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{{Use Indian English|date=July | {{Use Indian English|date=July 2022}} | ||
{{Use dmy dates|date=July | {{Use dmy dates|date=July 2022}} | ||
{{Anushilan Samiti}} | {{Anushilan Samiti}} | ||
'''The history of the [[Anushilan Samiti]]''' stretches from its beginning early in the first decade of 1900 to 1930. The ''Samiti'' began in the first decade of the 20th century in [[Calcutta]] as conglomeration of local youth groups and gyms. However, its focus was both physical education and proposed moral development of its members. From its inception it sought to promote what it perceived as Indian values and to focus on Indian sports e.g. ''[[Fighting stick|Lathi]]'' and Sword play. It also encouraged its members to study Indian history as well as those of European liberalism including the [[French Revolution]], Russian [[Nihilism]] and Italian unification. Soon after its inception it became a radical organisation that sought to end [[British Raj]] in India through revolutionary violence. After World War I, it declined steadily as its members identified closely with leftist ideologies and with the [[Indian National Congress]]. It briefly rose to prominence in the late second and third decade, being involved in some notable incidences in Calcutta, Chittagong and in the United Provinces. The samiti dissolved before the Second World War into the Revolutionary Socialist Party. | '''The history of the [[Anushilan Samiti]]''' stretches from its beginning early in the first decade of 1900 to 1930. The ''Samiti'' began in the first decade of the 20th century in [[Calcutta]] as conglomeration of local youth groups and gyms. However, its focus was both physical education and proposed moral development of its members. From its inception it sought to promote what it perceived as Indian values and to focus on Indian sports e.g. ''[[Fighting stick|Lathi]]'' and Sword play. It also encouraged its members to study Indian history as well as those of European liberalism including the [[French Revolution]], Russian [[Nihilism]] and Italian unification. Soon after its inception it became a radical organisation that sought to end [[British Raj]] in India through revolutionary violence. After World War I, it declined steadily as its members identified closely with leftist ideologies and with the [[Indian National Congress]]. It briefly rose to prominence in the late second and third decade, being involved in some notable incidences{{verify spelling|date=September 2022|reason=''incidence'' is normally used only in the singular form, perhaps ''incidence'', ''incidents'', or ''instances'' was intended}} in Calcutta, Chittagong and in the United Provinces. The samiti dissolved before the Second World War into the Revolutionary Socialist Party. | ||
==Background== | ==Background== | ||
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Bengal itself was relatively quiet during the [[Indian Rebellion of 1857|1857 uprising]], although minor uprisings broke out in Chittagong, Dhaka and a number of other places. However, by the last quarter of the century, the Raj was firmly established in the Bengal Presidency and educated Bengali ''[[Babu (title)|Babu]]'', the middle-class ''[[Bhadralok]]'' community were amongst the largest numbers who filled civil and administrative offices throughout British India. In traditional British stereotype, the Bengali race was considered "feeble even to effeminacy" and the least martial of all Indian races. However, the Bengalee propensity to form public bodies and organised protests were noted from early on, which piqued the British observers. 1876 saw the foundation of The Indian Association in [[Calcutta]] under the leadership of [[Surendranath Banerjea]]. This organisation successfully drew into its folds students and the urban middle–class, for which it served as a mouthpiece. The Association became the mouthpiece of an informal constituency of students and middle-class gentlemen. The Association sponsored the Indian National Conference in 1883 and 1885, which later merged with the Indian National Congress.<ref name=Heehs2>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=2}}</ref> Calcutta was at the time the capital of British India, and the most prominent centre for organised politics, and some of the same students who attended the political meetings began at the time to organise "secret societies" which cultivated a cultural of physical strength and nationalist feelings. In Bengal at large, through the decades 1860s and 1870s, there arose large numbers of ''akhras'', or gymnasiums consciously designed along the lines of the Italian [[Carbonari]] which drew the youth.<ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|p=534}} "[Around 1881] a number of self-styled 'secret societies' were set up in Calcutta that were consciously modelled on the Carbonari and Mazzini's Young Italy Society ... They were in fact simply undergraduate clubs, long on nebulous ideals but short on action."</ref> These were influenced by the writings of the Bengalee nationalist author [[Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay]] and by the works of Italian nationalist [[Giuseppe Mazzini]] and his [[Young Italy (historical)|Young Italy movement]]. To this was later added the philosophies and teachings of [[Swami Vivekananda]], which emphasised a "Strong muscles and nerves of steel". This marked the beginnings of interest in physical improvement and proto-national spirit among young Bengalees, and was driven by an effort to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalee. Physical fitness was symbolic of the recovery of masculinity, and part of a larger moral and spiritual training to cultivate control over the body, and develop national pride and a sense of social responsibility and service.<ref name=Bandyopadhyaya260>{{Harvnb|Bandyopadhyaya|2004|p=260}} The physical culture movement became a craze ... to develop what Swami Vivekananda had described as strong muscles and nerves of steel ... this was a psychological attempt to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalees. Their symbolic recovery of masculinity ... remained parts of a larger moral and spiritual training to achieve mastery over body, develop a national pride and a sense of social service ... founding of a gymnasium by Sarala Ghosal in Ballygunge Circular Road in Calcutta, the Atmonnoti Samiti by some central Calcutta youths and the Anushilan Samiti by Satischandra Basu.</ref><ref name=Heehs3>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=3}}</ref> | Bengal itself was relatively quiet during the [[Indian Rebellion of 1857|1857 uprising]], although minor uprisings broke out in Chittagong, Dhaka and a number of other places. However, by the last quarter of the century, the Raj was firmly established in the Bengal Presidency and educated Bengali ''[[Babu (title)|Babu]]'', the middle-class ''[[Bhadralok]]'' community were amongst the largest numbers who filled civil and administrative offices throughout British India. In traditional British stereotype, the Bengali race was considered "feeble even to effeminacy" and the least martial of all Indian races. However, the Bengalee propensity to form public bodies and organised protests were noted from early on, which piqued the British observers. 1876 saw the foundation of The Indian Association in [[Calcutta]] under the leadership of [[Surendranath Banerjea]]. This organisation successfully drew into its folds students and the urban middle–class, for which it served as a mouthpiece. The Association became the mouthpiece of an informal constituency of students and middle-class gentlemen. The Association sponsored the Indian National Conference in 1883 and 1885, which later merged with the Indian National Congress.<ref name=Heehs2>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=2}}</ref> Calcutta was at the time the capital of British India, and the most prominent centre for organised politics, and some of the same students who attended the political meetings began at the time to organise "secret societies" which cultivated a cultural of physical strength and nationalist feelings. In Bengal at large, through the decades 1860s and 1870s, there arose large numbers of ''akhras'', or gymnasiums consciously designed along the lines of the Italian [[Carbonari]] which drew the youth.<ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|p=534}} "[Around 1881] a number of self-styled 'secret societies' were set up in Calcutta that were consciously modelled on the Carbonari and Mazzini's Young Italy Society ... They were in fact simply undergraduate clubs, long on nebulous ideals but short on action."</ref> These were influenced by the writings of the Bengalee nationalist author [[Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay]] and by the works of Italian nationalist [[Giuseppe Mazzini]] and his [[Young Italy (historical)|Young Italy movement]]. To this was later added the philosophies and teachings of [[Swami Vivekananda]], which emphasised a "Strong muscles and nerves of steel". This marked the beginnings of interest in physical improvement and proto-national spirit among young Bengalees, and was driven by an effort to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalee. Physical fitness was symbolic of the recovery of masculinity, and part of a larger moral and spiritual training to cultivate control over the body, and develop national pride and a sense of social responsibility and service.<ref name=Bandyopadhyaya260>{{Harvnb|Bandyopadhyaya|2004|p=260}} The physical culture movement became a craze ... to develop what Swami Vivekananda had described as strong muscles and nerves of steel ... this was a psychological attempt to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalees. Their symbolic recovery of masculinity ... remained parts of a larger moral and spiritual training to achieve mastery over body, develop a national pride and a sense of social service ... founding of a gymnasium by Sarala Ghosal in Ballygunge Circular Road in Calcutta, the Atmonnoti Samiti by some central Calcutta youths and the Anushilan Samiti by Satischandra Basu.</ref><ref name=Heehs3>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=3}}</ref> | ||
In Calcutta, nationalist politics was developing at a rapid pace, allowing the city to develop as the most vocal centre of the young though still benign movement. Key leaders in the Congress-led movement in the province were Surendranath Bannejea and [[Motilal Ghosh]], while figures like [[Pherozshah Mehta]], [[Gopal Krishna Gokhale]] and the more radical [[Bal Gangadhar Tilak]] were gaining prominence in Maharashtra in the presidencies of [[Bombay]] and [[Poona]].<ref name=Heehs4>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=4}}</ref> Through these last decades of the 1800s, however, the concept of secret societies and the propensity of nationalist violence was stronger in Maharashtra.{{citation needed|date=December | In Calcutta, nationalist politics was developing at a rapid pace, allowing the city to develop as the most vocal centre of the young though still benign movement. Key leaders in the Congress-led movement in the province were Surendranath Bannejea and [[Motilal Ghosh]], while figures like [[Pherozshah Mehta]], [[Gopal Krishna Gokhale]] and the more radical [[Bal Gangadhar Tilak]] were gaining prominence in Maharashtra in the presidencies of [[Bombay]] and [[Poona]].<ref name=Heehs4>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=4}}</ref> Through these last decades of the 1800s, however, the concept of secret societies and the propensity of nationalist violence was stronger in Maharashtra.{{citation needed|date=December 2022}} Tilak himself was associated with such a society in Bombay.<ref name="Heehs1994p536para2">{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|loc=p. 536, para 2}} "Aurobindo and Jatindranath met in Baroda in 1899. Both became members of a 'secret society' of Bombay with which the Maharashtrian political leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak was associated. Tilak later [made] an effort to get Aurobindo's friend Madhavrao Jadhav admitted to a military school in Russia. This plan fell through, but Madhavrao was eventually ... enrolled (possibly with Russian help) in the Swiss military academy in Bern.'"</ref> The most notable amongst the Maharashtrian societies was ''[[Mitra Mela]]'' (Friends circle) founded by [[V.D. Savarkar]] at [[Nasik]] in 1900. The organisation reformed as the [[Abhinav Bharat Society|''Abhinav Bharat'' Society]] and moved to Poona. The trend towards secret societies in Bengal had in the meantime slowed down, and what existed did not engage in any notable political activities. It was at this time, at the turn of the 20th century, that the revolutionary organisations emerged with considerable potency in Bengal.<ref name=Radhan636>{{Harvnb|Radhan|2002|p=636}}</ref> | ||
==Early developments== | ==Early developments== | ||
Among the first revolutionary organisations founded with an organised programme in Bengal was that led by [[Jatindranath Bannerjee]] and [[Aurobindo Ghosh]]. Ghosh was the grandson of leading Bengali reformer, [[Rajnarayan Bose]]. Schooled at St. Paul's and a graduate of [[King's College, Cambridge]], Ghosh returned to India in 1893, undertaking a short career in political journalism in Bombay. He criticised the Congress's elitist politics which he argued was confined to the middle-class and effectively ignored the Indian masses of the lower classes. For Ghosh, the discussions engaged by the Congress members were frivolous, he argued for a radical and revolutionary movement for achieve political goals.<ref name=Heehs4/><ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|loc=p. 536, para 1}} "Aurobindo Ghose, who with Jatindranath helped to organize the first revolutionary group in Bengal with a well-thought-out programme, read widely in the history of Europe while a scholar at St Paul's School, London, and Kings College, Cambridge. Shortly after his return to India in 1893 he wrote in a Bombay newspaper ... his thesis that when men wanted a radical change of government, revolutionary action counted for much more than the sort of endless discussion that the members of the Indian National Congress engaged in."</ref> Under pressure to tone down his criticisms, Ghosh withdrew from his writings altogether, which held for a good decade or so. In 1897, Aurobindo Ghosh took up the position of lecturer in French at [[Baroda College]] and was appointed acting Professor of English at the college in 1898.{{citation needed|date=December | Among the first revolutionary organisations founded with an organised programme in Bengal was that led by [[Jatindranath Bannerjee]] and [[Aurobindo Ghosh]]. Ghosh was the grandson of leading Bengali reformer, [[Rajnarayan Bose]]. Schooled at St. Paul's and a graduate of [[King's College, Cambridge]], Ghosh returned to India in 1893, undertaking a short career in political journalism in Bombay. He criticised the Congress's elitist politics which he argued was confined to the middle-class and effectively ignored the Indian masses of the lower classes. For Ghosh, the discussions engaged by the Congress members were frivolous, he argued for a radical and revolutionary movement for achieve political goals.<ref name=Heehs4/><ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|loc=p. 536, para 1}} "Aurobindo Ghose, who with Jatindranath helped to organize the first revolutionary group in Bengal with a well-thought-out programme, read widely in the history of Europe while a scholar at St Paul's School, London, and Kings College, Cambridge. Shortly after his return to India in 1893 he wrote in a Bombay newspaper ... his thesis that when men wanted a radical change of government, revolutionary action counted for much more than the sort of endless discussion that the members of the Indian National Congress engaged in."</ref> Under pressure to tone down his criticisms, Ghosh withdrew from his writings altogether, which held for a good decade or so. In 1897, Aurobindo Ghosh took up the position of lecturer in French at [[Baroda College]] and was appointed acting Professor of English at the college in 1898.{{citation needed|date=December 2022}} In 1899, Ghosh met Jatindranath Bannerjee. Both Bannerjee and Ghosh were members of a Bombay secret society that B.G. Tilak was associated with.<ref name=Heehs1994p536para2/> Both Ghosh and Tilak shared thoughts on a program of revolution. Both envisioned an organised and disciplined uprising different from the terrorist tactics favoured by secret societies. Ghosh's thoughts were turned towards a military insurrection through [[Guerrilla warfare]], aided by general revolt and popular resistance to which, if possible, the [[British Indian Army|Indian Army]] was to be drawn in revolt. The grounding of such a program was to be "revolutionary propaganda and recruiting" and young Bengalees were to be trained in activities that would be helpful when the moment came. Ghosh emphasised activities riding, physical training, athletics of various kinds, drill and organized movement. He foresaw the program occupying up to thirty years before India was ready to rise.<ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|p=537}} "Tilak's interest in military weaponry and training was indicative of his and Aurobindo's revolutionary programme. Neither was interested in terrorism of the sort that is usually associated with secret societies, but rather in a disciplined military uprising ... Aurobindo's idea was to prepare for 'an armed insurrection' that would consist of 'guerrilla warfare accompanied by general resistance and revolt' including, if possible, 'a general revolt of the Indian army'. The first step ... would be a work of 'revolutionary propaganda and recruiting'. Young Bengalis would be given instruction 'in activities that might be helpful for ultimate military action, such as riding, physical training, athletics of various kinds, drill and organized movement.' Aurobindo thought that this programme 'might occupy a period of 30 years before fruition'."</ref> With the help of Tilak and some two others associates of the names Khasi Rao Jadav and Madhav Rao, Ghosh was, in September 1899, able to arrange for Jatindranath Bannerjee to enrol in the armed forces of the [[Princely State of Baroda]] with false papers.<ref name=Majumdar25>{{Harvnb|Majumdar|2005|p=25}}</ref> Tilak himself tried to arrange for Madhav Rao to obtain admission to a Russian military school, and ultimately was able to get him admitted to the Swiss Military Academy at [[Bern]].<ref name=Heehs1994p536para2/> Ghosh had worked close to the [[Gaekwar of Baroda]], and in 1902, he establish contacts with men with similar views in Western India.<ref name=Heehs4/> | ||
==Anushilan Samiti== | ==Anushilan Samiti== | ||
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Basu himself was a student of the [[Scottish Church College|General Assembly's Institution]], and was influenced by Swami Vivekandan's works and teachings of [[Shaktism|Shakta philosophy]].<ref name=Radhan637>{{Harvnb|Radhan|2002|p=637}}</ref> Basu kept in touch with [[Sister Nivedita]] and [[Swami Saradananda]], both disciples of Vivekandanda.<ref name=Radhan636/> A further influence was the Japanese scholar [[Kakuzo Okakura]] who was closely associated with Nivedita and advocated Pan-Asiatic unity and nationalist sentiments in his many visits to Bengal.<ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|p=539}} "Okakura had been corresponding with Nivedita for several months ... If the countries of Asia stood together they would be able to free themselves more swiftly from ... Europe. During his stay in Calcutta Okakura [spoke] about his notion of a pan-Asiatic union."</ref> Basu was a member of the gymnasium at General Assembly, and practiced [[Fighting stick|lathi]]-play, engaged in social work in destitute areas of Calcutta, and supported the [[Swadeshi movement|''Swadeshi'' industries]].<ref name=Radhan637/> Encouraged by Nivedita and Saradananda, Basu founded the ''Anushilan Samiti'' in early 1902, initially, as a club for lathi practice. The name itself was inspired by one of [[Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay]]'s works entitled ''Anushilan-Tattva'' (Theory of discipline), which expounded the concept of allround development of physical, mental, moral and spiritual capabilities.<ref name=Radhan637/> In Pramathanath Mitra, Basu found a patron and through Mitra and Sarala Devi, Jatindranath Bannerjee was introduced to Basu. In March 1902, Bannerjee's group was amalgamated to that of Basu's, retaining the name chosen by the latter.<ref name=Heehs5/> | Basu himself was a student of the [[Scottish Church College|General Assembly's Institution]], and was influenced by Swami Vivekandan's works and teachings of [[Shaktism|Shakta philosophy]].<ref name=Radhan637>{{Harvnb|Radhan|2002|p=637}}</ref> Basu kept in touch with [[Sister Nivedita]] and [[Swami Saradananda]], both disciples of Vivekandanda.<ref name=Radhan636/> A further influence was the Japanese scholar [[Kakuzo Okakura]] who was closely associated with Nivedita and advocated Pan-Asiatic unity and nationalist sentiments in his many visits to Bengal.<ref>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1994|p=539}} "Okakura had been corresponding with Nivedita for several months ... If the countries of Asia stood together they would be able to free themselves more swiftly from ... Europe. During his stay in Calcutta Okakura [spoke] about his notion of a pan-Asiatic union."</ref> Basu was a member of the gymnasium at General Assembly, and practiced [[Fighting stick|lathi]]-play, engaged in social work in destitute areas of Calcutta, and supported the [[Swadeshi movement|''Swadeshi'' industries]].<ref name=Radhan637/> Encouraged by Nivedita and Saradananda, Basu founded the ''Anushilan Samiti'' in early 1902, initially, as a club for lathi practice. The name itself was inspired by one of [[Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay]]'s works entitled ''Anushilan-Tattva'' (Theory of discipline), which expounded the concept of allround development of physical, mental, moral and spiritual capabilities.<ref name=Radhan637/> In Pramathanath Mitra, Basu found a patron and through Mitra and Sarala Devi, Jatindranath Bannerjee was introduced to Basu. In March 1902, Bannerjee's group was amalgamated to that of Basu's, retaining the name chosen by the latter.<ref name=Heehs5/> | ||
The early ''Anushilan Samity'' drew its members largely from the young student fraternity in Calcutta. New recruits were required to swear an oath on the ''[[Gita]]'', and practiced the worship of arms in front of the image of [[Goddess Durga]]. These were however technical reasons why Muslims were not accepted. The members trained in | The early ''Anushilan Samity'' drew its members largely from the young student fraternity in Calcutta. New recruits were required to swear an oath on the ''[[Gita]]'', and practiced the worship of arms in front of the image of [[Goddess Durga]]. These were however technical reasons why Muslims were not accepted. The members trained in drill, practiced swordplay, boxing, wrestling, and other exercises. Nationalist spirit and moral development was inculcated through weekly classes, and interactions with leading social figures of the likes of [[Rabindranath Tagore]], [[Bipin Chandra Pal]], [[Gurudas Bannerjee]].<ref name=Radhan637/> | ||
The Anushilan Samiti, however, failed to make any significant impact in its early years, as was the case for similar Calcutta groups.<ref name=Heehs5/> In 1903, Aurobindo Ghosh sent his younger brother [[Barindra Kumar Ghosh]] to Calcutta to rally the nascent organisation. Barindra, however, was forced to return to Baroda that same year following differences with Jatindranath Bannerjee. The society fragmented as a result of the clash, and may have led to the early demise of the still evolving movement.<ref name=Heehs6>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=6}}</ref> However, the events around 1905, when the [[1905 Partition of Bengal|controversial plan to partition Bengal]] was proposed, veered the course otherwise.<ref name=Heehs5/ | The Anushilan Samiti, however, failed to make any significant impact in its early years, as was the case for similar Calcutta groups.<ref name=Heehs5/> In 1903, Aurobindo Ghosh sent his younger brother [[Barindra Kumar Ghosh]] to Calcutta to rally the nascent organisation. Barindra, however, was forced to return to Baroda that same year following differences with Jatindranath Bannerjee. The society fragmented as a result of the clash, and may have led to the early demise of the still evolving movement.<ref name=Heehs6>{{Harvnb|Heehs|1992|p=6}}</ref> However, the events around 1905, when the [[1905 Partition of Bengal|controversial plan to partition Bengal]] was proposed, veered the course otherwise.<ref name=Heehs5/> The plans, implemented by the Viceroy, Charles Hardinge, drew widespread criticisms throughout Bengal. The local population, led by social figures and leaders of the Indian National Congress, refused to accept the Raj's argument that the partition was necessary for improving the administration in the province. It was seen as an attempt to divide Bengal on religious lines to stem the tide of political and nationalist work that was emanating from the region. The Raj argued that the opposition to the partition was motivated by the Hindu middle-class Bhadralok, who feared a loss of their government positions and influence in the administrative set up to the larger Muslim population of eastern Bengal. Opposition to the partition took shape in the Swadeshi movement, where imported goods were boycotted in Bengal and throughout India. These boycotts were enforced by groups of "volunteers" recruited from the youth ''Samities''. The patronage of the extremist Bengalee politicians in the Congress, including the likes of [[Bipin Chandra Pal]] and [[Brahmabandhab Upadhyaya]], helped ''Anushilan'' stem the decline and rejuvenated its influence and reach, and this in turn helped consolidate the position of the former as radicals within Congress. The unprecedented popular resistance to the partition plans also gave ''Anushilan'' fertile grounds to preach its cause and bring new recruits to its folds.<ref name=Heehs5/><ref>{{Harvnb|Bandyopadhyaya|2004|pp=255, 258}}</ref> | ||
===Dhaka Anushilan=== | ===Dhaka Anushilan=== | ||
In November 1905, Bipin Chandra Pal along with Pramathanath Mitra, visited [[Dhaka]] where, at a political meeting, Pal called for volunteers ready to sacrifice their all for Motherland.<ref name=Heehs5/> Among the eighty who stepped forward was [[Pulin Behari Das]], a resident of Wari who was soon appointed the head of the East Bengal branch of ''Anushilan Samity''. Under Das's able leadership, ''Anushilan'' "spread like wildfire" throughout the province. More than 500 branches were opened, linked by a "close and detailed organization" to Pulin's headquarters at Dhaka. It absorbed smaller groups in the province, and soon overshadowed its parent organisation in Calcutta. Branches of Dhaka Anushilan emerged in the towns of [[Jessore (city)|Jessore]], [[Khulna]], [[Faridpur District|Faridpur]], [[Rajnagar Upazila|Rajnagar]], Rajendrapur, Mohanpur, Barvali, Bakarganj and other places. Estimates of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti's reach show a membership of between 15,000 and 20,000 members. Within another two years, Dhaka Anushilan would devolve its aims from the Swadeshi to the dedicated aim of political terrorism.<ref name=Heehs6/ | In November 1905, Bipin Chandra Pal along with Pramathanath Mitra, visited [[Dhaka]] where, at a political meeting, Pal called for volunteers ready to sacrifice their all for Motherland.<ref name=Heehs5/> Among the eighty who stepped forward was [[Pulin Behari Das]], a resident of Wari who was soon appointed the head of the East Bengal branch of ''Anushilan Samity''. Under Das's able leadership, ''Anushilan'' "spread like wildfire" throughout the province. More than 500 branches were opened, linked by a "close and detailed organization" to Pulin's headquarters at Dhaka. It absorbed smaller groups in the province, and soon overshadowed its parent organisation in Calcutta. Branches of Dhaka Anushilan emerged in the towns of [[Jessore (city)|Jessore]], [[Khulna]], [[Faridpur District|Faridpur]], [[Rajnagar Upazila|Rajnagar]], Rajendrapur, Mohanpur, Barvali, Bakarganj and other places. Estimates of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti's reach show a membership of between 15,000 and 20,000 members. Within another two years, Dhaka Anushilan would devolve its aims from the Swadeshi to the dedicated aim of political terrorism.<ref name=Heehs6/> | ||
===Jugantar=== | ===Jugantar=== | ||
Barindra Ghosh returned to Bengal around 1906, where he began organising volunteers movements in support of the agitations and the [[Swadeshi movement]]. His efforts drew the youth, whom he trained in the exercise, sword and lathi play and preached the cause of Indian independence. Among Barindra's associates at the time were [[Bhupendranath Dutta]] (brother of Swami Vivekananda) and [[Abhinash Battacharya]]. | Barindra Ghosh returned to Bengal around 1906, where he began organising volunteers movements in support of the agitations and the [[Swadeshi movement]]. His efforts drew the youth, whom he trained in the exercise, sword and lathi play and preached the cause of Indian independence. Among Barindra's associates at the time were [[Bhupendranath Dutta]] (brother of Swami Vivekananda) and [[Abhinash Battacharya]].{{CN|date=March 2022}} In the meantime, Aurobindo had returned to Bengal in 1906. The Calcutta wing had suffered a setback following Barin Ghosh's clash with Jatindranath Bannerjee earlier. In Bengal, Barin begun a sustained effort pick up where the group had left a few years previously. In the meantime, Aurobindo with the help of Bipin Chandra Pal and Barin founded in 1907 the radical Bengali nationalist publication of ''[[Jugantar Patrika|Jugantar]]'' (Lit:Change), and its English counterpart ''[[Bande Mataram (publication)|Bande Mataram]]''. After a slow start, the journal gradually grew to acquire a mass appeal in Bengal through its radicalist approach and message of revolutionary programmes. This journal later lent its name to the Calcutta group that was gradually growing, ultimately forming what came to be called the ''[[Jugantar party]]''. This lent the name of ''Jugantar party'' to the Calcutta group.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}} Among the early recruits who emerged as noted leaders were [[Rash Behari Bose]], [[Jatindranath Mukherjee]], and [[Jadugopal Mukherjee]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Sen|2010|p=244}} Government found it difficult to suppress revolutionary activities in Bengal owing to the strong organisation of the Anushilan Samiti and ... leaders like Jatindranath Mukherjee, Rashbehari Bose and Jadugopal Mukheijee.</ref> ''Jugantar party'' embarked irrevocably on the path of political terrorism, when plans were made to assassinate in summer 1906, the Lieutenant Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam, Sir [[Bampfylde Fuller]]. This was the first of its planned "actions". | ||
==Political terrorism== | ==Political terrorism== | ||
===First phase=== | ===First phase=== | ||
The two branches of ''Anushilan'' engaged at this time in a number of notable incidences of political assassinations and ''[[dacoity|dacoities]]'' to obtain funds.<ref name=Roy5>{{Harvnb|Roy|1997|pp=5–6}} The first such dacoity was committed by Naren ... Around this time, revolutionaries threw a bomb-at the carriage of Mr and Mrs Kennedy ... in Muzaffarpur, under the mistaken notion that the 'notorious' Magistrate Kingsford was in the carriage. This led to the arrest of Kshudiram Bose and the discovery of the underground conspiratorial centre at Manicktala in eastern Calcutta. ... Nandalal Banerjee, an officer in the Intelligence Branch of the Bengal Police was shot dead by Naren ... This was followed by the arrest of Aurobindo, Barin and others in connection with the Alipore Conspiracy case.</ref> In the meantime, in December 1907 the Bengal revolutionary cell derailed the train carrying the Bengal Lieutenant Governor [[Sir Andrew Fraser]]. In December 1907, Dhaka Anushilan Samiti assassinated D.C. Allen, a former district magistrate of Dhaka. In 1908, the activities of Anushilan saw eleven assassinations, seven attempted assassinations and bomb explosions, and eight dacoities in western Bengal alone. The targets of these "actions" included British police officials and civil servants, native Indian police officers, approvers and public prosecutors in cases of political crime, as well as the wealthy upper-class families.<ref name=Popplewell108>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=108}}</ref> | The two branches of ''Anushilan'' engaged at this time in a number of notable incidences{{verify spelling|date=September 2022|reason=''incidence'' is normally used only in the singular form, perhaps ''incidence'', ''incidents'', or ''instances'' was intended}} of political assassinations and ''[[dacoity|dacoities]]'' to obtain funds.<ref name=Roy5>{{Harvnb|Roy|1997|pp=5–6}} The first such dacoity was committed by Naren ... Around this time, revolutionaries threw a bomb-at the carriage of Mr and Mrs Kennedy ... in Muzaffarpur, under the mistaken notion that the 'notorious' Magistrate Kingsford was in the carriage. This led to the arrest of Kshudiram Bose and the discovery of the underground conspiratorial centre at Manicktala in eastern Calcutta. ... Nandalal Banerjee, an officer in the Intelligence Branch of the Bengal Police was shot dead by Naren ... This was followed by the arrest of Aurobindo, Barin and others in connection with the Alipore Conspiracy case.</ref> In the meantime, in December 1907 the Bengal revolutionary cell derailed the train carrying the Bengal Lieutenant Governor [[Sir Andrew Fraser]]. In December 1907, Dhaka Anushilan Samiti assassinated D.C. Allen, a former district magistrate of Dhaka. In 1908, the activities of Anushilan saw eleven assassinations, seven attempted assassinations and bomb explosions, and eight dacoities in western Bengal alone. The targets of these "actions" included British police officials and civil servants, native Indian police officers, approvers and public prosecutors in cases of political crime, as well as the wealthy upper-class families.<ref name=Popplewell108>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=108}}</ref> | ||
''Anushilan'', notably from early on, established links with foreign movements and Indian nationalism abroad. In 1907, Barin Ghosh arranged to send to Paris one of his associates by the name of [[Hemchandra Kanungo]] (Hem Chandra Das), he was to learn the art of bomb making from [[Nicholas Safranski]], a Russian revolutionary in exile in the French Capital.<ref name=Popplewell104>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=104}}</ref> Paris was also home at the time [[Madam Cama]] who was amongst the leading figures of the [[Paris Indian Society]] and the [[India House]] in London. The bomb manual later found its way through [[V. D. Savarkar]] to the press at India House for mass printing. This was, however, followed by a temporary stumble for ''Anushilan''. In 1908, two young recruits, [[Khudiram Bose]] and [[Prafulla Chaki]] were sent{{citation needed|date=October | ''Anushilan'', notably from early on, established links with foreign movements and Indian nationalism abroad. In 1907, Barin Ghosh arranged to send to Paris one of his associates by the name of [[Hemchandra Kanungo]] (Hem Chandra Das), he was to learn the art of bomb making from [[Nicholas Safranski]], a Russian revolutionary in exile in the French Capital.<ref name=Popplewell104>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=104}}</ref> Paris was also home at the time [[Madam Cama]] who was amongst the leading figures of the [[Paris Indian Society]] and the [[India House]] in London. The bomb manual later found its way through [[V. D. Savarkar]] to the press at India House for mass printing. This was, however, followed by a temporary stumble for ''Anushilan''. In 1908, two young recruits, [[Khudiram Bose]] and [[Prafulla Chaki]] were sent{{citation needed|date=October 2022}} on a mission to [[Muzaffarpur]] to assassinate the Chief Presidency Magistrate D. H. Kingsford. The duo bombed a carriage they mistook as Kingsford's,<ref name=Roy5/> killing two English women in it. In the aftermath of the murder, Khudiram Bose was arrested while attempting to flee, while Chaki took his own life.<ref>{{cite book |author=Arun Chandra Guha |year=1971 |title=First spark of revolution: the early phase of India's struggle for independence, 1900-1920 |publisher=Orient Longman |page=131 |oclc=254043308 |quote=A Bengali police officer, Nandalal Banerji was also travelling in the same compartment ... Nandalal suspected Prafulla and tried to arrest him. But Prafulla was quite alert; he put his revolver under his own chin and pulled the trigger ... This happened on the Mokama station platform on 2nd May, 1908.}}</ref> Police investigations into the murders revealed the organisation's quarters in [[Maniktala]] suburb of Calcutta and led to a number of arrests, opening the famous [[Alipore Conspiracy trial]].<ref name=Roy5 /> Some of its leadership were executed or incarcerated, while others went underground.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}} Aurobindo Ghosh himself retired from active politics after being acquitted, his brother Barin was imprisoned for life.<ref name=Roy6/> This was followed by the [[Dacca Conspiracy case]] in 1909 which brought 44 members of the Dhaka Anushilan to trial.<ref name=Popplewell111>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=111}}</ref><ref name=Roy105>{{Harvnb|Roy|2006|p=105}}</ref> Anushilan, however, took its revenge. Nandalal Bannerjee, the officer who had arrested Kshudiram, was shot dead in 1908, followed by the assassinations of the prosecutor and the approver in the Alipore case in 1909. | ||
Western Anushilan Samiti in the aftermath of Manicktala Conspiracy found more prominent leader in Jatindra Nath Mukherjee which emerged distinctly as the ''Jugantar group''. Meanwhile, Rash Behari Bose extended the groups reach into north India, where he found work in the [[Indian Forest Institute]] in [[Dehradun]]. Mukherjee took over the leadership of the secret society to be known as the [[Jugantar]] Party. He revitalised the links between the central organisation in Calcutta and its several branches spread all over Bengal, [[Bihar]], [[Orissa, India|Orissa]] and several places in [[Uttar Pradesh|U.P.]], and opened hideouts in the [[Sundarbans]] for members who had gone underground | Western Anushilan Samiti in the aftermath of Manicktala Conspiracy found more prominent leader in Jatindra Nath Mukherjee which emerged distinctly as the ''Jugantar group''. Meanwhile, Rash Behari Bose extended the groups reach into north India, where he found work in the [[Indian Forest Institute]] in [[Dehradun]]. Mukherjee took over the leadership of the secret society to be known as the [[Jugantar]] Party. He revitalised the links between the central organisation in Calcutta and its several branches spread all over Bengal, [[Bihar]], [[Orissa, India|Orissa]] and several places in [[Uttar Pradesh|U.P.]], and opened hideouts in the [[Sundarbans]] for members who had gone underground{{citation needed|date=April 2022}} The group slowly reorganised guided by Mukherjee's efforts, aided by an emerging leadership which included [[Amarendra Chatterjee]], [[M. N. Roy|Naren Bhattacharya]] and other younger leaders. Some of its younger members including [[Tarak Nath Das]] left India.{{citation needed|date=October 2022}} Through the next two years, the organisation operated under the covers of two seemingly detached organisations, ''Sramajeebi Samabaya'' (The Labourer's cooperative) and Harry & Sons.<ref name=Roy6>{{Harvnb|Roy|1997|p=6}} Aurobihdo’s retirement from active politics after his acquittal and the long imprisonment of Barin Ghosh ... Two centres were established, one was the Sramajibi Samabaya ... and the other in the name of S.D. Harry and Sons.</ref> At around this time, Jatin began attempts to establish contacts with the [[10th Jat Regiment]] then garrisoned at [[Fort William, India|Fort William]] in Calcutta. Narendra Nath carried out through this time a number of robberies to obtain funds. In the meantime, however, a second blow came in 1910 when Shamsul Alam, a Bengal Police officer then preparing a conspiracy case against the group, was assassinated by an associate of Jatindranath by the name of Biren Dutta Gupta. The assassination led to the arrests which ultimately precipitated the [[Howrah-Sibpur Conspiracy case]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Roy|1997|pp=6–7}} Shamsul Alam, an Intelligence officer who was then preparing to arrest all the revolutionaries ... was murdered by Biren Datta Gupta, one of Jatin Mukherjee's associates. This led to the arrests in the Howrah Conspiracy case.</ref> | ||
Nonetheless, the campaign by Anushilan continued. In 1911, Dhaka Anushilan shot dead two Bengali police officers, sub-inspector Raj Kumar and Inspector Man Mohan Ghosh, who had been investigating the unrest, were shot dead at [[Mymensingh]] and [[Barisal]] respectively. This was followed by the assassination of the [[Criminal Investigation Department (India)|CID]] head constable Shrish Chandra Dey in Calcutta. In February 1911, ''Jugantar'' bombed a car with an Englishman in it who was mistaken for [[Godfrey Denham]]. The activities of the group was marked most famously in 1912 when an attempt was made by Anushilan led by Rash Behari Bose, in coordination with [[Har Dayal]]'s group in Punjab, to assassinate the Viceroy of India, [[Charles Hardinge]] on the occasion of transfer of the national capital from Calcutta to Delhi.<ref name=Popplewell114>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=114}}</ref> The [[Delhi–Lahore Conspiracy]], as it came to be called, culminated on 23 December 1912 when [[Basanta Kumar Biswas]] successfully bombed the Viceroy's Howdah as the ceremonial procession moved through the [[Chandni Chowk]] suburb of [[Delhi]]. Although wounded in the attempt, the Viceroy escaped with his injuries, along with Lady Hardinge, but his [[mahout]] was killed in the attack. The following investigations uncovered Rash Behari Bose as one of the Kingpins of political extremisms, and further, brought to light the extent of coordination between the extremist cells in Punjab and Bengal. | Nonetheless, the campaign by Anushilan continued. In 1911, Dhaka Anushilan shot dead two Bengali police officers, sub-inspector Raj Kumar and Inspector Man Mohan Ghosh, who had been investigating the unrest, were shot dead at [[Mymensingh]] and [[Barisal]] respectively. This was followed by the assassination of the [[Criminal Investigation Department (India)|CID]] head constable Shrish Chandra Dey in Calcutta. In February 1911, ''Jugantar'' bombed a car with an Englishman in it who was mistaken for [[Godfrey Denham]]. The activities of the group was marked most famously in 1912 when an attempt was made by Anushilan led by Rash Behari Bose, in coordination with [[Har Dayal]]'s group in Punjab, to assassinate the Viceroy of India, [[Charles Hardinge]] on the occasion of transfer of the national capital from Calcutta to Delhi.<ref name=Popplewell114>{{Harvnb|Popplewell|1995|p=114}}</ref> The [[Delhi–Lahore Conspiracy]], as it came to be called, culminated on 23 December 1912 when [[Basanta Kumar Biswas]] successfully bombed the Viceroy's Howdah as the ceremonial procession moved through the [[Chandni Chowk]] suburb of [[Delhi]]. Although wounded in the attempt, the Viceroy escaped with his injuries, along with Lady Hardinge, but his [[mahout]] was killed in the attack. The following investigations uncovered Rash Behari Bose as one of the Kingpins of political extremisms, and further, brought to light the extent of coordination between the extremist cells in Punjab and Bengal. | ||
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==Revolutionary Socialist Party== | ==Revolutionary Socialist Party== | ||
A major section of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s, many of them studying Marxist–Leninist literature whilst serving long jail sentences. A minority section broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the [[Communist Consolidation]], and later the Communist Party of India. The majority of the Anushilan Marxists did however, whilst having adopted Marxist–Leninist thinking, feel hesitant over joining the Communist Party.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=20–21}}</ref> | A major section of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s, many of them studying Marxist–Leninist literature whilst serving long jail sentences. A minority section broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the [[Communist Consolidation]] the [[Marxism|Marxist]] group of [[Cellular Jail]], and the members later joined the Communist Party of India. The majority of the Anushilan Marxists did however, whilst having adopted Marxist–Leninist thinking, feel hesitant over joining the Communist Party.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=20–21}}</ref> | ||
The Anushilanites distrusted the political lines formulated by the [[Communist International]]. They criticised the line adopted at the 6th Comintern congress of 1928 as 'ultra-left sectarian'. The Colonial theses of the 6th Comintern congress called upon the communists to combat the 'national-reformist leaders' and to 'unmask the national reformism of the [[Indian National Congress]] and oppose all phrases of the Swarajists, Gandhists, etc. about passive resistance'. Moreover, when Indian left-wing elements formed the [[Congress Socialist Party]] in 1934, the CPI branded it as [[Social fascism|Social Fascist]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=21–25}}</ref> When the Comintern policy swung towards [[Popular Front]]ism at its 1935 congress, at the time by which the majority of the Anushilan movement were adopting a Marxist–Leninist approach, the Anushilan Marxists questioned this shift as a betrayal of the internationalist character of the Comintern and felt that the International had been reduced to an agency of Soviet foreign policy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|p=28}}</ref> Moreover, the Anushilan Marxists opposed the notion of '[[Socialism in One Country]]'. | The Anushilanites distrusted the political lines formulated by the [[Communist International]]. They criticised the line adopted at the 6th Comintern congress of 1928 as 'ultra-left sectarian'. The Colonial theses of the 6th Comintern congress called upon the communists to combat the 'national-reformist leaders' and to 'unmask the national reformism of the [[Indian National Congress]] and oppose all phrases of the Swarajists, Gandhists, etc. about passive resistance'. Moreover, when Indian left-wing elements formed the [[Congress Socialist Party]] in 1934, the CPI branded it as [[Social fascism|Social Fascist]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=21–25}}</ref> When the Comintern policy swung towards [[Popular Front]]ism at its 1935 congress, at the time by which the majority of the Anushilan movement were adopting a Marxist–Leninist approach, the Anushilan Marxists questioned this shift as a betrayal of the internationalist character of the Comintern and felt that the International had been reduced to an agency of Soviet foreign policy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|p=28}}</ref> Moreover, the Anushilan Marxists opposed the notion of '[[Socialism in One Country]]'. | ||
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===In the CSP=== | ===In the CSP=== | ||
{{See also|Congress Socialist Party}} | {{See also|Congress Socialist Party}} | ||
The great majority of the Anushilan Samiti had joined the CSP, not only the Marxist sector. The non-Marxists (who constituted about a half of the membership of the Samiti), although not ideologically attracted to the CSP, felt loyalty towards the Marxist sector. Moreover, around 25% of the HSRA joined the CSP. This group was led by Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.{{citation needed|date=July | The great majority of the Anushilan Samiti had joined the CSP, not only the Marxist sector. The non-Marxists (who constituted about a half of the membership of the Samiti), although not ideologically attracted to the CSP, felt loyalty towards the Marxist sector. Moreover, around 25% of the HSRA joined the CSP. This group was led by Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.{{citation needed|date=July 2022}} | ||
In the end of 1938 Anushilan Marxists began publishing ''The Socialist'' from Calcutta. The editor of the journal was Satish Sarkar. Although the editorial board included several senior CSP leaders like Acharya Narendra Deva, it was essentially an organ of the Anushilan Marxist tendency. Only a handful issues were published.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=37, 52}}</ref> | In the end of 1938 Anushilan Marxists began publishing ''The Socialist'' from Calcutta. The editor of the journal was Satish Sarkar. Although the editorial board included several senior CSP leaders like Acharya Narendra Deva, it was essentially an organ of the Anushilan Marxist tendency. Only a handful issues were published.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=37, 52}}</ref> | ||
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The Anushilan Marxists were soon to be disappointed by developments inside the CSP. The party, at that the time Anushilan Marxists had joined it, was not a homogenous entity. There was the Marxist trend led by J.P. Narayan and Narendra Deva, the [[Fabian socialism|Fabian socialist]] trend led by [[Minoo Masani]] and [[Asoka Mehta]] and a [[Gandhi]]an socialist trend led by [[Ram Manohar Lohia]] and Achyut Patwardan. To the Anushilan Marxists differences emerged between the ideological stands of the party and its politics in practice. These differences surfaced at the 1939 annual session of the Indian National Congress at [[Jabalpur|Tripuri]]. Ahead of the session there were fierce political differences between the leftwing Congress president, [[Subhas Chandra Bose]], and the section led by Gandhi. As the risk of [[Second World War|world war]] loomed, Bose wanted to utilise the weakening of the British empire for the sake of Indian independence. Bose was re-elected as the Congress president, defeating the Gandhian candidate. But at the same session a proposal was brought forward by [[Govind Ballabh Pant]], through which gave Gandhi veto over the formation of the Congress Working Committee. In the Subjects Committee, the CSP opposed the resolution along with other leftwing sectors. But when the resolution was brought ahead of the open session of the Congress, the CSP leaders remained neutral. According to Subhas Chandra Bose himself, the Pant resolution would have been defeated if the CSP had opposed it in the open session. J.P. Narayan stated that although the CSP was essentially supporting Bose's leadership, they were not willing to risk the unity of the Congress. Soon after the Tripuri session the CSP organised a conference in [[Delhi]], in which fierce criticism was directed against their 'betrayal' at Tripuri.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=38–42}}</ref> | The Anushilan Marxists were soon to be disappointed by developments inside the CSP. The party, at that the time Anushilan Marxists had joined it, was not a homogenous entity. There was the Marxist trend led by J.P. Narayan and Narendra Deva, the [[Fabian socialism|Fabian socialist]] trend led by [[Minoo Masani]] and [[Asoka Mehta]] and a [[Gandhi]]an socialist trend led by [[Ram Manohar Lohia]] and Achyut Patwardan. To the Anushilan Marxists differences emerged between the ideological stands of the party and its politics in practice. These differences surfaced at the 1939 annual session of the Indian National Congress at [[Jabalpur|Tripuri]]. Ahead of the session there were fierce political differences between the leftwing Congress president, [[Subhas Chandra Bose]], and the section led by Gandhi. As the risk of [[Second World War|world war]] loomed, Bose wanted to utilise the weakening of the British empire for the sake of Indian independence. Bose was re-elected as the Congress president, defeating the Gandhian candidate. But at the same session a proposal was brought forward by [[Govind Ballabh Pant]], through which gave Gandhi veto over the formation of the Congress Working Committee. In the Subjects Committee, the CSP opposed the resolution along with other leftwing sectors. But when the resolution was brought ahead of the open session of the Congress, the CSP leaders remained neutral. According to Subhas Chandra Bose himself, the Pant resolution would have been defeated if the CSP had opposed it in the open session. J.P. Narayan stated that although the CSP was essentially supporting Bose's leadership, they were not willing to risk the unity of the Congress. Soon after the Tripuri session the CSP organised a conference in [[Delhi]], in which fierce criticism was directed against their 'betrayal' at Tripuri.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=38–42}}</ref> | ||
The Anushilan Marxists had clearly supported Bose both in the presidential election as well by opposing the Pant resolution. Jogesh Chandra Chatterji renounced his CSP membership in protest against the action by the party leadership.{{citation needed|date=July | The Anushilan Marxists had clearly supported Bose both in the presidential election as well by opposing the Pant resolution. Jogesh Chandra Chatterji renounced his CSP membership in protest against the action by the party leadership.{{citation needed|date=July 2022}} | ||
Soon after the Tripuri session, Bose resigned as Congress president and formed the [[Forward Bloc]]. The Forward Bloc was intended to function as a unifying force for all leftwing elements. The Forward Bloc held its first conference on 22–23 June 1939, and at the same time a [[Left Consolidation Committee]] consisting of the Forward Bloc, CPI, CSP, the [[All India Kisan Sabha|Kisan Sabha]], [[Radical Democratic Party (India)|League of Radical Congressmen]], [[Labour Party (India)|Labour Party]] and the Anushilan Marxists. Bose wanted the Anushilan Marxists to join his Forward Bloc. But the Anushilan Marxists, although supporting Bose's anti-imperialist militancy, considered that Bose's movement was nationalistic and too eclectic.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=43–45}}</ref> The Anushilan Marxists shared Bose's view that the relative weakness of the British empire during the war should have been utilised by independence movement. At this moment, in October 1939, J.P. Narayan tried to stretch out an olive branch to the Anushilan Marxists. He proposed the formation of a 'War Council' consisting of himself, [[Pratul Ganguly]], Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and Acharya Narendra Deva. But few days later, at a session of the All India Congress Committee, J.P. Narayan and the other CSP leaders pledged not to start any other movements parallel to those initiated by Gandhi.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=44–46}}</ref> | Soon after the Tripuri session, Bose resigned as Congress president and formed the [[Forward Bloc]]. The Forward Bloc was intended to function as a unifying force for all leftwing elements. The Forward Bloc held its first conference on 22–23 June 1939, and at the same time a [[Left Consolidation Committee]] consisting of the Forward Bloc, CPI, CSP, the [[All India Kisan Sabha|Kisan Sabha]], [[Radical Democratic Party (India)|League of Radical Congressmen]], [[Labour Party (India)|Labour Party]] and the Anushilan Marxists. Bose wanted the Anushilan Marxists to join his Forward Bloc. But the Anushilan Marxists, although supporting Bose's anti-imperialist militancy, considered that Bose's movement was nationalistic and too eclectic.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=43–45}}</ref> The Anushilan Marxists shared Bose's view that the relative weakness of the British empire during the war should have been utilised by independence movement. At this moment, in October 1939, J.P. Narayan tried to stretch out an olive branch to the Anushilan Marxists. He proposed the formation of a 'War Council' consisting of himself, [[Pratul Ganguly]], Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and Acharya Narendra Deva. But few days later, at a session of the All India Congress Committee, J.P. Narayan and the other CSP leaders pledged not to start any other movements parallel to those initiated by Gandhi.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=44–46}}</ref> | ||
One of the members Madhwi Kanchan Sinha and true follower of Ram Manohar Lohia was one of the very famous and selfless servant of the Samyukt Socialist Party [1952–1968] and went to great extends to serve people. Majorly known for his deeds and service to people in Barabanki district and Gonda district Uttar Pradesh, he made great efforts and died serving them. He could not serve the party for a longer period due to sickness and died on 13 August 1975.{{citation needed|date=July | One of the members Madhwi Kanchan Sinha and true follower of Ram Manohar Lohia was one of the very famous and selfless servant of the Samyukt Socialist Party [1952–1968] and went to great extends to serve people. Majorly known for his deeds and service to people in Barabanki district and Gonda district Uttar Pradesh, he made great efforts and died serving them. He could not serve the party for a longer period due to sickness and died on 13 August 1975.{{citation needed|date=July 2022}} | ||
===RSPI(ML)=== | ===RSPI(ML)=== | ||
The Left Consolidation Committee soon fell into pieces, as the CPI, the CSP and the Royists deserted it. Bose assembled the Anti-Compromise Conference in [[Ramgarh Cantonment|Ramgarh]], [[Bihar, India|Bihar]], now Jharkhand. The Forward Bloc, the Anushilan Marxists (still members of the CSP at the time), the Labour Party and the Kisan Sabha attended the conference. The conference spelled out that no compromise towards the Britain should be made on behalf of the Indian independence movement. At that conference the Anushilan Marxists assembled to launch their own party, the ''Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)'' severing all links to the CSP. The first general secretary of the party was Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=46–47}}</ref> | The Left Consolidation Committee soon fell into pieces, as the CPI, the CSP and the Royists deserted it. Bose assembled the Anti-Compromise Conference in [[Ramgarh Cantonment|Ramgarh]], [[Bihar, India|Bihar]], now Jharkhand. The Forward Bloc, the Anushilan Marxists (still members of the CSP at the time), the Labour Party and the Kisan Sabha attended the conference. The conference spelled out that no compromise towards the Britain should be made on behalf of the Indian independence movement. At that conference the Anushilan Marxists assembled to launch their own party, the ''Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)'' severing all links to the CSP. The first general secretary of the party was Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.<ref>{{Harvnb|Saha|2001|pp=46–47}}</ref> | ||
The first War Thesis of RSP in 1940 took the called for "turning imperialist war into civil war". But after the attack by Germany on the [[Soviet Union]], the line of the party was clarified. RSP meant that the socialist Soviet Union had to be defended, but that the best way for Indian revolutionaries to do that was to overthrow the colonial rule in their own country. RSP was in sharp opposition to groups like Communist Party of India and the Royist [[Radical Democratic Party (India)|RDP]], who meant that antifascists had to support the Allied war effort.{{citation needed|date=July | The first War Thesis of RSP in 1940 took the called for "turning imperialist war into civil war". But after the attack by Germany on the [[Soviet Union]], the line of the party was clarified. RSP meant that the socialist Soviet Union had to be defended, but that the best way for Indian revolutionaries to do that was to overthrow the colonial rule in their own country. RSP was in sharp opposition to groups like Communist Party of India and the Royist [[Radical Democratic Party (India)|RDP]], who meant that antifascists had to support the Allied war effort.{{citation needed|date=July 2022}} | ||
==Notes and references== | ==Notes and references== | ||
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* {{citation |last=Bates |first=Crispin |date=2007 |title=Subalterns and Raj: South Asia Since 1600 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-21484-1}}. | * {{citation |last=Bates |first=Crispin |date=2007 |title=Subalterns and Raj: South Asia Since 1600 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-21484-1}}. | ||
* {{citation |last = Desai | first = A.R |year= 2005 |title= Social Background of Indian Nationalism |place= Mumbai |publisher= Popular Prakashan |isbn= 8171546676}}. | * {{citation |last = Desai | first = A.R |year= 2005 |title= Social Background of Indian Nationalism |place= Mumbai |publisher= Popular Prakashan |isbn= 8171546676}}. | ||
* {{citation |last = Heehs | first = Peter |year= 1992 |title= History of Bangladesh 1704-1971 (Vol I) |place= Dhaka, Bangladesh |publisher= Asiatic Society of Bangladesh|isbn= 9845123376}}. | * {{citation |last = Heehs | first = Peter |year= 1992 |title= History of Bangladesh 1704-1971 (Vol I) |place= Dhaka, Bangladesh |publisher= Asiatic Society of Bangladesh|isbn= 9845123376}}. | ||
* {{citation |last=Heehs |first=Peter |author-link=Peter Heehs |date=July 1994 |title=Foreign Influences on Bengali Revolutionary Terrorism 1902-1908 |journal=Modern Asian Studies |publisher= Cambridge University Press |volume=28 |issue=3 |pages=533–556 |issn=0026-749X |doi=10.1017/s0026749x00011859}}. | * {{citation |last=Heehs |first=Peter |author-link=Peter Heehs |date=July 1994 |title=Foreign Influences on Bengali Revolutionary Terrorism 1902-1908 |journal=Modern Asian Studies |publisher= Cambridge University Press |volume=28 |issue=3 |pages=533–556 |issn=0026-749X |doi=10.1017/s0026749x00011859|s2cid=144649406 }}. | ||
* {{citation |last= Majumdar |first= Purnima|year= 2005 |title= Sri Aurobindo |publisher= Diamond Pocket Books (P) Ltd |isbn= 8128801945}}. | * {{citation |last= Majumdar |first= Purnima|year= 2005 |title= Sri Aurobindo |publisher= Diamond Pocket Books (P) Ltd |isbn= 8128801945}}. | ||
* {{citation |last= Mitra |first= Subrata K|year= 2006 |title= The Puzzle of India's Governance: Culture, Context and Comparative Theory |publisher= Routledge |place= New York|isbn= 0415348617}}. | * {{citation |last= Mitra |first= Subrata K|year= 2006 |title= The Puzzle of India's Governance: Culture, Context and Comparative Theory |publisher= Routledge |place= New York|isbn= 0415348617}}. | ||
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* {{citation |last= Radhan |first= O.P. |year= 2002 |title= Encyclopaedia of Political Parties |publisher= Anmol Publications PVT. LTD |place= New Delhi |isbn= 9788174888655}}. | * {{citation |last= Radhan |first= O.P. |year= 2002 |title= Encyclopaedia of Political Parties |publisher= Anmol Publications PVT. LTD |place= New Delhi |isbn= 9788174888655}}. | ||
* {{citation |last=Roy |first=Samaren |year=1997 |title=M. N. Roy: A Political Biography |publisher=Orient Longman |isbn=81-250-0299-5}} | * {{citation |last=Roy |first=Samaren |year=1997 |title=M. N. Roy: A Political Biography |publisher=Orient Longman |isbn=81-250-0299-5}} | ||
* {{citation |last=Roy |first=Shantimoy |year=2006 |chapter=India Freedom Struggle and Muslims |editor-last=Engineer |editor-first=Asghar Ali |editor-link=Asghar Ali Engineer |title=They Too Fought for India's Freedom: The Role of Minorities |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-XQCYl6T1vIC&pg=PA105 |series=Sources of History |volume= | * {{citation |last=Roy |first=Shantimoy |year=2006 |chapter=India Freedom Struggle and Muslims |editor-last=Engineer |editor-first=Asghar Ali |editor-link=Asghar Ali Engineer |title=They Too Fought for India's Freedom: The Role of Minorities |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-XQCYl6T1vIC&pg=PA105 |series=Sources of History |volume=III |publisher=Hope India Publications |page=105 |isbn=9788178710914}} | ||
* {{citation |editor-last=Saha |editor-first=Murari Mohan |date=2001 |title=Documents of The Revolutionary Socialist Party 1938-1947 A.D. |publisher=Sri Prabodh Kar |isbn=978-81-901193-0-6}}. | * {{citation |editor-last=Saha |editor-first=Murari Mohan |date=2001 |title=Documents of The Revolutionary Socialist Party 1938-1947 A.D. |publisher=Sri Prabodh Kar |isbn=978-81-901193-0-6}}. | ||
* {{Citation |last=Sen |first=Sailendra Nath |year=2010 |title=An Advanced History of Modern India |publisher=Macmillan | * {{Citation |last=Sen |first=Sailendra Nath |year=2010 |title=An Advanced History of Modern India |publisher=Macmillan | ||
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[[Category:Anushilan Samiti|History]] | [[Category:Anushilan Samiti|History]] | ||
[[Category:Organizations established in 1906]] | [[Category:Organizations established in 1906]] |