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|side2=[[Government of India]]<ref name="Baruah"/> [[All Assam Minority Students' Union]]<ref name="3rdside">"By September 1980 the immigrant organizations had become a third force in the negotiations on the Assam movement's demands. The government invited AAMSU leaders to Delhi for consultation during the negotiations between the government and the movement leaders." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1196}}</ref> | |side2=[[Government of India]]<ref name="Baruah"/> [[All Assam Minority Students' Union]]<ref name="3rdside">"By September 1980 the immigrant organizations had become a third force in the negotiations on the Assam movement's demands. The government invited AAMSU leaders to Delhi for consultation during the negotiations between the government and the movement leaders." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1196}}</ref> | ||
|concessions=Passage of the [[Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act]] | |concessions=Passage of the [[Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act]] | ||
|methods=[[Demonstration (political)| | |methods=[[Demonstration (political)|Demonstrations]], [[civil disobedience]], [[rioting]], [[lynching]] | ||
|side3= | |side3= | ||
|causes=Improper inclusion of foreign nationals in electoral rolls<ref name="pis-aasu-oppelect"/> | |causes=Improper inclusion of foreign nationals in electoral rolls<ref name="pis-aasu-oppelect"/> | ||
}} | }} | ||
{{Assam History}} | {{Assam History}} | ||
The '''Assam Movement''' (also '''Anti-Foreigners Agitation''') (1979–1985) was a [[popular uprising]] in [[Assam]], India, that demanded the [[Government of India]] to detect, disenfranchise and deport illegal | The '''Assam Movement''' (also '''Anti-Foreigners Agitation''') (1979–1985) was a [[popular uprising]] in [[Assam]], India, that demanded the [[Government of India]] to detect, disenfranchise and deport illegal [[alien (law)|alien]]s.<ref>"[T]he movement leaders demanded that the central government take steps to identify, disenfranchise, and deport illegal aliens."{{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1184}}</ref><ref name="Baruah">{{cite book|last1=Baruah|first1=Sanjib|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8k-irMMTnywC&pg=PA115|title=India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality|date=1999|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|isbn=081223491X|page=116|language=en|quote=The citizenship status of many of the newer immigrants was ambiguous[...] The campaign also led to friction between the ethnic Assamese and some of Assam's "plains tribal" groups.}}</ref> Led by [[All Assam Students Union]] (AASU) and All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP) the movement defined a six-year period of sustained [[civil disobedience]] campaigns, political instability and widespread ethnic violence ([[Nellie massacre]], 1983).<ref>"The years since 1979 saw governmental instability, sustained civil disobedience campaigns, and some of the worst ethnic violence in the history of post-independence India, including the killing of 3,000 people during the February 1983 election." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1184}}</ref> The movement ended in 1985 with the [[Assam Accord]].<ref>{{harvcol|Baruah|1986}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Implementation of Assam Accord|url=https://assamaccord.assam.gov.in/information-services/martyrs-of-assam-agitation|website=assamaccord.assam.gov.in}}</ref> | ||
It was known since 1963 that foreign nationals had been improperly added to electoral rolls<ref name="reddi-1963"/>—and when the draft enrollments in Mangaldoi showed high number of non-citizens in 1979<ref>{{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=28}}</ref> AASU decided to campaign for thoroughly revised electoral rolls in the entire state of Assam by boycotting the [[1980 Indian general election|1980 Lok Sabha election]].<ref name="pis-aasu-oppelect">"If there were a number of 'foreigners' in only one constituency—Mangaldai—what about other constituencies?...Naturally then, the next step for the AASU was to oppose the 1980 Lok Sabha elections without a thorough revision of electoral rolls of not just in Mangaldai but in the entire state...AASU leaders gave a call to political parties to boycott the polls till the EC revised the state's electoral rolls." {{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=30}}</ref><ref>"Preparations to a bye election to the Mangaldoi parliamentary constituency in mid 1979 revealed that out of 47,000 alleged illegal entries of the names of foreigners brought to the notice of the electoral registration officers, 36,000 were disposed of and out of these as many as 26,000 or over 72 per cent were found to be and declared as illegal entries being those of non-citizens. What is true of the Mangaldoi constituency could be true of many other constituencies. No wonder, Mangaldoi became the rallying point of a renewed attack on the electoral rolls culminating in the boycott of the Lok Sabha poll in January 1980." {{harvcol|Reddi|1981|p=31}}</ref> The Government of the day could not accept the demands of the movement leaders since it came at considerable political costs<ref>"To treat Hindu immigrants from East Pakistan and what subsequently became Bangladesh as illegal, irrespective of what the citizenship laws state, would have alienated significant sections of Hindu opinion in the country. On the other hand, to explicitly distinguish between Hindu "refugees" and Muslim "illegal aliens" would have cut into the secular fabric of the state and would have alienated India's Muslim minority. To expel "foreigners" would also have political costs internationally in terms of India's relations with Bangladesh: the official Bangladeshi position is that there are no illegal immigrants from Bangladesh in India." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1192f}}</ref> and the movement escalated to economic blockades, oppression and ethnic conflict. | It was known since 1963 that foreign nationals had been improperly added to electoral rolls<ref name="reddi-1963"/>—and when the draft enrollments in Mangaldoi showed high number of non-citizens in 1979<ref>{{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=28}}</ref> AASU decided to campaign for thoroughly revised electoral rolls in the entire state of Assam by boycotting the [[1980 Indian general election|1980 Lok Sabha election]].<ref name="pis-aasu-oppelect">"If there were a number of 'foreigners' in only one constituency—Mangaldai—what about other constituencies?...Naturally then, the next step for the AASU was to oppose the 1980 Lok Sabha elections without a thorough revision of electoral rolls of not just in Mangaldai but in the entire state...AASU leaders gave a call to political parties to boycott the polls till the EC revised the state's electoral rolls." {{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=30}}</ref><ref>"Preparations to a bye election to the Mangaldoi parliamentary constituency in mid 1979 revealed that out of 47,000 alleged illegal entries of the names of foreigners brought to the notice of the electoral registration officers, 36,000 were disposed of and out of these as many as 26,000 or over 72 per cent were found to be and declared as illegal entries being those of non-citizens. What is true of the Mangaldoi constituency could be true of many other constituencies. No wonder, Mangaldoi became the rallying point of a renewed attack on the electoral rolls culminating in the boycott of the Lok Sabha poll in January 1980." {{harvcol|Reddi|1981|p=31}}</ref> The Government of the day could not accept the demands of the movement leaders since it came at considerable political costs<ref>"To treat Hindu immigrants from East Pakistan and what subsequently became Bangladesh as illegal, irrespective of what the citizenship laws state, would have alienated significant sections of Hindu opinion in the country. On the other hand, to explicitly distinguish between Hindu "refugees" and Muslim "illegal aliens" would have cut into the secular fabric of the state and would have alienated India's Muslim minority. To expel "foreigners" would also have political costs internationally in terms of India's relations with Bangladesh: the official Bangladeshi position is that there are no illegal immigrants from Bangladesh in India." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1192f}}</ref> and the movement escalated to economic blockades, oppression and ethnic conflict. | ||
==Background== | ==Background== | ||
===Political Demography of Assam=== | ===Political Demography of Assam=== | ||
[[File:Assam-decadal-pop-growth.png|thumb|right|311px|The decadal population growth of Assam against that of India.<ref name=":2">{{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=283}}</ref>]] | [[File:Assam-decadal-pop-growth.png|thumb|right|311px|The decadal population growth of Assam against that of India.<ref name=":2">{{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=283}}</ref>]] | ||
{| class="wikitable" | {| class="wikitable floatright" | ||
|+ ''Year wise arrival of Hindu Refugees | |+ ''Year wise arrival of Hindu Refugees | ||
from East Pakistan in Assam''<ref>India (1951). "Annual Arrival of Refugees in Assam in 1946–1951". Census of India. XII, Part I (I-A): 353 – via web.archive.org.</ref><ref>http://iussp2005.princeton.edu › ...PDF | from East Pakistan in Assam''<ref>India (1951). "Annual Arrival of Refugees in Assam in 1946–1951". Census of India. XII, Part I (I-A): 353 – via web.archive.org.</ref><ref>http://iussp2005.princeton.edu › ...PDF | ||
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| '''Total''' | | '''Total''' | ||
| '''1,903,010''' | | '''1,903,010''' | ||
| Overall all immigration | | Overall all immigration due <br/>to communal disturbance | ||
|} | |} | ||
[[Assam]], a [[Northeast India]]n state, has been the fastest growing region in the [[Indian subcontinent]] for much of the 20th century with the population growing six-fold till the 1980s as against less than three-fold for India.<ref>"Throughout this century Assam has been the fastest growing area in the subcontinent. Its population has grown nearly sixfold since 1901 when it had a population of 3.3 million; India's population has grown less than threefold over this period." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=282}}</ref> Since the natural growth rate of Assam has been found to be less than the national rate, the difference can only be attributed to a net immigration.<ref>"Since there is no evidence that Assam's rate of increase was significantly different than that in the rest of India (in the 1970s its estimated rate of natural increase was actually slightly below the all-India average), the difference can only be accounted for by net immigration." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=282}}</ref> | [[Assam]], a [[Northeast India]]n state, has been the fastest growing region in the [[Indian subcontinent]] for much of the 20th century with the population growing six-fold till the 1980s as against less than three-fold for India.<ref>"Throughout this century Assam has been the fastest growing area in the subcontinent. Its population has grown nearly sixfold since 1901 when it had a population of 3.3 million; India's population has grown less than threefold over this period." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=282}}</ref> Since the natural growth rate of Assam has been found to be less than the national rate, the difference can only be attributed to a net immigration.<ref>"Since there is no evidence that Assam's rate of increase was significantly different than that in the rest of India (in the 1970s its estimated rate of natural increase was actually slightly below the all-India average), the difference can only be accounted for by net immigration." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=282}}</ref> | ||
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Immigration in the 19th century was driven by British [[Colonial Assam|colonialism]]—tribal and low castes were brought in from central India to labour in [[Tea-garden community of Assam|tea garden]]s and educated Hindu Bengalis from Bengal to fill administrative and professional positions. The largest group, Muslims peasants from [[Mymensingh Division|Mymensingh]], immigrated after about 1901—and they settled in [[Undivided Goalpara district|Goalpara]] in the first decade and further up the [[Brahmaputra valley]] in the next two decades. These major groups were joined by other smaller groups that settled as traders, merchants, bankers, moneylenders, and small industrialists.<ref name=":2"/> Yet another community that had settled in Assam were Nepali dairy farmers. | Immigration in the 19th century was driven by British [[Colonial Assam|colonialism]]—tribal and low castes were brought in from central India to labour in [[Tea-garden community of Assam|tea garden]]s and educated Hindu Bengalis from Bengal to fill administrative and professional positions. The largest group, Muslims peasants from [[Mymensingh Division|Mymensingh]], immigrated after about 1901—and they settled in [[Undivided Goalpara district|Goalpara]] in the first decade and further up the [[Brahmaputra valley]] in the next two decades. These major groups were joined by other smaller groups that settled as traders, merchants, bankers, moneylenders, and small industrialists.<ref name=":2"/> Yet another community that had settled in Assam were Nepali dairy farmers. | ||
The British dismantled the older [[Ahom kingdom#Ahom administration|Ahom system]], made [[Bengali language|Bengali]] the official language ([[Assamese language|Assamese]] was restored in 1874), and placed Hindu Bengalis in colonial administrative positions. By 1891 | The British dismantled the older [[Ahom kingdom#Ahom administration|Ahom system]], made [[Bengali language|Bengali]] the official language ([[Assamese language|Assamese]] was restored in 1874), and placed Hindu Bengalis in colonial administrative positions. By 1891 one-fourth the population of Assam was of migrant origin. Assamese nationalism, which grew by the beginning of the 20th century, began to look at both the Hindu Bengalis as well as the British as alien rulers.<ref>"By the beginning of the twentieth century Assamese nationalists were pitted against the Bengalis as well as against the British, both of whom were seen as alien rulers." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=283}}</ref> In the post-partition period as Assamese nationalists tried to dismantle Bengali Hindu dominance from the colonial period the tea garden labourers as well as the Muslim Bengalis supported them.<ref>"In this campaign to assert their culture and improve the employment opportunities of the Assamese middle classes, the Assamese won the support of two migrant communities, the tea plantation laborers from Bihar, and the Bengali Muslims." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=284}}</ref> Ever mindful of being the neighbour of the populous and culturally dominant Bengali people,<ref>"One should not underestimate the extent to which the peoples of the northeast, and especially the Assamese, have a sense that they are a small people living next to a vast Bengali population eager to burst out of a densely populated region. Bangladesh (in 1980) had a population of 88.5 million, West Bengal (in 1981) had 54.4 million, and Tripura 2 million, for a total of 145 million Bengalis, making them numerically second only to Hindi speakers in South Asia, and the third largest linguistic group in Asia." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=287}}</ref> the Assamese were alarmed that immigration not only had continued illegally in the post-independence period but that illegal immigrants were being included in electoral rolls.<ref>" How many Bengalis entered and remained in Assam after the 1971 Pakistani civil war and the 1972 war between India and Pakistan is unknown. ... On the basis of these figures we can estimate that the immigration into Assam from 1971 to 1981 was on the order of 1.8 million. How much of this was migration from elsewhere in India and how much from Bangladesh is purely conjectural, although it is plausible to assume that most of it was illegal migration. The influx became politically alarming when the Election Commissioner in 1979 reported the unexpected large increase in the electoral rolls. To many Assamese it appeared as if the Bengali Hindus and Bengali Muslims together were now in a position to undermine Assamese rule." {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=286}}</ref> | ||
===Cross-border immigration=== | ===Cross-border immigration=== | ||
Immigration from East Bengal to Assam became cross-border in character following [[Partition of India]]—the 1951 census records 274,000 refugees between 1947 and 1951, most of who are estimated to be Hindu Bengalis. | Immigration from East Bengal to Assam became cross-border in character following [[Partition of India]]—the 1951 census records 274,000 refugees between 1947 and 1951, most of who are estimated to be Hindu Bengalis. On the basis of natural growth rate, it was estimated that the immigrants numbered 221,000 between 1951 and 1961. In 1971, the surplus over the natural growth was 424,000 and the estimated illegal immigrants from 1971 to 1981 was 1.8 million.<ref name=":3">{{harvcol|Weiner|1983|pp=285–286}}</ref> | ||
Immigration of Muslims from East Pakistan continued—though they declared India as the birth country and Assamese as their language, they recorded their religion correctly.<ref>"Since immigration was no longer legal, recent Bengali Muslim migrants told census enumerators in 1961 that Assam was their place of birth and Assamese was their mother tongue. Bengali Muslims did, however, report their religion" {{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=285}}</ref> As the immigration issue was growing the immigrant Muslims from Bengal supported the [[Assamese people|Assamese]]—by accepting the Assamese language, supporting the official language act in contrast to the Bengali Hindus who opposed it, and casting their votes for the Congress.<ref>"In an effort to dissuade the Assamese from taking these steps, Bengali Muslims sided with the Assamese on issues that mattered to them, by declaring their mother tongue as Assamese, accepting the establishment of primary and secondary schools in Assamese, supporting the government against Bengali Hindus on the controversial issue of an official language for the state and for the university, and casting their votes for Congress.{{harvcol|Weiner|1983|p=285}}</ref> | |||
===Foreign nationals in electoral rolls=== | ===Foreign nationals in electoral rolls=== | ||
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After the Lok Sabha member from the [[Mangaldoi (Lok Sabha constituency)|Mangaldoi Lok Sabha Constituency]] had died the Election Commission started the process for a by-election and published the draft electoral rolls and ordered a summary revision in April 1979.<ref>{{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=24}}</ref> It received a list of about 47,000 doubtful names of which about 36,000 were processed. Of these processed names 26,000 names (about 72 percent) were confirmed to be non-citizens.<ref>"Preparations to a bye election to the Mangaldoi parliamentary constituency in mid 1979 revealed that out of 47,000 alleged illegal entries of the names of foreigners brought to the notice of the electoral registration officers, 36,000 were disposed of and out of these as many as 26,000 or over 72 per cent were found to be and declared as illegal entries being those of non-citizens." {{harvcol|Reddi|1981|p=31}}</ref> | After the Lok Sabha member from the [[Mangaldoi (Lok Sabha constituency)|Mangaldoi Lok Sabha Constituency]] had died the Election Commission started the process for a by-election and published the draft electoral rolls and ordered a summary revision in April 1979.<ref>{{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=24}}</ref> It received a list of about 47,000 doubtful names of which about 36,000 were processed. Of these processed names 26,000 names (about 72 percent) were confirmed to be non-citizens.<ref>"Preparations to a bye election to the Mangaldoi parliamentary constituency in mid 1979 revealed that out of 47,000 alleged illegal entries of the names of foreigners brought to the notice of the electoral registration officers, 36,000 were disposed of and out of these as many as 26,000 or over 72 per cent were found to be and declared as illegal entries being those of non-citizens." {{harvcol|Reddi|1981|p=31}}</ref> | ||
With the fall of | With the fall of two successive governments in Delhi—the [[Premiership of Morarji Desai|Morarji Desai government]] in July 1979 and the subsequent [[Charan Singh#Prime Ministership|Charan Singh government]] in August, 1979—early Lok Sabha elections were called and the Mangaldai by-election was cancelled.<ref>{{harvcol|Pisharoty|2019|p=29}}</ref> Nevertheless, the large number of non-citizens in electoral rolls became a sensation and by October 1979 AASU decided to oppose the newly announced elections.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://thefearlessindian.in/must-read-nrc-india-paradigm-shift-vote-bank-politics-india-indians/|title=Must Read: NRC For India— A Paradigm Shift from Vote Bank Politics to "India for Indians"|last=Iyer|first=Sukanya|date=2018-08-14|website=The Fearless Indian|language=en-GB|access-date=2019-07-06}}</ref> | ||
== Conflicts == | == Conflicts == | ||
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| style="font-size: 95%;| Deport | | style="font-size: 95%;| Deport | ||
|} | |} | ||
Even though the relationship of the Assam Movement to the earlier [[Assamese Language Movement]] was clear<ref>"[T]here is a clear connection between the language movements of the 1960s and the 1970s and the antiforeigner movement." {{harvcol|Kimura|2013|p=49}}</ref> the leadership specifically kept the issue of language out and staked their claims purely on the basis of population statistics and constitutional rights and presented a set of demands that were secular and constitutionally legitimate.<ref>{{harvcol|Kimura|2013|p=49}}</ref> They clearly defined who they considered to be foreigners and tried to project the problem as not local but constitutional.<ref name=":0"/> Despite these formal positions movement leaders did use ethnic themes for political mobilization.<ref>"Apart from Assamese cultural and historical symbols, the movement leaders drew on legal and constitutional arguments and symbols as well. Despite the presence of ethnic themes in the process of political mobilization, constitutional values significantly structured the demands of the movement." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1185}}</ref> The Assam Accord that concluded the Movement, in its Clause 6, called for protection of the "Assamese people". | Even though the relationship of the Assam Movement to the earlier [[Assamese Language Movement]] was clear<ref>"[T]here is a clear connection between the language movements of the 1960s and the 1970s and the antiforeigner movement." {{harvcol|Kimura|2013|p=49}}</ref> the leadership specifically kept the issue of language out and staked their claims purely on the basis of population statistics and constitutional rights and presented a set of demands that were secular and constitutionally legitimate.<ref>{{harvcol|Kimura|2013|p=49}}</ref> They clearly defined who they considered to be foreigners and tried to project the problem as not local but constitutional.<ref name=":0"/> Despite these formal positions and the demands structured around constitutional values, movement leaders did use ethnic themes for political mobilization.<ref>"Apart from Assamese cultural and historical symbols, the movement leaders drew on legal and constitutional arguments and symbols as well. Despite the presence of ethnic themes in the process of political mobilization, constitutional values significantly structured the demands of the movement." {{harvcol|Baruah|1986|p=1185}}</ref> The Assam Accord that concluded the Movement, in its Clause 6, called for protection of the "[[Assamese people]]". | ||
=== The Government of India position === | === The Government of India position === | ||
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On 10 December, the last date for submitting the nomination papers, was declared as a statewide ''[[bandh]]''. The government proclaimed a curfew at different parts of the state, including the major city of [[Guwahati]].{{Citation needed|date=September 2019}} | On 10 December, the last date for submitting the nomination papers, was declared as a statewide ''[[bandh]]''. The government proclaimed a curfew at different parts of the state, including the major city of [[Guwahati]].{{Citation needed|date=September 2019}} | ||
At Barpeta, then [[Inspector-general of police|IGP]] [[Kanwar Pal Singh Gill|K.P.S. Gill]] led the police force in escorting Bagam Abida Ahmed to file nomination papers; they attacked protestors. Khargeswar Talukdar, the 22-year-old general secretary of Barpeta AASU Unit, was beaten to death and thrown into a ditch next to the highway at Bhabanipur. Talukdar was honoured by the Assam Movement as its first Martyr.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/kin-of-76-killed-in-assam-stir-return-awards/articleshow/67785457.cms|title=Kin of 76 killed in Assam stir return awards | At Barpeta, then [[Inspector-general of police|IGP]] [[Kanwar Pal Singh Gill|K.P.S. Gill]] led the police force in escorting Bagam Abida Ahmed to file nomination papers; they attacked protestors. Khargeswar Talukdar, the 22-year-old general secretary of Barpeta AASU Unit, was beaten to death and thrown into a ditch next to the highway at Bhabanipur. Talukdar was honoured by the Assam Movement as its first Martyr.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/kin-of-76-killed-in-assam-stir-return-awards/articleshow/67785457.cms|title=Kin of 76 killed in Assam stir return awards|date=1 February 2019|first=Kangkan|last=Kalita|website=The Times of India|language=en|access-date=2019-07-05}}</ref> | ||
On 7 October 1982, while leading a procession from [[Nagaon]] to [[hojai]] in support of a bandh called by the [[All Assam Students Union]], Anil Bora Was beaten to death at [[Hojai]] by people who opposed the bandh as well as the Movement.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/states/north-east/tale-of-two-villages-amp-their-martyr-duo/cid/1529332|title=Tale of two villages & their martyr duo|website=telegraphindia.com}}</ref> | On 7 October 1982, while leading a procession from [[Nagaon]] to [[hojai]] in support of a bandh called by the [[All Assam Students Union]], Anil Bora Was beaten to death at [[Hojai]] by people who opposed the bandh as well as the Movement.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/states/north-east/tale-of-two-villages-amp-their-martyr-duo/cid/1529332|title=Tale of two villages & their martyr duo|website=telegraphindia.com}}</ref> | ||