racial purity", whereas Nordau wrote that "The acute eye of the street loafer is sufficient proof that the Jews are a race, or at least a variety, or, if you please, a sub-variety of mankind".{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=100-102}}<ref name=Fishberg>{{harvnb|Fishberg|1911|p=474}}: "Meanwhile, it is important to inquire in detail into the fundamental problems of Zionism. The question of race has already been discussed, and we arrived at the conclusion that the alleged purity of the Jewish race is visionary and not substantiated by scientific observation. [Footnote: Max Nordau, an avowed disciple of [[Cesare Lombroso|Lombroso]], knows that anthropological research has dissipated the notion of Jewish racial purity, but he places more confidence in the acute powers of observation of the street loafer who recognizes a Jew by his nose. "To be sure, the street loafer's diagnosis is not infallible, still it fails him only rarely. But then the scientific diagnosis is not always reliable. The acute eye of the street loafer," concludes Nordau, " is sufficient proof that the Jews are a race, or at least a variety, or, if you please, a sub-variety of mankind." (''[[Le Siècle]]'', 1899; ''Zionistische Schriften'', p. 305). Zangwill asks, "Whoever heard of a religion that was limited to people of particular breed? Of divine truth that was only true for men of dark complexion?" (''[[Jewish Chronicle]]'', June 18, 1909).]"</ref> | ||
Burton suggests that the phenomenon of reconstructing modern Jews as the primary descendants of ancient Israelites sought to underpin the legitimacy of Zionism, much as the controversial concept of [[Phoenicianism]] which developed around the same time within [[Lebanese nationalism]] sought to ground an emerging [[Lebanese nationalism]].{{sfn|Burton|2021|p=24|ps=: "In the Levantine mandates, anthropometric reconstructions of “ancient races” like the Phoenicians and Israelites fed into political discourses about Lebanese identity and the legitimacy of Zionism."}} According to the Israeli geneticist and historian, [[Raphael Falk (geneticist) |Raphael Falk]], in his study of three scientists who were early followers of Herzl - [[Redcliffe N. Salaman| Redcliffe Nathan Salaman]], [[Gustav Bychowski|Shneor Zalman Bychowski]] and [[Friedrich Simon Bodenheimer|Fritz Shimon Bodenheimer]] - scientific biology was also used by Zionist thinkers as evidence for any number of social, economic, or political notions. (Historian [[Todd Endelman]] notes that Salaman became a Zionist some time after reaching the conclusion that Jews formed a distinct race, suggesting this belief was one of the factors leading to the adoption of the ideology.{{sfn|Endelman|2004}} | Burton suggests that the phenomenon of reconstructing modern Jews as the primary descendants of ancient Israelites sought to underpin the legitimacy of Zionism, much as the controversial concept of [[Phoenicianism]] which developed around the same time within [[Lebanese nationalism]] sought to ground an emerging [[Lebanese nationalism]].{{sfn|Burton|2021|p=24|ps=: "In the Levantine mandates, anthropometric reconstructions of “ancient races” like the Phoenicians and Israelites fed into political discourses about Lebanese identity and the legitimacy of Zionism."}} According to the Israeli geneticist and historian, [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]], in his study of three scientists who were early followers of Herzl - [[Redcliffe N. Salaman|Redcliffe Nathan Salaman]], [[Gustav Bychowski|Shneor Zalman Bychowski]] and [[Friedrich Simon Bodenheimer|Fritz Shimon Bodenheimer]] - scientific biology was also used by Zionist thinkers as evidence for any number of social, economic, or political notions. (Historian [[Todd Endelman]] notes that Salaman became a Zionist some time after reaching the conclusion that Jews formed a distinct race, suggesting this belief was one of the factors leading to the adoption of the ideology.{{sfn|Endelman|2004}} | ||
These discussions were not widely disseminated in the Jewish population before the 1930s.{{efn|Apart from a handful of references to the topic in the Jewish press, the notion of the racial nature of Judaism did not filter down to the bulk of Jewish society, which in any case was not equipped with the scholarly apparatus to engage with the discussion."{{sfn|Avraham|2017| p=478}}}} Not all Zionists using concepts such as "race" at this time agreed on its biological dimension,{{efn|"scientific racism lacked conceptual clarity allowed for multiple interpretations: the terms ''Rasse'', ''Volk'', ''Stamm'' (tribe), and Nation were fuzzy, implying racial-biological meanings but anthropological, sociological, and cultural ones, too. Moreover, the early Zionists' racial discourse - which in itself was not adopted by all Zionists - did not envision a struggle between Jews and other races; as demonstrated by John Efron, it was free of chauvinistic argumentation. Nevertheless, by turning ideas of blood relations, inbreeding, racial gifts, and historical selection and evolution into categories that differentiated the Jews from other peoples, these Zionists could not entirely evade biological determinism, even if couched in humanistic concepts of transnational alliance."{{sfn|Avraham|2017|p=478}}}} and some Zionists – for example [[Robert Weltsch]] and [[Israel Zangwill]] - did not embrace the racial idea.{{sfn|Hart|2011|p=xxviii-xxix|ps=: "Zionism, in fact, was proposed as the only viable solution to the threat to Jewish collective survival. And race was seen as a necessary component of this national revival. Not all Zionist thinkers embraced such racialist notions, as the selection in this volume by Robert Weltsch testifies. [Note: Robert Weltsch, “Gelegentlich einer Rassentheorie,” Die Welt 17, no. 12 (1913): 365–67] Nonetheless, racial ideas and images proved quite attractive to many Jewish nationalists, offering them a language with which to define Jewishness as an objective fact, a matter of biology and history as well as subjective will. Moreover, the fact that racial thinking was closely aligned with science, that it drew much of its content—as well as whatever claim it had to mainstream legitimacy—from the natural and social sciences, was also attractive to Zionism, a movement that portrayed itself as scientific."}}<ref name=Fishberg/> At times, other Zionists harshly criticised race science, preferring a conception of Jewish religious heritage to one of descent.<ref>{{harvnb|Avraham|2017| p=478}}"this racial reading of Judaism received harsh criticism from other Zionist, Orthodox, and assimilationist Jews. The first of these lamented the rejection of religious heritage in favour of the 'dark urgings of the blood'.</ref> On the other hand, even some non-Zionist Jews began to understand Jews in racial terms in this period.{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=53|ps=: "Even liberal integrationist opponents of the nascent Zionist movement were not averse to referring to the Jewish people as a race. In a letter to Israel Zangwill (1864-1926) in 1903, [[Lucien Wolf]] (1857 1930), for example, admitted there was "a Jewish race" as well as "a Jewish religion" while denying there had been "a Jewish nationality" since the [[destruction of the Second Temple]]."}} | These discussions were not widely disseminated in the Jewish population before the 1930s.{{efn|Apart from a handful of references to the topic in the Jewish press, the notion of the racial nature of Judaism did not filter down to the bulk of Jewish society, which in any case was not equipped with the scholarly apparatus to engage with the discussion."{{sfn|Avraham|2017| p=478}}}} Not all Zionists using concepts such as "race" at this time agreed on its biological dimension,{{efn|"scientific racism lacked conceptual clarity allowed for multiple interpretations: the terms ''Rasse'', ''Volk'', ''Stamm'' (tribe), and Nation were fuzzy, implying racial-biological meanings but anthropological, sociological, and cultural ones, too. Moreover, the early Zionists' racial discourse - which in itself was not adopted by all Zionists - did not envision a struggle between Jews and other races; as demonstrated by John Efron, it was free of chauvinistic argumentation. Nevertheless, by turning ideas of blood relations, inbreeding, racial gifts, and historical selection and evolution into categories that differentiated the Jews from other peoples, these Zionists could not entirely evade biological determinism, even if couched in humanistic concepts of transnational alliance."{{sfn|Avraham|2017|p=478}}}} and some Zionists – for example [[Robert Weltsch]] and [[Israel Zangwill]] - did not embrace the racial idea.{{sfn|Hart|2011|p=xxviii-xxix|ps=: "Zionism, in fact, was proposed as the only viable solution to the threat to Jewish collective survival. And race was seen as a necessary component of this national revival. Not all Zionist thinkers embraced such racialist notions, as the selection in this volume by Robert Weltsch testifies. [Note: Robert Weltsch, “Gelegentlich einer Rassentheorie,” Die Welt 17, no. 12 (1913): 365–67] Nonetheless, racial ideas and images proved quite attractive to many Jewish nationalists, offering them a language with which to define Jewishness as an objective fact, a matter of biology and history as well as subjective will. Moreover, the fact that racial thinking was closely aligned with science, that it drew much of its content—as well as whatever claim it had to mainstream legitimacy—from the natural and social sciences, was also attractive to Zionism, a movement that portrayed itself as scientific."}}<ref name=Fishberg/> At times, other Zionists harshly criticised race science, preferring a conception of Jewish religious heritage to one of descent.<ref>{{harvnb|Avraham|2017| p=478}}"this racial reading of Judaism received harsh criticism from other Zionist, Orthodox, and assimilationist Jews. The first of these lamented the rejection of religious heritage in favour of the 'dark urgings of the blood'.</ref> On the other hand, even some non-Zionist Jews began to understand Jews in racial terms in this period.{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=53|ps=: "Even liberal integrationist opponents of the nascent Zionist movement were not averse to referring to the Jewish people as a race. In a letter to Israel Zangwill (1864-1926) in 1903, [[Lucien Wolf]] (1857 1930), for example, admitted there was "a Jewish race" as well as "a Jewish religion" while denying there had been "a Jewish nationality" since the [[destruction of the Second Temple]]."}} | ||
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===21st century=== | ===21st century=== | ||
Geneticists [[Harry Ostrer]] and [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]] and anthropologist [[Nadia Abu El Haj]] have publicly disagreed on the interpretation of the evidence about Jewish genetics, with Ostrer arguing there is such as thing as a Jewish race or people and Abu El-Haj contesting it,{{sfn|Kahn|2013}}<ref>{{cite book | last=Kandiyoti | first= Dalia | title=The Converso's Return: Conversion and Sephardi History in Contemporary Literature and Culture | publisher=Stanford University Press | series=Stanford Studies in Jewish History and Culture | year=2020 | isbn=978-1-5036-1244-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FvHrDwAAQBAJ | quote=Genetic genealogy has added new twists to the controversies around the biologization and consolidation, and returns of identities. Although genetic scientists such as Harry Ostrer, who has asserted that Jews constitute a genetically coherent group, distance themselves from eugenics and spurious "race science," the nationalist conclusions are presented as uncontroversial: Jews are a people because there is some genetic evidence that many have ancient origins in the Levant (Ostrer 2012). Susan Martha Kahn, an anthropologist specializing in aspects of medical practice in Israel, in commenting on Ostrer's views, remarks that in his work genetic evidence is made to coincide with the Jewish oral tradition of common origins in the Middle East (Kahn 2013), with the consequence of biologization of group identity. It is not an accident that the greater visibility of converso descendants in the Jewish and the wider world coincides with the rise of genetic studies that seek to prove that Jews are a people indigenous to the Middle East, with the obvious geopolitical conclusions legitimizing the claims to Israel/Palestine (Abu El Haj 2012; Kahn 2013).}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Abu El-Haj|2012|pp=48–49}} According to Falk "Junk DNA is natural-cultural artifact that carries a genealogical message bearing witness to one's geographic origins and cultural past. It functions as evidence of what one might call cultural fidelity—of the fact that contemporary, self-designated Jews really do descend from a single ancient population, from a common history and long tradition of cultural distinction that is visible on the Y-chromosome only because their (male) ancestors remained true to their faith. Y-chromosome markers are “signatures” of ancient origins (Thomas 1998, 139). Such markers are not, by way of contrast, evidence of the “biological unity” of the Jews, a concept central to racial theories of Jewishness that dominated late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century thought."</ref> and Falk arguing there are many genetic mutations restricted to certain groups of modern Jews but no single gene uniting the majority of Jews worldwide.<ref name=Falk1>{{harvnb|Falk|2017|pp=208–210}} "There are no 'Jewish genes,' even though there are plenty of mutations that are pretty much restricted to a certain group of Jews. It follows that there can be no clinching biological answer to the question of identifying the original Jews, nor to any question about the shared heritage of all Jews qua Jews… Smocha argues for the emancipation of the Jewish nation from inherited notions of alleged biological unity. Shouldn't genetic research likewise shake itself loose of the effort to anchor Zionism in the supposedly shared biological origins of the Jews?"</ref> | Geneticists [[Harry Ostrer]] and [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]] and anthropologist [[Nadia Abu El Haj]] have publicly disagreed on the interpretation of the evidence about Jewish genetics, with Ostrer arguing there is such as thing as a Jewish race or people and Abu El-Haj contesting it,{{sfn|Kahn|2013}}<ref>{{cite book | last=Kandiyoti | first= Dalia | title=The Converso's Return: Conversion and Sephardi History in Contemporary Literature and Culture | publisher=Stanford University Press | series=Stanford Studies in Jewish History and Culture | year=2020 | isbn=978-1-5036-1244-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FvHrDwAAQBAJ | quote=Genetic genealogy has added new twists to the controversies around the biologization and consolidation, and returns of identities. Although genetic scientists such as Harry Ostrer, who has asserted that Jews constitute a genetically coherent group, distance themselves from eugenics and spurious "race science," the nationalist conclusions are presented as uncontroversial: Jews are a people because there is some genetic evidence that many have ancient origins in the Levant (Ostrer 2012). Susan Martha Kahn, an anthropologist specializing in aspects of medical practice in Israel, in commenting on Ostrer's views, remarks that in his work genetic evidence is made to coincide with the Jewish oral tradition of common origins in the Middle East (Kahn 2013), with the consequence of biologization of group identity. It is not an accident that the greater visibility of converso descendants in the Jewish and the wider world coincides with the rise of genetic studies that seek to prove that Jews are a people indigenous to the Middle East, with the obvious geopolitical conclusions legitimizing the claims to Israel/Palestine (Abu El Haj 2012; Kahn 2013).}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Abu El-Haj|2012|pp=48–49}} According to Falk "Junk DNA is natural-cultural artifact that carries a genealogical message bearing witness to one's geographic origins and cultural past. It functions as evidence of what one might call cultural fidelity—of the fact that contemporary, self-designated Jews really do descend from a single ancient population, from a common history and long tradition of cultural distinction that is visible on the Y-chromosome only because their (male) ancestors remained true to their faith. Y-chromosome markers are “signatures” of ancient origins (Thomas 1998, 139). Such markers are not, by way of contrast, evidence of the “biological unity” of the Jews, a concept central to racial theories of Jewishness that dominated late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century thought."</ref> and Falk arguing there are many genetic mutations restricted to certain groups of modern Jews but no single gene uniting the majority of Jews worldwide.<ref name=Falk1>{{harvnb|Falk|2017|pp=208–210}} "There are no 'Jewish genes,' even though there are plenty of mutations that are pretty much restricted to a certain group of Jews. It follows that there can be no clinching biological answer to the question of identifying the original Jews, nor to any question about the shared heritage of all Jews qua Jews… Smocha argues for the emancipation of the Jewish nation from inherited notions of alleged biological unity. Shouldn't genetic research likewise shake itself loose of the effort to anchor Zionism in the supposedly shared biological origins of the Jews?"</ref> | ||
In relation to Zionism, Ostrer disagreed with criticism of proposed genetic evidence for Jewish unity as "fragmentary and half-truths", and noted that the question "touches on the heart of Zionist claims for a Jewish homeland in Israel"{{sfn|Ostrer|2012|p=220|ps=: "Are recent discoveries fragmentary and half-truths? I think not, because the molecular genetic studies of which Sand is critical have set the bar higher for discovery, reporting, and acceptance than the race science of a century ago—less stand-alone observation with more replication and more rigorous statistical testing. The stakes in genetic analysis are high. It is more than an issue of who belongs in the family and can partake in Jewish life and Israeli citizenship. It touches on the heart of Zionist claims for a Jewish homeland in Israel. One can imagine future disputes about exactly how large the shared Middle Eastern ancestry of Jewish groups has to be to justify Zionist claims."}} while Abu El-Haj, "an established critic of the modern Zionist project" criticised the thesis biological unity as a strategy for "casting doubt on the foundational assumption on which the Zionist enterprise is predicated".{{sfn|Kahn|2013|p=922|ps=: "This strategy of “casting doubt” on the founding myths and narratives of the Other is an established part of the ongoing Israel/Palestine conflict. Arguments like Abu El-Haj’s play directly into this discursive do-si-do."}} | In relation to Zionism, Ostrer disagreed with criticism of proposed genetic evidence for Jewish unity as "fragmentary and half-truths", and noted that the question "touches on the heart of Zionist claims for a Jewish homeland in Israel"{{sfn|Ostrer|2012|p=220|ps=: "Are recent discoveries fragmentary and half-truths? I think not, because the molecular genetic studies of which Sand is critical have set the bar higher for discovery, reporting, and acceptance than the race science of a century ago—less stand-alone observation with more replication and more rigorous statistical testing. The stakes in genetic analysis are high. It is more than an issue of who belongs in the family and can partake in Jewish life and Israeli citizenship. It touches on the heart of Zionist claims for a Jewish homeland in Israel. One can imagine future disputes about exactly how large the shared Middle Eastern ancestry of Jewish groups has to be to justify Zionist claims."}} while Abu El-Haj, "an established critic of the modern Zionist project" criticised the thesis biological unity as a strategy for "casting doubt on the foundational assumption on which the Zionist enterprise is predicated".{{sfn|Kahn|2013|p=922|ps=: "This strategy of “casting doubt” on the founding myths and narratives of the Other is an established part of the ongoing Israel/Palestine conflict. Arguments like Abu El-Haj’s play directly into this discursive do-si-do."}} | ||
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==Impact== | ==Impact== | ||
===Politics=== | ===Politics=== | ||
According to Michael Satlow, Professor of Religious Studies and Judaic Studies at [[Brown University]], "while some on the margins have used [Jewish population genetics] to make ideological claims...it has not had an impact on religious law (or the Israeli Law of Return) and remains something of a novelty item in general discourse." <ref>{{Cite web |last=Satlow |first=Michael L. |title=Discussion by Michael L. Satlow |url=https://www.quest-cdecjournal.it/michael-l-satlow/ |access-date=2023-07-15 |website=Quest. Issues in Contemporary Jewish History |language=en-US}}</ref> According to Professor Hassan S. Haddad, then Chairman of the Department of History at [[Saint Xavier University]], the Zionist application of the Jewish concepts of [[Jews as the chosen people]] and the [[Promised Land]] requires the belief that modern Jews are the primary descendants of the [[Israelites]], and as such, inheritors of the [[Land of Israel]] bequeathed by [[Yahweh|God]].{{efn|'The Zionist movement remains firmly anchored in the basic principle of the exclusive right of the Jews to Palestine that is found in the Torah and in other Jewish religious literature. Zionists who are not religious, in the sense of following the ritual practices of Judaism, are still biblical in their basic convictions in, and practical application of the ancient particularism of the Torah and the other books of the Old Testament. They are biblical in putting their national goals on a level that goes beyond historical, humanistic or moral considerations… We can summarize these beliefs, based on the Bible, as follows. 1. The Jews are a separate and exclusive people chosen by God to fulfil a destiny. The Jews of the twentieth century have inherited the covenant of divine election and historical destiny from the Hebrew tribes that existed more than 3000 years ago. 2. The covenant included a definite ownership of the Land of Canaan (Palestine) as patrimony of the Israelites and their descendants forever. By no name, and under no other conditions, can any other people lay a rightful claim to that land. 3. The occupation and settlement of this land is a duty placed collectively on the Jews to establish a state for the Jews. The purity of the Jewishness of the land is derived from a divine command and is thus a sacred mission. Accordingly, settling in Palestine, in addition to its economic and political motivations, acquires a romantic and mythical character. That the Bible is at the root of Zionism is recognized by religious, secular, non-observant, and agnostic Zionists… The Bible, which has been generally considered as a holy book whose basic tenets and whose historical contents are not commonly challenged by Christians and Jews, is usually referred to as the Jewish national record. As a "sacrosanct title-deed to Palestine," it has caused a fossilization of history in Zionist thinking… Modern Jews, accordingly, are the direct descendants of the ancient Israelites, hence the only possible citizens of the Land of Palestine.'{{harv|Haddad|1974|pp= | According to Michael Satlow, Professor of Religious Studies and Judaic Studies at [[Brown University]], "while some on the margins have used [Jewish population genetics] to make ideological claims...it has not had an impact on religious law (or the Israeli Law of Return) and remains something of a novelty item in general discourse." <ref>{{Cite web |last=Satlow |first=Michael L. |title=Discussion by Michael L. Satlow |url=https://www.quest-cdecjournal.it/michael-l-satlow/ |access-date=2023-07-15 |website=Quest. Issues in Contemporary Jewish History |language=en-US}}</ref> According to Professor Hassan S. Haddad, then Chairman of the Department of History at [[Saint Xavier University]], the Zionist application of the Jewish concepts of [[Jews as the chosen people]] and the [[Promised Land]] requires the belief that modern Jews are the primary descendants of the [[Israelites]], and as such, inheritors of the [[Land of Israel]] bequeathed by [[Yahweh|God]].{{efn|'The Zionist movement remains firmly anchored in the basic principle of the exclusive right of the Jews to Palestine that is found in the Torah and in other Jewish religious literature. Zionists who are not religious, in the sense of following the ritual practices of Judaism, are still biblical in their basic convictions in, and practical application of the ancient particularism of the Torah and the other books of the Old Testament. They are biblical in putting their national goals on a level that goes beyond historical, humanistic or moral considerations… We can summarize these beliefs, based on the Bible, as follows. 1. The Jews are a separate and exclusive people chosen by God to fulfil a destiny. The Jews of the twentieth century have inherited the covenant of divine election and historical destiny from the Hebrew tribes that existed more than 3000 years ago. 2. The covenant included a definite ownership of the Land of Canaan (Palestine) as patrimony of the Israelites and their descendants forever. By no name, and under no other conditions, can any other people lay a rightful claim to that land. 3. The occupation and settlement of this land is a duty placed collectively on the Jews to establish a state for the Jews. The purity of the Jewishness of the land is derived from a divine command and is thus a sacred mission. Accordingly, settling in Palestine, in addition to its economic and political motivations, acquires a romantic and mythical character. That the Bible is at the root of Zionism is recognized by religious, secular, non-observant, and agnostic Zionists… The Bible, which has been generally considered as a holy book whose basic tenets and whose historical contents are not commonly challenged by Christians and Jews, is usually referred to as the Jewish national record. As a "sacrosanct title-deed to Palestine," it has caused a fossilization of history in Zionist thinking… Modern Jews, accordingly, are the direct descendants of the ancient Israelites, hence the only possible citizens of the Land of Palestine.'{{harv|Haddad|1974|pp=98–99}}}} This is considered important to the [[Israel|State of Israel]] because its founding narrative is based on the biblical concept of "[[Gathering of Israel|Gathering of the exiles]]" and the "[[Return to Zion]]"{{efn|'Interest in the topic of Jewish origins is hardly universal among the world’s Jews or the communities in which they live. But in Israel, the stakes of the debate over Jewish origins are high, because the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic “return.” If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project can be pejoratively categorized as “settler colonialism” pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel’s critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of “Jewish genetics” is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for authenticating Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population “returning” to the Levant, the realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel.'{{harvnb|McGonigle|2021|pp=36–37}}}} that underpins the modern-day [[Law of Return]].{{sfn|McGonigle|2021}} | ||
Historians and anthropologists have studied how the assumptions of Jewish race scientists in the early twentieth century have affected Israeli genetic studies of Jewish populations from the 1950s to the modern day.<ref name=Burton1 /> The topic is considered of significant importance within Zionism and Israeli nationalism, as, according to Assistant Professor Ian McGonigle of [[Nanyang Technological University]]'s School of Social Sciences, in the absence of biblical primacy, "the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘[[settler colonialism]]’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people,"<ref name="McG1">{{harvnb|McGonigle|2021|p=36 (c.f. p.54 of PhD)}}: "The stakes in the debate over Jewish origins are high, however, since the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic ‘return.’ If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘settler colonialism’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of ‘Jewish genetics’ is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population ‘returning’ to the Levant, the Realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel."</ref> whilst right-wing Israelis look for "a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return".{{sfn|McGonigle|2021|p=(c.f. p.218-219 of PhD)|ps=: "The [Israeli national] biobank stands for unmarked global modernity and secular technoscientific progress. It is within the other pole of the Israeli cultural spectrum that one finds right-wingers appropriating genetics as a way of imagining the tribal particularity of Jews, as a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return. It is across this political spectrum that the natural facts of genetics research discursively migrate and transform into the mythologized ethnonationalism of the bio-nation. However, Israel has also moved towards a market-based society, and as the majority of the biomedical research is moving to private biotech companies, the Israeli biobank is becoming underused and outmoded. The epistemics of Jewish genetics fall short of its mythic circulatory semiotics. This is the ultimate lesson from my ethnographic work in Israel."}}{{Better source needed}} | Historians and anthropologists have studied how the assumptions of Jewish race scientists in the early twentieth century have affected Israeli genetic studies of Jewish populations from the 1950s to the modern day.<ref name=Burton1 /> The topic is considered of significant importance within Zionism and Israeli nationalism, as, according to Assistant Professor Ian McGonigle of [[Nanyang Technological University]]'s School of Social Sciences, in the absence of biblical primacy, "the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘[[settler colonialism]]’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people,"<ref name="McG1">{{harvnb|McGonigle|2021|p=36 (c.f. p.54 of PhD)}}: "The stakes in the debate over Jewish origins are high, however, since the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic ‘return.’ If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘settler colonialism’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of ‘Jewish genetics’ is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population ‘returning’ to the Levant, the Realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel."</ref> whilst right-wing Israelis look for "a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return".{{sfn|McGonigle|2021|p=(c.f. p.218-219 of PhD)|ps=: "The [Israeli national] biobank stands for unmarked global modernity and secular technoscientific progress. It is within the other pole of the Israeli cultural spectrum that one finds right-wingers appropriating genetics as a way of imagining the tribal particularity of Jews, as a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return. It is across this political spectrum that the natural facts of genetics research discursively migrate and transform into the mythologized ethnonationalism of the bio-nation. However, Israel has also moved towards a market-based society, and as the majority of the biomedical research is moving to private biotech companies, the Israeli biobank is becoming underused and outmoded. The epistemics of Jewish genetics fall short of its mythic circulatory semiotics. This is the ultimate lesson from my ethnographic work in Israel."}}{{Better source needed}} | ||
A recent study by a team of international psychologists concluded that research conflating ethnicity with genetic differences could inflame political violence, {{sfn|Burton|2021|p=246|ps=: "For example, a team of American, European, and Israeli psychologists turned to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to investigate how genetic discourses might contribute to the resolution or exacerbation of ethnic-nationalist tensions. Following a series of studies conducted mainly on Jewish subjects, the psychologists found that Jewish Israelis who read a simulated news article emphasizing the genetic differences between Jews and Arabs “showed less support for political compromise and [. . .] more support for collective punishment toward Palestinians and more support for the political exclusion of Palestinian citizens of Israel.” The psychologists concluded that the rising publicity of research that conflates ethnicity with genetic difference could foreshadow or inflame political violence. Furthermore, this study reaffirmed the co-constitutive roles of Zionist politics and genetic science in the construction of a Jewish biological category and the chronic otherization of Palestinians."}} while highlighting genetic similarities could help reduce conflict.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Kimel |first=Sasha Y. |last2=Huesmann |first2=Rowell |last3=Kunst |first3=Jonas R. |last4=Halperin |first4=Eran |title=Living in a Genetic World |url=https://www.academia.edu/23864676/Living_in_a_Genetic_World_How_Learning_About_Interethnic_Genetic_Similarities_and_Differences_Affects_Peace_and_Conflict |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin |publisher=SAGE Publications |volume=42 |issue=5 |pages=688–700 |doi=10.1177/0146167216642196 |issn=0146-1672 |quote="Using Arabs and Jews from diverse samples and contexts, we demonstrated that those who learn that their ethnic group is genetically related to an enemy group showed more constructive intergroup attitudes, interindividual behaviors, and support for peaceful policies than those who learn about the genetic differences. Specifically, in our three studies conducted in the United States, we found that heightening perceptions of interethnic genetic similarities versus differences altered Jews’ and Arabs’ negative attitudes, and even the real physical aggression of Jews toward an alleged Arab individual. In fact, it led to more support for conciliatory policies among Jews—in this case related to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict—and, compared with a plain control condition, provided some evidence that emphasizing genetic similarities may be one way to help attenuate intergroup conflict."}}</ref> | A recent study by a team of international psychologists concluded that research conflating ethnicity with genetic differences could inflame political violence, {{sfn|Burton|2021|p=246|ps=: "For example, a team of American, European, and Israeli psychologists turned to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to investigate how genetic discourses might contribute to the resolution or exacerbation of ethnic-nationalist tensions. Following a series of studies conducted mainly on Jewish subjects, the psychologists found that Jewish Israelis who read a simulated news article emphasizing the genetic differences between Jews and Arabs “showed less support for political compromise and [. . .] more support for collective punishment toward Palestinians and more support for the political exclusion of Palestinian citizens of Israel.” The psychologists concluded that the rising publicity of research that conflates ethnicity with genetic difference could foreshadow or inflame political violence. Furthermore, this study reaffirmed the co-constitutive roles of Zionist politics and genetic science in the construction of a Jewish biological category and the chronic otherization of Palestinians."}} while highlighting genetic similarities could help reduce conflict.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Kimel |first=Sasha Y. |last2=Huesmann |first2=Rowell |last3=Kunst |first3=Jonas R. |last4=Halperin |first4=Eran |title=Living in a Genetic World |url=https://www.academia.edu/23864676/Living_in_a_Genetic_World_How_Learning_About_Interethnic_Genetic_Similarities_and_Differences_Affects_Peace_and_Conflict |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin |publisher=SAGE Publications |volume=42 |issue=5 |pages=688–700 |doi=10.1177/0146167216642196 |issn=0146-1672 |quote="Using Arabs and Jews from diverse samples and contexts, we demonstrated that those who learn that their ethnic group is genetically related to an enemy group showed more constructive intergroup attitudes, interindividual behaviors, and support for peaceful policies than those who learn about the genetic differences. Specifically, in our three studies conducted in the United States, we found that heightening perceptions of interethnic genetic similarities versus differences altered Jews’ and Arabs’ negative attitudes, and even the real physical aggression of Jews toward an alleged Arab individual. In fact, it led to more support for conciliatory policies among Jews—in this case related to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict—and, compared with a plain control condition, provided some evidence that emphasizing genetic similarities may be one way to help attenuate intergroup conflict."}}</ref> | ||
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| editor1-last =Valman| editor1-first =Nadia | | editor1-last =Valman| editor1-first =Nadia | ||
| editor2-last =Roth| editor2-first =Laurence | | editor2-last =Roth| editor2-first =Laurence | ||
| publisher =[[ Routledge]] | | publisher =[[Routledge]] | ||
| year = 2015 | | year = 2015 | ||
| pages = | | pages =353–364 | ||
| url = https://dro.dur.ac.uk/14291/ | | url = https://dro.dur.ac.uk/14291/ | ||
| isbn = 978-0-203-49747-0 | | isbn = 978-0-203-49747-0 | ||
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| volume =11 | | volume =11 | ||
| issue =1 | | issue =1 | ||
| pages = | | pages =52–92 | ||
| jstor =4467695 | | jstor =4467695 | ||
}} | }} | ||
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| editor1-last= Cantor | editor1-first = George | | editor1-last= Cantor | editor1-first = George | ||
| editor2-last= Swetlitz | editor2-first=Marc | | editor2-last= Swetlitz | editor2-first=Marc | ||
| publisher=[[University of Chicago Press ]] | | publisher=[[University of Chicago Press]] | ||
| year= 2006 | | year= 2006 | ||
| pages = 137–162 | | pages = 137–162 | ||
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| publisher =[[Mohr Siebeck]] | | publisher =[[Mohr Siebeck]] | ||
| year = 2007 | | year = 2007 | ||
| pages = | | pages =128–154 | ||
| url =https://www.google.it/books/edition/Jews_and_Sciences_in_German_Contexts/00dDXnUck9QC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=race%2BZionism%22confirmation+bias%22&pg=PA154 | | url =https://www.google.it/books/edition/Jews_and_Sciences_in_German_Contexts/00dDXnUck9QC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=race%2BZionism%22confirmation+bias%22&pg=PA154 | ||
| isbn= 978-3-161-49121-4 | | isbn= 978-3-161-49121-4 | ||
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| isbn=978-3-319-57345-8 | | isbn=978-3-319-57345-8 | ||
}} | }} | ||
* {{cite book | last=Fishberg | first=Maurice |authorlink=Maurice Fishberg|chapter=Assimilation versus Zionism|pp= | * {{cite book | last=Fishberg | first=Maurice |authorlink=Maurice Fishberg|chapter=Assimilation versus Zionism|pp=466–503|title=Jews, Race and Environment | date=1911|publisher=Walter Scott Publishing Co. | isbn=978-1-4128-2695-2 | url=https://archive.org/details/cu31924029872961}} | ||
* {{cite book| chapter=The Rhetoric of Race and Jewish-National Cultural Politics: From Birnbaum and Buber to Brieger's René Richter | * {{cite book| chapter=The Rhetoric of Race and Jewish-National Cultural Politics: From Birnbaum and Buber to Brieger's René Richter | ||
| last =Gelber| first =Mark H. | | last =Gelber| first =Mark H. | ||
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| publisher =Max Niemeyer Verlag | | publisher =Max Niemeyer Verlag | ||
| year =2000 | | year =2000 | ||
| pages= | | pages=125–160 | ||
| isbn =978-3-484-65123-4 | | isbn =978-3-484-65123-4 | ||
}} | }} | ||
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| volume =49 | | volume =49 | ||
| issue =2 | | issue =2 | ||
| pages = | | pages =143–161 | ||
| url= https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2012.759107 | | url= https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2012.759107 | ||
}} | }} | ||
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| publisher= Jabotinsky Institute of Israel | | publisher= Jabotinsky Institute of Israel | ||
| year= 1961 | | year= 1961 | ||
| pages = | | pages = 37–49 | ||
| url= https://www.infocenters.co.il/jabo/jabo_multimedia/Books/Nation%20and%20Society%20%D7%96%20190.pdf | | url= https://www.infocenters.co.il/jabo/jabo_multimedia/Books/Nation%20and%20Society%20%D7%96%20190.pdf | ||
}} | }} | ||
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| publisher =[[University of Washington Press]] | | publisher =[[University of Washington Press]] | ||
| year = 2011 | | year = 2011 | ||
| pages = | | pages =12–26 | ||
| url =https://www.google.com/books/edition/Boundaries_of_Jewish_Identity/54gVCgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Who+and+What+is+Jewish%3F%22&pg=PA3&printsec=frontcove | | url =https://www.google.com/books/edition/Boundaries_of_Jewish_Identity/54gVCgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Who+and+What+is+Jewish%3F%22&pg=PA3&printsec=frontcove | ||
| isbn =978-0-295-80083-7 | | isbn =978-0-295-80083-7 | ||
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| issue = 4 | | issue = 4 | ||
| date = December 2003 | | date = December 2003 | ||
| pages = | | pages = 631–655 | ||
| jstor =386385 | doi=10.1086/386385 | issn=0021-1753 | | jstor =386385 | doi=10.1086/386385 | issn=0021-1753 | ||
}} | }} | ||
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| last= Lipphardt | first= Veronika | | last= Lipphardt | first= Veronika | ||
| year= 2008 | | year= 2008 | ||
| publisher=[[ Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht ]] | | publisher=[[Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht]] | ||
| url= | | url= | ||
| isbn= 978-3-525-36100-9 | | isbn= 978-3-525-36100-9 | ||
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| publisher=[[Nomos Publishing House|Ergon Verlag]] | | publisher=[[Nomos Publishing House|Ergon Verlag]] | ||
| year= 2017 | | year= 2017 | ||
| pages = | | pages =187–200 | ||
| url= https://www.academia.edu/45026330/Franz_Oppenheimer_A_Pioneer_of_Diasporic_Zionism | | url= https://www.academia.edu/45026330/Franz_Oppenheimer_A_Pioneer_of_Diasporic_Zionism | ||
| isbn= 978-3-956-50241-5 | | isbn= 978-3-956-50241-5 | ||
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| publisher =[[University of Washington Press]] | | publisher =[[University of Washington Press]] | ||
| year = 2011 | | year = 2011 | ||
| pages = | | pages =3–11 | ||
| url =https://www.google.com/books/edition/Boundaries_of_Jewish_Identity/54gVCgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Who+and+What+is+Jewish%3F%22&pg=PA3&printsec=frontcover | | url =https://www.google.com/books/edition/Boundaries_of_Jewish_Identity/54gVCgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Who+and+What+is+Jewish%3F%22&pg=PA3&printsec=frontcover | ||
| isbn =978-0-295-80083-7 | | isbn =978-0-295-80083-7 | ||
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| publisher = transcript-Verlag | | publisher = transcript-Verlag | ||
| year = 2014 | | year = 2014 | ||
| pages = | | pages = 228–236 | ||
| isbn = 978-3-839-42204-5 | | isbn = 978-3-839-42204-5 | ||
}} | }} | ||
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| publisher=[[University of Chicago Press]] | | publisher=[[University of Chicago Press]] | ||
| year= 2008 | | year= 2008 | ||
| pages = | | pages =93–115 | ||
| url= https://www.google.com/books/edition/Jewish_Tradition_and_the_Challenge_of_Da/VD9bEAAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=The+impact+of+social+Darwinism+on+anti-Semitic+ideology+in+Germany+and+Austria,+1860-1945%E2%80%99&pg=PA93&printsec=frontcover | | url= https://www.google.com/books/edition/Jewish_Tradition_and_the_Challenge_of_Da/VD9bEAAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=The+impact+of+social+Darwinism+on+anti-Semitic+ideology+in+Germany+and+Austria,+1860-1945%E2%80%99&pg=PA93&printsec=frontcover | ||
| isbn= 978-0-226-09301-7 | | isbn= 978-0-226-09301-7 |