MeToo movement in Pakistan: Difference between revisions

(Created page with "The '''#MeToo movement'''{{refn|Urdu: {{transliteration|ur|#MainBhi}}; {{lang-hi|#मैं_भी}}}} in Pakistan is inspired by the global #MeToo movement and emerged in late 2018 within Pakistani society. It has served as a catalyst for fostering a more inclusive, grassroots movement tailored to local contexts, aiming to encompass all social strata, including the most marginalised. Following the tragic rape and murder of 7-year-old Zainab Ansari in January 2018, t...")
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Journalist Naila Inayat highlights that in Pakistan, women are "damned if they speak, damned if they don't." The majority of sexual harassment incidents remain unreported, as those who choose to come forward often face abuse and judgment regarding their character and morality. Regardless of the #MeToo movement, it is typically the victim who bears the shame and blame in Pakistan, leading many to suffer in silence.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web|url=https://theprint.in/opinion/letter-from-pakistan/pakistan-media-support-for-metoo-ends-when-their-own-is-accused/330626/|title=Pakistan media's support for #MeToo ends when one of their own is accused|last=Inayat|first=Naila|date=2019-12-05|website=ThePrint|language=en-US|access-date=2020-01-21}}</ref> Farah Amjad notes that the #MeToo movement in Pakistan "has struggled to make an impact in a deeply patriarchal country." However, a new generation of feminists is actively advocating for change in the prevailing circumstances.<ref name=":3">{{Cite news|url=https://newrepublic.com/article/153355/making-metoo-work-pakistan|title=Making #MeToo Work in Pakistan|last=Amjad|first=Farah|date=2019-03-20|magazine=The New Republic|access-date=2020-01-21|issn=0028-6583}}</ref>
Journalist Naila Inayat highlights that in Pakistan, women are "damned if they speak, damned if they don't." The majority of sexual harassment incidents remain unreported, as those who choose to come forward often face abuse and judgment regarding their character and morality. Regardless of the #MeToo movement, it is typically the victim who bears the shame and blame in Pakistan, leading many to suffer in silence.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web|url=https://theprint.in/opinion/letter-from-pakistan/pakistan-media-support-for-metoo-ends-when-their-own-is-accused/330626/|title=Pakistan media's support for #MeToo ends when one of their own is accused|last=Inayat|first=Naila|date=2019-12-05|website=ThePrint|language=en-US|access-date=2020-01-21}}</ref> Farah Amjad notes that the #MeToo movement in Pakistan "has struggled to make an impact in a deeply patriarchal country." However, a new generation of feminists is actively advocating for change in the prevailing circumstances.<ref name=":3">{{Cite news|url=https://newrepublic.com/article/153355/making-metoo-work-pakistan|title=Making #MeToo Work in Pakistan|last=Amjad|first=Farah|date=2019-03-20|magazine=The New Republic|access-date=2020-01-21|issn=0028-6583}}</ref>


Qurrat Mirza, the organizer of ''Aurat Jalsa''{{refn|[[Devanagari]]: ''औरत जलसा}} (Women’s meeting), which was a precursor to Aurat March 2020, points out that discussing sexual misconduct and bullying faced by Pakistani women within the #MeToo movement frequently leads to legal repercussions. Victims often find themselves facing defamation lawsuits, which can dissuade them from pursuing justice. The financial burden of defending against such lawsuits can be prohibitive, leading many women to forgo filing cases altogether. This situation not only poses a risk of jail time or fines but also perpetuates a culture of silence around issues of sexual violence and harassment.
== Allegations and cases ==
As the #MeToo movement gained traction in Pakistan, numerous issues related to sexual harassment, misconduct, and violence against women came to light. This led to widespread identification and discussion of various behaviors exhibited by alleged offenders across multiple sectors, including the media, film industry, theater, and politics, with even [[Prime Minister of Pakistan|Pakistan's Prime Minister]] facing scrutiny. Accusations also extended to clergy, charitable organisations, social welfare institutions, the judiciary, and security establishments like the police and military.
Pakistani women frequently encounter misconduct in the workplace, but the pervasive nature of these incidents, coupled with insufficient avenues for redress, often results in silence. Many women are reluctant to take legal action due to fears of job loss, especially when they already contend with safety concerns and wage disparities at work. For example, in the fishing community, where 70% of households are led by women, the need for income compels many to endure harassment in silence.
Trade unions typically do not provide adequate support, largely because of ambiguously written laws that tend to favor wealthy and powerful men. The '''''Protection Against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act, 2010''''', for instance, fails to clearly define what constitutes a workplace and does not extend its protections to informal workers, such as domestic service employees or students. This legal gap further exacerbates the challenges faced by women in addressing harassment and seeking justice.
== Domestic violence ==
[[Domestic violence in Pakistan]] is a pervasive social and public health issue. A 2009 study by Human Rights Watch estimated that between 20% and 30% of women in the country have experienced some form of abuse. Alarmingly, it is estimated that around 5,000 women are killed annually due to domestic violence, with countless others suffering maiming or disabilities as a result of such abuse. Women have reported a wide range of attacks from intimate partners, including physical, psychological, and sexual abuse.
The normalisation of violence against women, coupled with societal stigma and inadequate legal protections, often leaves victims trapped in abusive situations. Many women face significant barriers in seeking help or escaping their circumstances, contributing to the ongoing cycle of violence. The lack of comprehensive support systems and enforcement of protective laws exacerbates this endemic problem, making it a critical public health concern that requires urgent attention and action.
== Rape in Pakistan ==
According to Shahla Haeri, a professor of Women's Studies, rape in Pakistan is often seen as "institutionalised" and can sometimes gain the tacit or even explicit approval of the state. Reports indicate that the rape and assault of individuals from Christian, Hindu, Sikh, and other minority communities are alarmingly common in the country. Victims frequently face issues such as police inaction, refusal to register complaints, and intimidation or corruption within the judicial system.
Moreover, child sexual abuse is a significant concern in Pakistani schools. A study conducted in [[Rawalpindi]] and [[Islamabad]] involving 300 children revealed that 17% reported having experienced abuse. In 1997, statistics indicated that one child was reported daily as a victim of rape, gang rape, or kidnapping for sexual exploitation. The issue gained further attention with the 2014 documentary "Pakistan's Hidden Shame," directed by Mohammed Naqvi and produced by Jamie Doran, which focused on the sexual abuse of street children, revealing that an estimated 90% of these vulnerable children have been victims of sexual violence.
== Dismissal and trivialisation ==
In Pakistan, some observers perceive the #MeToo movement as a Western import designed to undermine Pakistani culture, erode family values, and exploit women for a "foreign agenda." Others, including former Army Chief and President [[Pervez Musharraf]], have dismissed the victims as opportunists who leverage allegations of rape to obtain visas and citizenship in other countries. Movie director [[Khalil-ur-Rehman Qamar]] exemplified the minimisation of the movement with his comments suggesting that the #MeToo initiative is merely about women wanting the right to assault men. He provocatively stated, "If you wish to strive for equality, then kidnap men as well. Rob a bus, gang rape a man, so that I can understand what you [women] mean by equality."
Following the [[Aurat March]] on [[International Women's Day]] in 2019, which saw thousands of women participating across Pakistan, politician and television host [[Aamir Liaquat Hussain]] called for an investigation into the funding of the demonstrations, implying that external forces were financially supporting the events. Additionally, some men expressed disapproval of the protesters' slogans, such as one that read, "Keep your dick pics to yourself." ''[[Islamic feminism|Islamic feminists]]'' also raised concerns that the protestors were too secular and that their values were overly Western, failing to represent women who adhere to Islamic cultural norms.
Journalist Rafia Zakaria has pointed out that the #MeToo movement in Pakistan is primarily an urban phenomenon and predominantly associated with specific social classes, as only 37% of the population has internet access. Many feminists from elite backgrounds often choose to remain silent or downplay the issues at hand, prioritising the protection of their peers within the same social strata. This tendency is evident in various instances; for example, a woman from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border region who recorded threats from army personnel and alleged that they made sexual advances towards her was largely ignored, as there was little interest in confronting the influential military.
In another notable case, when politician Ayesha Gulalai Wazir accused Prime Minister Imran Khan of sending inappropriate messages, she faced backlash from both her party and the media, with accusations labeling her as a political opportunist. Furthermore, Shireen Mazari, the Federal Minister for Human Rights, dismissed Gulalai's claims outright.


==References==
==References==
{{Reflist}}
{{Reflist}}

Latest revision as of 11:05, 12 March 2025

The #MeToo movement[1] in Pakistan is inspired by the global #MeToo movement and emerged in late 2018 within Pakistani society. It has served as a catalyst for fostering a more inclusive, grassroots movement tailored to local contexts, aiming to encompass all social strata, including the most marginalised. Following the tragic rape and murder of 7-year-old Zainab Ansari in January 2018, there was a surge of declarations on Pakistani social media echoing the #MeToo sentiment. Zia Ahmed Awan, Pakistan's national commissioner for children and founder of the women’s helpline, reported that 93% of women in Pakistan experience some form of sexual violence in public throughout their lives.[2][3][4]

Journalist Naila Inayat highlights that in Pakistan, women are "damned if they speak, damned if they don't." The majority of sexual harassment incidents remain unreported, as those who choose to come forward often face abuse and judgment regarding their character and morality. Regardless of the #MeToo movement, it is typically the victim who bears the shame and blame in Pakistan, leading many to suffer in silence.[5] Farah Amjad notes that the #MeToo movement in Pakistan "has struggled to make an impact in a deeply patriarchal country." However, a new generation of feminists is actively advocating for change in the prevailing circumstances.[6]

Qurrat Mirza, the organizer of Aurat Jalsa[7] (Women’s meeting), which was a precursor to Aurat March 2020, points out that discussing sexual misconduct and bullying faced by Pakistani women within the #MeToo movement frequently leads to legal repercussions. Victims often find themselves facing defamation lawsuits, which can dissuade them from pursuing justice. The financial burden of defending against such lawsuits can be prohibitive, leading many women to forgo filing cases altogether. This situation not only poses a risk of jail time or fines but also perpetuates a culture of silence around issues of sexual violence and harassment.

Allegations and casesEdit

As the #MeToo movement gained traction in Pakistan, numerous issues related to sexual harassment, misconduct, and violence against women came to light. This led to widespread identification and discussion of various behaviors exhibited by alleged offenders across multiple sectors, including the media, film industry, theater, and politics, with even Pakistan's Prime Minister facing scrutiny. Accusations also extended to clergy, charitable organisations, social welfare institutions, the judiciary, and security establishments like the police and military.

Pakistani women frequently encounter misconduct in the workplace, but the pervasive nature of these incidents, coupled with insufficient avenues for redress, often results in silence. Many women are reluctant to take legal action due to fears of job loss, especially when they already contend with safety concerns and wage disparities at work. For example, in the fishing community, where 70% of households are led by women, the need for income compels many to endure harassment in silence.

Trade unions typically do not provide adequate support, largely because of ambiguously written laws that tend to favor wealthy and powerful men. The Protection Against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act, 2010, for instance, fails to clearly define what constitutes a workplace and does not extend its protections to informal workers, such as domestic service employees or students. This legal gap further exacerbates the challenges faced by women in addressing harassment and seeking justice.

Domestic violenceEdit

Domestic violence in Pakistan is a pervasive social and public health issue. A 2009 study by Human Rights Watch estimated that between 20% and 30% of women in the country have experienced some form of abuse. Alarmingly, it is estimated that around 5,000 women are killed annually due to domestic violence, with countless others suffering maiming or disabilities as a result of such abuse. Women have reported a wide range of attacks from intimate partners, including physical, psychological, and sexual abuse.

The normalisation of violence against women, coupled with societal stigma and inadequate legal protections, often leaves victims trapped in abusive situations. Many women face significant barriers in seeking help or escaping their circumstances, contributing to the ongoing cycle of violence. The lack of comprehensive support systems and enforcement of protective laws exacerbates this endemic problem, making it a critical public health concern that requires urgent attention and action.

Rape in PakistanEdit

According to Shahla Haeri, a professor of Women's Studies, rape in Pakistan is often seen as "institutionalised" and can sometimes gain the tacit or even explicit approval of the state. Reports indicate that the rape and assault of individuals from Christian, Hindu, Sikh, and other minority communities are alarmingly common in the country. Victims frequently face issues such as police inaction, refusal to register complaints, and intimidation or corruption within the judicial system.

Moreover, child sexual abuse is a significant concern in Pakistani schools. A study conducted in Rawalpindi and Islamabad involving 300 children revealed that 17% reported having experienced abuse. In 1997, statistics indicated that one child was reported daily as a victim of rape, gang rape, or kidnapping for sexual exploitation. The issue gained further attention with the 2014 documentary "Pakistan's Hidden Shame," directed by Mohammed Naqvi and produced by Jamie Doran, which focused on the sexual abuse of street children, revealing that an estimated 90% of these vulnerable children have been victims of sexual violence.

Dismissal and trivialisationEdit

In Pakistan, some observers perceive the #MeToo movement as a Western import designed to undermine Pakistani culture, erode family values, and exploit women for a "foreign agenda." Others, including former Army Chief and President Pervez Musharraf, have dismissed the victims as opportunists who leverage allegations of rape to obtain visas and citizenship in other countries. Movie director Khalil-ur-Rehman Qamar exemplified the minimisation of the movement with his comments suggesting that the #MeToo initiative is merely about women wanting the right to assault men. He provocatively stated, "If you wish to strive for equality, then kidnap men as well. Rob a bus, gang rape a man, so that I can understand what you [women] mean by equality."

Following the Aurat March on International Women's Day in 2019, which saw thousands of women participating across Pakistan, politician and television host Aamir Liaquat Hussain called for an investigation into the funding of the demonstrations, implying that external forces were financially supporting the events. Additionally, some men expressed disapproval of the protesters' slogans, such as one that read, "Keep your dick pics to yourself." Islamic feminists also raised concerns that the protestors were too secular and that their values were overly Western, failing to represent women who adhere to Islamic cultural norms.

Journalist Rafia Zakaria has pointed out that the #MeToo movement in Pakistan is primarily an urban phenomenon and predominantly associated with specific social classes, as only 37% of the population has internet access. Many feminists from elite backgrounds often choose to remain silent or downplay the issues at hand, prioritising the protection of their peers within the same social strata. This tendency is evident in various instances; for example, a woman from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border region who recorded threats from army personnel and alleged that they made sexual advances towards her was largely ignored, as there was little interest in confronting the influential military.

In another notable case, when politician Ayesha Gulalai Wazir accused Prime Minister Imran Khan of sending inappropriate messages, she faced backlash from both her party and the media, with accusations labeling her as a political opportunist. Furthermore, Shireen Mazari, the Federal Minister for Human Rights, dismissed Gulalai's claims outright.

ReferencesEdit

  1. Urdu: #MainBhi; Hindi: #मैं_भी
  2. Khan, Saba Karim (2019-04-11). "Women are suffering silently in Pakistan – is #MeToo the answer?". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2020-01-21.
  3. Farrukh, Rimal (14 September 2021). "How a Beheading Triggered a Flood of Sexual Assault Accusations Against Rich Young Men". www.vice.com. Retrieved 2021-09-27.
  4. Dunaway, Jaime. "Why the #MeToo Movement Just Took Off in Kenya, Pakistan, and China". Slate. Archived from the original on January 29, 2018. Retrieved January 30, 2018.
  5. Inayat, Naila (2019-12-05). "Pakistan media's support for #MeToo ends when one of their own is accused". ThePrint. Retrieved 2020-01-21.
  6. Amjad, Farah (2019-03-20). "Making #MeToo Work in Pakistan". The New Republic. ISSN 0028-6583. Retrieved 2020-01-21.
  7. Devanagari: औरत जलसा