Nair - Revision history

104.23.170.17: Minor edits

2026-04-06T07:26:23Z

Minor edits

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:56, 6 April 2026
Line 197:		Line 197:
	The ''[[Mangalsutra\|thali]]'' is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The ''thalikettu kalyanam'' was the ritual during which the ''thali'' would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" />		The ''[[Mangalsutra\|thali]]'' is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The ''thalikettu kalyanam'' was the ritual during which the ''thali'' would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" />

	The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a ''tharavad'' who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The ''karnavan'' organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer~~, known as a ''[[Kaniyan]]''~~. A ''[[pandal]]'' was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil~~. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them~~. The person who tied the ''thali'' would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the ''tharavad'', and also ''vice versa''<ref name="Fuller1975p302">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 302</ref> since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the ''thali'' for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of [[Cochin]] in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the ~~Samantans~~.<ref name="Fullerp299-300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–300</ref> Having the ''thali'' of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls.<ref name="Fullerp300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 300</ref> The ''thali'' tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 295, 298</ref>		The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a ''tharavad'' who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The ''karnavan'' organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer. A ''[[pandal]]'' was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The person who tied the ''thali'' would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the ''tharavad'', and also ''vice versa''<ref name="Fuller1975p302">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 302</ref> since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the ''thali'' for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of [[Cochin]] in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantan Nairs.<ref name="Fullerp299-300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–300</ref> Having the ''thali'' of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls.<ref name="Fullerp300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 300</ref> The ''thali'' tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 295, 298</ref>

	The girl often never saw the man who tied the ''thali'' again and later married a different man during the ''sambandham''. However, although she ~~neither~~ mourned the death of her ''sambandham'' husband ~~nor became a widow~~, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her ''thali''. Panikkar argues that this proves that the ~~real,~~ religious marriage is the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the ''thali kalyanam'' legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp267-270">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 267–270</ref>		The girl often never saw the man who tied the ''thali'' again and later married a different man during the ''sambandham''. However, although she never mourned the death of her ''sambandham'' husband (although they were other rights involved), she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her ''thali''. Panikkar argues that this proves that the religious marriage is the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point.
	[[File:Naidu Nayar children (1872).jpg\|thumb\|upright=1.5\|Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=355–356\|ps=}}]]		[[File:Naidu Nayar children (1872).jpg\|thumb\|upright=1.5\|Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=355–356\|ps=}}]]
	It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the ''thali'' might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish ''thalikettu kalyanam ''rather than in the ''tharavadu''. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.<ref name="Fuller1975p301">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 301</ref> Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own ''thali'' tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the ''tharavadu'', leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.<ref name="Fuller1975pp302-303">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 302–303</ref>		It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the ''thali'' might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish ''thalikettu kalyanam ''rather than in the ''tharavadu''. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.<ref name="Fuller1975p301">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 301</ref> Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own ''thali'' tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the ''tharavadu'', leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.<ref name="Fuller1975pp302-303">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 302–303</ref>

172.71.95.73: Minor edits

2026-04-06T07:20:37Z

Minor edits

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:50, 6 April 2026
Line 235:		Line 235:

	==== Decline of traditional practices ====		==== Decline of traditional practices ====
	The practices of ''thalikettu kalyanam'', the ~~polyandrous~~ ''sambandhams'', and also the existence of large ''tharavads'' declined during the nineteenth century, as did that of hypergamy. ~~Monogamy and small~~ nuclear family units became the norm, as they were elsewhere in the country. This process occurred more rapidly in some areas than in others, and in Central Kerala the traditional systems still lingered as late as the 1960s, although hypergamy had largely disappeared everywhere by the 1920s.<ref name="Fuller1975p285">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 285</ref> A possible reason for the various rates of change across the region lies in the extent to which the various agrarian local economies were dominated by the Nairs.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29" />		The practices of ''thalikettu kalyanam'', the ''sambandhams'', and also the existence of large ''tharavads'' declined during the nineteenth century as NSS consolidated all elaborate Nair marriage rituals into a simple marriage ceremony, as did that of hypergamy. Small nuclear family units became the norm, as they were elsewhere in the country. This process occurred more rapidly in some areas than in others, and in Central Kerala the traditional systems still lingered as late as the 1960s, although hypergamy had largely disappeared everywhere by the 1920s.<ref name="Fuller1975p285">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 285</ref> A possible reason for the various rates of change across the region lies in the extent to which the various agrarian local economies were dominated by the Nairs.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29" />

	V. K. S. Nayar has said that, "the matrilineal system tends to produce a society at once hierarchical and authoritarian in outlook. The system is built round family pride as well as loyalty to the ''karavanar''".<ref>{{cite book \|title=State Politics in India \|chapter=Kerala Politics since 1947: Community Attitudes \|year=1967 \|editor-first=Iqbal \|editor-last=Narain \|first=V. K. S. \|last=Nayar \|page=153 \|volume=1965 \|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Bj9YAAAAMAAJ&q=authoritarian}}</ref> Nossiter cites this as one reason why it was "congruent with the role of a military caste in a feudal society."<ref name="Nossiter1982p28">[[#Nossiter1982\|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 28</ref> and explains that the decline in the traditional warrior role, the rise of an economy based on money, together with the ending of agricultural slavery and the effects of western education, all combined to cause the decline of the traditional practices. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between [[World War I]] and [[World War II]] where that dominance was lost,<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the 1930s when the [[Diwan (title)#Title\|Diwan]] [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer\|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] adopted a pro-Nair stance and an oppressive attitude towards communities such as the Syrian Christians.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20>{{cite book \|first1=J. \|last1=Devika \|first2=V. J. \|last2=Varghese \|date=March 2010 \|title=To Survive or to flourish? Minority rights and Syrian Christian assertions in 20th century Travancore \|publisher=Centre for Development Studies \|location=Trivandrum \|url=http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf \|pages=19–20 \|access-date=27 April 2012 \|url-status=dead \|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120526104825/http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf \|archive-date=26 May 2012 \|df=dmy-all }}</ref>{{efn\|The attitude of [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer\|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] during the 1930s reflected a concern among Hindus that the Christian population of Travancore was rising and that there was a consequent danger of the region becoming a Christian state. The 1931 census recorded over 31 per cent of the population as being Christian, compared to around 4 per cent in 1820.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20 />}} The main beneficiaries in the shifting balance of social influence were the Syrian Christians and the Ezhavas. The former, in particular, were in a position to acquire, often by subdivision, the economically unviable ''tharavad'' buildings and landholdings around the time of the [[Great Depression]]. The role of the Nair Service Society in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> This collapse of the rural society facilitated the rise of the socialist and communist political movements in the region.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29">[[#Nossiter1982\|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 29</ref>		V. K. S. Nayar has said that, "the matrilineal system tends to produce a society at once hierarchical and authoritarian in outlook. The system is built round family pride as well as loyalty to the ''karavanar''".<ref>{{cite book \|title=State Politics in India \|chapter=Kerala Politics since 1947: Community Attitudes \|year=1967 \|editor-first=Iqbal \|editor-last=Narain \|first=V. K. S. \|last=Nayar \|page=153 \|volume=1965 \|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Bj9YAAAAMAAJ&q=authoritarian}}</ref> Nossiter cites this as one reason why it was "congruent with the role of a military caste in a feudal society."<ref name="Nossiter1982p28">[[#Nossiter1982\|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 28</ref> and explains that the decline in the traditional warrior role, the rise of an economy based on money, together with the ending of agricultural slavery and the effects of western education, all combined to cause the decline of the traditional practices. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between [[World War I]] and [[World War II]] where that dominance was lost,<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the 1930s when the [[Diwan (title)#Title\|Diwan]] [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer\|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] adopted a pro-Nair stance and an oppressive attitude towards communities such as the Syrian Christians.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20>{{cite book \|first1=J. \|last1=Devika \|first2=V. J. \|last2=Varghese \|date=March 2010 \|title=To Survive or to flourish? Minority rights and Syrian Christian assertions in 20th century Travancore \|publisher=Centre for Development Studies \|location=Trivandrum \|url=http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf \|pages=19–20 \|access-date=27 April 2012 \|url-status=dead \|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120526104825/http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf \|archive-date=26 May 2012 \|df=dmy-all }}</ref>{{efn\|The attitude of [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer\|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] during the 1930s reflected a concern among Hindus that the Christian population of Travancore was rising and that there was a consequent danger of the region becoming a Christian state. The 1931 census recorded over 31 per cent of the population as being Christian, compared to around 4 per cent in 1820.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20 />}} The main beneficiaries in the shifting balance of social influence were the Syrian Christians and the Ezhavas. The former, in particular, were in a position to acquire, often by subdivision, the economically unviable ''tharavad'' buildings and landholdings around the time of the [[Great Depression]]. The role of the Nair Service Society in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> This collapse of the rural society facilitated the rise of the socialist and communist political movements in the region.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29">[[#Nossiter1982\|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 29</ref>

104.23.172.110: Rectified mistakes and misconceptions regarding hypergamy

2026-04-06T07:18:02Z

Rectified mistakes and misconceptions regarding hypergamy

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:48, 6 April 2026
Line 214:		Line 214:

	==== Hypergamy ====		==== Hypergamy ====
	The Nambudiri Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of marriage within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. Gough notes that {{quote\|These hypergamous unions were regarded by Brahmans as socially acceptable ~~concubinage~~, for the union was not initiated with Vedic rites, the children were not legitimized as Brahmans, and neither the woman nor her child was accorded the rights of kin. By the matrilineal castes, however, the same unions were regarded as marriage, for they fulfilled the conditions of ordinary Nayar marriage and served to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of his matrilineal lineage and caste.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=320\|ps=}}}}		The Nambudiri Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of Vedic marriage to eldest within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. Gough notes that
			{{quote\|These hypergamous unions were regarded by Brahmans as socially acceptable relationships, for the union was not initiated with Vedic rites, the children were not legitimized as Brahmans, and neither the woman nor her child was accorded the rights of kin. By the matrilineal castes, however, the same unions were regarded as marriage, for they fulfilled the conditions of ordinary Nayar marriage and served to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of his matrilineal lineage and caste.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=320\|ps=}}}}

	The disparity in caste ranking in ~~a relationship~~ between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to ~~live with her husband(s)~~ in the ~~Brahmin family and so remained in her own family. The~~ children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. ~~Panikkar argues that it is this type of relationship that resulted in the matrilineal and matrilocal system.<ref name="Panikkar1918p265">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 265.</ref>~~ It has also been argued that the practice, along with judicious selection of the man who tied the ''thali'', formed a part of the Nair aspirational culture whereby they would seek to improve their status within the caste. Furthermore, that {{quote\|... among the higher-ranking Nayars (and Kshatriyas and Samantans) in contradistinction to the "commoner" Nayars, no two subdivisions admitted to equal status. Thus the relations set up by the tall-rite [ie: the ''thalikettu kalyanam''] and the sambandham union were always hypergamous.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298" />}}		The disparity in caste ranking in this marriage between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to access kitchen or prayer rooms of a Brahmin household. And since these marriages were conducted in the matrilineal tradition, the children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. It has also been argued that the practice, along with judicious selection of the man who tied the ''thali'', formed a part of the Nair aspirational culture whereby they would seek to improve their status within the caste. Furthermore, that {{quote\|... among the higher-ranking Nayars (and Kshatriyas and Samantans) in contradistinction to the "commoner" Nayars, no two subdivisions admitted to equal status. Thus the relations set up by the tall-rite [ie: the ''thalikettu kalyanam''] and the sambandham union were always hypergamous.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298" />}}

	Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-293">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 292–293, 302</ref>		Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-293">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 292–293, 302</ref>

			However if we look at the matrilineal system, whether the groom is someone from the same caste or a relatively higher caste, the child will always belong to the mothers caste without any change in caste status. Therefore the hypergamous theory does not make much sense as it does not affect social mobility.

	==== Polygamy and Polyandry ====		==== Polygamy and Polyandry ====

172.71.99.95: Edits regarding misconceptions among polygamy and polyandry

2026-04-06T07:11:22Z

Edits regarding misconceptions among polygamy and polyandry

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:41, 6 April 2026
Line 220:		Line 220:
	Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-293">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 292–293, 302</ref>		Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-293">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 292–293, 302</ref>

	==== Polyandry ====		==== Polygamy and Polyandry ====
	~~{{See also\|Polyandry in India}}~~		Fuller argues that in a Nair marriage either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished.<ref name="Fuller1975p296">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 296</ref>
	Fuller argues that ~~there is overwhelming evidence that~~ Nair ~~women as well as men had more than one ''sambandham'' partner at the same time, that "both men and women could have several partners at once, and~~ either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished."<ref name="Fuller1975p296">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 296</ref>

	He believes ~~that both polyandrous ''sambandhams''~~ and ~~hypergamy were most common in~~ Central ~~Kerala. In northern~~ Travancore ~~there appears not to have been as great a prevalence of hypergamy because of a relative scarcity of Brahmins living there~~. Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore [[monogamy]] may have been predominant, and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the ''tharavad'' of her husband.<ref name="Fuller1975pp284-285">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 284–285</ref><ref name="Gough1965">{{cite journal \| title=A Note on Nayar Marriage\| first=Kathleen \|last=Gough\| journal=Man\|publisher=Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland\| date=January–February 1965\| volume=65\| pages=8–11\| jstor=2796033 \| doi=10.2307/2796033 }}</ref>		Fuller believes thay in North and Central Travancore polygamy was often practiced. Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore [[monogamy]] may have been predominant, and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the ''tharavad'' of her husband.<ref name="Fuller1975pp284-285">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 284–285</ref><ref name="Gough1965">{{cite journal \| title=A Note on Nayar Marriage\| first=Kathleen \|last=Gough\| journal=Man\|publisher=Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland\| date=January–February 1965\| volume=65\| pages=8–11\| jstor=2796033 \| doi=10.2307/2796033 }}</ref>[[File:Raja Ravi Varma, Reclining Woman.jpg\|thumb\|upright=1.5\|Reclining Nayar Woman (1902) by Raja Ravi Varma shows a Nair lady,<ref name="Dinkar p10">{{cite journal \| last=Dinkar \| first=Niharika \| title=Private Lives and Interior Spaces: Raja Ravi Varma's Scholar Paintings \| journal=Art History \| publisher=Wiley \| volume=37 \| issue=3 \| date=2014-04-11 \| issn=0141-6790 \| doi=10.1111/1467-8365.12085 \| page=10\| url=https://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1010&context=art_facpubs }}</ref><ref name="Sen 2002 p.76 ">{{cite book \| last=Sen \| first=G. \| title=Feminine fables: imaging the Indian woman in painting, photography, and cinema \| publisher=Mapin Publishing \| year=2002 \| isbn=978-81-85822-88-4 \| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_AEqAAAAYAAJ \| access-date=2018-07-09 \| page=76}}</ref> identified as the character Indulekha, a main character from a Malayalam novel of the same name.<ref name="Dinkar p10" /> The novel had criticized the Nair matrilocal and matrilineal system; notably the marriages with Nambudiri Brahmins.<ref name="Fuller1976p128">[[#Fuller1976\|Fuller (1976)]] p128</ref>{{sfn \| Arunima \| 1995 \| pp=161-162}}]]

	~~Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree state that while Nair women were maritally involved with a number of men, the men were also married to more~~ than one woman. The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than "sexual liaison" and legitimacy for the children.<ref>{{cite journal \| title=Conclusion: Asian and African Systems of Polyandry\| first1=Nancy E. \|last1=Levine \|first2=Walter H. \|last2=Sangree\| journal=Journal of Comparative Family Studies\| year=1980\| volume=XI (3)\| page=399}}Quote:The nature of the Nayar system was that just as a woman was involved in marital relationships with ~~a number of men, a man was married~~ to ~~a number of women. Nayar women and their husbands traditionally did not live together in~~ the ~~same household. Husbands were obliged to present their wives certain gifts at specified times, but their relationship had little significance beyond the sexual liaison and the provision~~ of ~~legitimacy to children produced~~ in the ~~marriage. Since the men resided separately and were not ranked in any way~~, ~~Nayar co-husbandship cannot be typified by the hierarchy characteristic~~ of ~~associated marriage or the solidarity of fraternal~~ polyandry~~. Also~~ in ~~contrast with both fraternal and associated systems, the men who visited a single woman could not be brothers, nor could a man have sexual relations with two women of the same household~~. ~~That is, fraternal~~ polyandry and ~~sororal polygyny were prohibited.</ref>~~		Gough has gone further than Fuller with regard to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry among Nairs in that area at all. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry and polygamy came from the region of Central Kerala. Gough notes the personal experiences of earlier Nair commentators and that this could go some way to explaining the varied pronouncement.
	[[File:Raja Ravi Varma, Reclining Woman.jpg\|thumb\|upright=1.5\|Reclining Nayar Woman (1902) by Raja Ravi Varma shows a Nair lady,<ref name="Dinkar p10">{{cite journal \| last=Dinkar \| first=Niharika \| title=Private Lives and Interior Spaces: Raja Ravi Varma's Scholar Paintings \| journal=Art History \| publisher=Wiley \| volume=37 \| issue=3 \| date=2014-04-11 \| issn=0141-6790 \| doi=10.1111/1467-8365.12085 \| page=10\| url=https://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1010&context=art_facpubs }}</ref><ref name="Sen 2002 p.76 ">{{cite book \| last=Sen \| first=G. \| title=Feminine fables: imaging the ~~Indian woman in painting, photography, and cinema \| publisher=Mapin Publishing \| year=2002 \| isbn=978-81-85822-88-4 \| url=https://books.google~~.~~com/books?id=_AEqAAAAYAAJ \| access-date=2018-07-09 \| page=76}}</ref> identified as~~ the ~~character Indulekha, a main character from a Malayalam novel~~ of ~~the same name.<ref name="Dinkar p10" /> The novel had criticized the~~ Nair ~~matrilocal~~ and ~~matrilineal system; notably~~ the ~~relationships with Nambudiri Brahmins~~.~~<ref name="Fuller1976p128">[[#Fuller1976\|Fuller (1976)]] p128</ref>{{sfn \| Arunima \| 1995 \| pp=161-162}}]]~~

	Gough has gone further than Fuller with regard to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry in that area at all. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry came from the region of Central Kerala. Gough notes the differing personal experiences of earlier Nair commentators and that this could go some way to explaining the varied pronouncement: Panikkar, who ~~queries~~ the existence of polyandry, comes from the northern Travancore region; that [[A. Aiyappan]], who acknowledges its existence, comes from Central Kerala; and that both have based their writings on customs they grew up with in their very different environs.<ref name="Gough1965" />		Panikkar, who does not support the existence of polyandry, comes from the northern Travancore region; that [[A. Aiyappan]], who acknowledges its existence, comes from Central Kerala; and that both have based their writings on customs they grew up with in their very different environs wifh Panikkar being a Nair and A.Aiyappan being an Ezhava.<ref name="Gough1965" />

			Howeve overall historians who have actually spent time with the community, assert that there exists no authenticated case of polyandry among the Nairs. The evidence presented for such a custom during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries primarily stems from accounts provided by foreign travelers who were prohibited from approaching within sixty yards of a Nair's residence, and relied only on their presumes inferences about the matrlineal system of Nairs. Consequently, their testimonies offer an exceedingly unsatisfactory basis for definitive conclusions regarding Nair customs<ref>Panikkar, K. M. (July 1918). [https://www.jstor.org/stable/2843423 "Some Aspects of Nayar Life"]. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 48: 254–293. doi:[https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2843423 10.2307/2843423]. JSTOR 2843423.</ref>

	==== Decline of traditional practices ====		==== Decline of traditional practices ====

141.101.76.47: Minor edits clarifying caste status confusions among Nairs

2026-04-06T06:56:42Z

Minor edits clarifying caste status confusions among Nairs

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:26, 6 April 2026
Line 98:		Line 98:

	=== Social organization ===		=== Social organization ===
	By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found anywhere in India. There were over 500 groups represented in an elaborate structure of relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to [[untouchability]] but even further, to [[unapproachability]]. The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those reformers, [[Swami Vivekananda]], having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes. The usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving the ''varnas'' of ''Brahmin'' (priest), ''Kshatriya'' (warrior), ''Vaishya'' (business person, involved in trading, entrepreneurship and finance) and ''Shudra'' (service person), did not exist. ''Kshatriyas'' were rare and the ''Vaishyas'' were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks were taken to some extent by ~~a few~~ Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27">[[#Nossiter1982\|Nossiter (1982)]] pp. 25–27</ref>		By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found anywhere in India. There were over 500 groups represented in an elaborate structure of relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to [[untouchability]] but even further, to [[unapproachability]]. The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those reformers, [[Swami Vivekananda]], having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes. The usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving the ''varnas'' of ''Brahmin'' (priest), ''Kshatriya'' (warrior), ''Vaishya'' (business person, involved in trading, entrepreneurship and finance) and ''Shudra'' (service person), did not exist. Dwija (twice-born) ''Kshatriyas'' were rare and the ''Vaishyas'' were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks were taken to some extent by Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27">[[#Nossiter1982\|Nossiter (1982)]] pp. 25–27</ref>

	The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked even the kings.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=306\|ps=}} They regarded all Nairs as ''[[Shudra]]''. Below the Nambudiris came the [[Tamil Brahmin]]s and other later immigrants of the Brahmin ''varna''. Beyond this, the precise ranking is subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the [[Samantan]] caste below the Kshatriya rank but above the Nairs, but Gough considers that the [[Pushpaka Brahmin\|Pushpagans]] and [[Chakyar]]s, both of which were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as [[Ambalavasi]]s, were ranked between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi group.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=309–311\|ps=}} She also believes that some Nairs adopted the title of Samantan in order to emphasise their superiority over others in their caste.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=307–308\|ps=}} The unwillingness of the higher ''varnas'' to engage in what they considered to be the polluting activities of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as a reason for the region's relatively limited economic development.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Kodoth2008">{{cite journal \|title=Gender, Caste and Matchmaking in Kerala: A Rationale for Dowry \|first=Praveena \|last=Kodoth \|journal=Development and Change \|volume=39 \|issue=2 \|pages=263–283 \|year=2008 \|publisher=Institute of Social Studies \|doi=10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00479.x}}{{subscription required}}</ref><ref name="Fullerpp299-301">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–301</ref>		The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked even the kings.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=306\|ps=}} They regarded all Nairs as ''[[Shudra]]'' despite proper Nairs being Vratya Kshatriya<ref>Castes of Malabar" in the Kerala Society Papers, [General Editor: T. K. Joseph] Series 9, 1932, alias Vol. II, 1997 reprint, Thiruvananthapuram, Gazetteers Dept., Govt. of Kerala, pp. 171 - 204.</ref>. Below the Nambudiris came the [[Tamil Brahmin]]s and other later immigrants of the Brahmin ''varna''. Beyond this, the precise ranking is subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the [[Samantan]] Nair caste below the Kshatriya rank but above the proper Nairs, but Gough considers that the [[Pushpaka Brahmin\|Pushpagans]] and [[Chakyar]]s, both of which were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as [[Ambalavasi]]s, were ranked between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi group.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=309–311\|ps=}} She also believes that some ruling Nairs adopted the title of Samantan in order to emphasise their superiority over others in their caste.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=307–308\|ps=}} The unwillingness of the higher ''varnas'' to engage in what they considered to be the polluting activities of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as a reason for the region's relatively limited economic development.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Kodoth2008">{{cite journal \|title=Gender, Caste and Matchmaking in Kerala: A Rationale for Dowry \|first=Praveena \|last=Kodoth \|journal=Development and Change \|volume=39 \|issue=2 \|pages=263–283 \|year=2008 \|publisher=Institute of Social Studies \|doi=10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00479.x}}{{subscription required}}</ref><ref name="Fullerpp299-301">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–301</ref>

	Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. For example, [[Dalits]] were prohibited within 64 feet.<ref>{{cite journal \|first=Dilip M. \|last=Menon \|title=The Moral Community of the Teyyattam: Popular Culture in Late Colonial Malabar \|journal=Studies in History \|date=August 1993 \|volume=9 \|pages=187–217 \|issue=2 \|doi=10.1177/025764309300900203\|s2cid=161804169 }}{{subscription required}}</ref> Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a Nambudiri.<ref name="Sharma2004">{{cite book\|author=Rajendra Kumar Sharma\|title=Rural Sociology\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Cq99HbGpIWsC&pg=PA150\|access-date=23 May 2011\|date=1 January 2004\|publisher=Atlantic Publishers & Dist\|isbn=978-81-7156-671-6\|page=150}}</ref>		Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. For example, [[Dalits]] were prohibited within 64 feet of a Nair.<ref>{{cite journal \|first=Dilip M. \|last=Menon \|title=The Moral Community of the Teyyattam: Popular Culture in Late Colonial Malabar \|journal=Studies in History \|date=August 1993 \|volume=9 \|pages=187–217 \|issue=2 \|doi=10.1177/025764309300900203\|s2cid=161804169 }}{{subscription required}}</ref> Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a Nambudiri.<ref name="Sharma2004">{{cite book\|author=Rajendra Kumar Sharma\|title=Rural Sociology\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Cq99HbGpIWsC&pg=PA150\|access-date=23 May 2011\|date=1 January 2004\|publisher=Atlantic Publishers & Dist\|isbn=978-81-7156-671-6\|page=150}}</ref>

	==== Subgroups ====		==== Subgroups ====
	The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961. These analyses bear similarities to the ''[[Jatinirnayam]]'', a Malayalam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the ''Kiriyam'' and ''Illam''. Although the ''Jatinirnayam'' did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup (''vibhagam'') to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king. These ~~names~~ included ~~''Nair'' itself,~~ ''Kurup'', ''Menon'', and ''[[Pillai (Nair title)\|Pillai]]''.<ref name="Fuller1975pp286-289">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 286–289</ref>		The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961. These analyses bear similarities to the ''[[Jatinirnayam]]'', a Malayalam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the ''Kiriyam'' and ''Illam''. Although the ''Jatinirnayam'' did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup (''vibhagam'') to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king. These titles included ''Kurup'', ''Menon'', and ''[[Pillai (Nair title)\|Pillai]]''.<ref name="Fuller1975pp286-289">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 286–289</ref>

	{\| class="wikitable collapsible collapsed" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto;"		{\| class="wikitable collapsible collapsed" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto;"
Line 162:		Line 162:
	The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include [[Joan Mencher]], proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the ''Veluttetan'', ''Chakkala'' and ''Vilakkittalavan'', would take titles such as ''Nair'' or ''Nayar'' in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them. It has also been postulated that some [[exogamous group\|exogamous]] families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became an [[endogamous group\|endogamous]] subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere.<ref name="Fuller1975pp291-292">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 291–292, 305</ref> The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social mobility within the Nair community as a whole.<ref name="Fuller1975p303">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 303</ref>		The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include [[Joan Mencher]], proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the ''Veluttetan'', ''Chakkala'' and ''Vilakkittalavan'', would take titles such as ''Nair'' or ''Nayar'' in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them. It has also been postulated that some [[exogamous group\|exogamous]] families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became an [[endogamous group\|endogamous]] subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere.<ref name="Fuller1975pp291-292">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 291–292, 305</ref> The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social mobility within the Nair community as a whole.<ref name="Fuller1975p303">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 303</ref>

	Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopted [[hypergamy]] and would utilise the rituals of ''[[Kettu Kalyanam\|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and ''[[sambandham]]'', which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-295+298">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 293–295, 298</ref>		Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Dwija Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopted [[hypergamy]] and would utilise the rituals of ''[[Kettu Kalyanam\|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and ''[[sambandham]]'', which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-295+298">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 293–295, 298</ref>

	==== Attempts to achieve caste cohesion ====		==== Attempts to achieve caste cohesion ====
Line 176:		Line 176:

	==== Present day ====		==== Present day ====
	Today, the government of India does not treat the Nair community as a single entity. It classifies ~~some~~, such as the Illathu and [[Swaroopathil Nair\|Swaroopathu]] Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections, such as the Veluthedathu, [[Velakkathala Nayar\|Vilakkithala]] and Andhra Nairs, as [[Backward class\|Other Backward Classes]].<ref>{{cite web\|url=http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1\|access-date=12 June 2011\|title=List of Other Backward Communities\|publisher=District of Thiruvananthapuram\|url-status=dead\|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120322053123/http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1\|archive-date=22 March 2012\|df=dmy-all}}</ref> These classifications are for the purpose of determining which groups of people in certain areas are subject to [[positive discrimination]] policies for the purposes of education and employment.		Today, the government of India does not treat the modern day Nair community as a single entity. It classifies proper subcastes, such as the Illathu and [[Swaroopathil Nair\|Swaroopathu]] Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections of Non-Nair origin, such as the Veluthedathu, [[Velakkathala Nayar\|Vilakkithala]] and Andhra Nairs, as [[Backward class\|Other Backward Classes]].<ref>{{cite web\|url=http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1\|access-date=12 June 2011\|title=List of Other Backward Communities\|publisher=District of Thiruvananthapuram\|url-status=dead\|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120322053123/http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1\|archive-date=22 March 2012\|df=dmy-all}}</ref> These classifications are for the purpose of determining which groups of people in certain areas are subject to [[positive discrimination]] policies for the purposes of education and employment.

	== Historical matrilineal system ==		== Historical matrilineal system ==

162.158.170.52: Minor edits

2026-04-06T06:39:17Z

Minor edits

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:09, 6 April 2026
Line 91:		Line 91:
	The ''desavazhi'' had the right to operate ''[[kalari]]s'', which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar]] pp. 257–258</ref>		The ''desavazhi'' had the right to operate ''[[kalari]]s'', which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar]] pp. 257–258</ref>

	According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the ''desavazhi'' (headman) and in all cases their families were known as ''[[jenmi]]s''. These landlords were from the lineages of the royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest ''jenmis'' in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=307–308\|ps=}}		According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the ''desavazhi'' (headman) and in all cases their families were known as ''[[jenmi]]s''. These landlords were from the lineages of the Nair royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest ''jenmis'' in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=307–308\|ps=}}

	The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=302–303\|ps=}} The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" />		The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=302–303\|ps=}} The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" />

	Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the temples of the ''sanketams'', the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they ~~might have~~ access to the outer courtyard area. Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to [[Bhagavadi]], that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=310\|ps=}}		Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the special temples of the ''sanketams'', the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they had access to the outer courtyard and sometimes the inner courtyard area barring the garbagriha (idol room). Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to [[Bhagavadi]], that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=310\|ps=}}

	=== Social organization ===		=== Social organization ===

162.158.170.52: Minor edits

2026-04-06T06:31:36Z

Minor edits

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:01, 6 April 2026
Line 14:		Line 14:
	\| related_groups =		\| related_groups =
	}}		}}
	The '''Nair''' {{IPAc-en\|ˈ\|n\|aɪər}}, also known as '''Nayar''', are a group of [[India]]n Hindu [[caste]]s, described by anthropologist [[Kathleen Gough]] as "not a unitary group but a named category of castes". The Nair include several castes and many subdivisions, not all of whom historically bore the name 'Nair'.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=312\|ps=}}<ref name="Fuller1975p309">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 309</ref> These people lived, and continue to live, in the area which is now the Indian state of [[Kerala]]. Their internal [[caste]] behaviours and systems are markedly different between the people in the northern and southern sections of the area, although there is not ~~very~~ much ~~reliable~~ information on those inhabiting the north.<ref name="Fuller1975p284">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 284</ref>		The '''Nair''' {{IPAc-en\|ˈ\|n\|aɪər}}, also known as '''Nayar''', are a group of [[India]]n Hindu [[caste]]s, described by anthropologist [[Kathleen Gough]] as "not a unitary group but a named category of castes". The present label of Nair include several castes and many subdivisions, not all of whom historically bore the name 'Nair'.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=312\|ps=}}<ref name="Fuller1975p309">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 309</ref> These people lived, and continue to live, in the area which is now the Indian state of [[Kerala]]. Their internal [[caste]] behaviours and systems are markedly different between the people in the northern and southern sections of the area, although there is not much extensive information on those inhabiting the north.<ref name="Fuller1975p284">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 284</ref>

	Historically, Nairs lived in large family units called ''[[tharavad]]s'' that housed descendants of one common female ancestor. These family units along with their ~~unusual~~ marriage customs, which are no longer practiced, have been much studied. Although the detail varied from one region to the next, the main points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two particular rituals—the pre-pubertal ''[[Kettu Kalyanam\|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and the later ''[[sambandam]]''—and the practice of [[polygamy]] in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced [[hypergamy]] with [[Nambudiri]] Brahmins from the [[Malabar region]].		Historically, Nairs lived in large family units called ''[[tharavad]]s'' that housed descendants of one common female ancestor. These family units along with their matrilineal marriage customs, which are no longer practiced, have been much studied. Although the detail varied from one region to the next, the main points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two particular rituals—the pre-pubertal ''[[Kettu Kalyanam\|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and the later defacto marriage ''[[sambandam]]''—and the practice of [[polygamy]] in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced [[hypergamy\|hypergamous marriage]] with [[Nambudiri]] Brahmins from the [[Malabar region]].

	The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. Following hostilities between the Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the [[British Indian Army]]. After [[Indian independence movement\|India's independence]], the [[Nair Brigade]] of the [[Travancore]] State Force was merged into the [[Indian Army]] and became a part of the [[9th Battalion, Madras Regiment]], the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.		The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. Following hostilities between the Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the [[British Indian Army]]. After [[Indian independence movement\|India's independence]], the [[Nair Brigade]] of the [[Travancore]] State Force was merged into the [[Indian Army]] and became a part of the [[9th Battalion, Madras Regiment]], the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.

	The [[Snake\|serpent]] is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The [[Snake worship\|worship of snakes]], a [[Dravidian peoples\|Dravidian]] custom,<ref name="Nayar1974">{{cite book\|author=K. Balachandran Nayar\|title=In quest of Kerala\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EXIeAAAAMAAJ\|access-date=3 June 2011\|year=1974\|publisher=Accent Publications\|page=85 \|quote=The Dravidian people of Kerala were serpent worshippers.}}</ref> is so prevalent in the area that one [[anthropologist]] notes: "In no part of the world is snake worship more general than in Kerala."<ref name="Iyer1968">{{cite book\|author=L. A. Krishna Iyer\|title=Social history of Kerala\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UU5DAAAAYAAJ\|access-date=3 June 2011\|year=1968\|publisher=Book Centre Publications\|page=104}}</ref> Serpent groves were found in the southwestern corner of nearly every Nair compound.<ref name="Subramanian (M.A.)1985">{{cite book\|author1=K. R. Subramanian\|author2=K. R. Subramanian (M.A.)\|title=The origin of Saivism and its history in the Tamil land\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jHaVqNy-V6UC&pg=PA15\|access-date=3 June 2011 \|edition=Reprinted \|year=1985 \|orig-year=1929\|publisher=Asian Educational Services\|isbn=978-81-206-0144-4\|pages=15–}}</ref>		The [[Snake\|serpent]] is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The [[Snake worship\|worship of snakes]] and Naga dieties is so prevalent in the area that one [[anthropologist]] notes: "In no part of the world is snake worship more general than in Kerala."<ref name="Iyer1968">{{cite book\|author=L. A. Krishna Iyer\|title=Social history of Kerala\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UU5DAAAAYAAJ\|access-date=3 June 2011\|year=1968\|publisher=Book Centre Publications\|page=104}}</ref> Serpent groves were found in the southwestern corner of nearly every Nair compound.<ref name="Subramanian (M.A.)1985">{{cite book\|author1=K. R. Subramanian\|author2=K. R. Subramanian (M.A.)\|title=The origin of Saivism and its history in the Tamil land\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jHaVqNy-V6UC&pg=PA15\|access-date=3 June 2011 \|edition=Reprinted \|year=1985 \|orig-year=1929\|publisher=Asian Educational Services\|isbn=978-81-206-0144-4\|pages=15–}}</ref>

	== History ==		== History ==

162.158.162.4: Minor edits related to rectifying misconceptions about Sambandham

2026-04-05T11:00:50Z

Minor edits related to rectifying misconceptions about Sambandham

← Older revision		Revision as of 16:30, 5 April 2026
Line 205:		Line 205:
	==== Sambandham ====		==== Sambandham ====
	{{Main\|Sambandham}}		{{Main\|Sambandham}}
	Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was ''sambandham'', a word that comes from [[Sanskrit]] and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman had ''sambandham'' ~~relationships~~ with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. ~~He is of the opinion that the system existed principally to facilitate the wedding of Nair women to Nambudiri Brahmins.~~ In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage. This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and [[primogeniture]]. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste. The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their ''thali'', provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent (however far back that may be) or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 270–271</ref>		Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was ''sambandham'', a word that comes from [[Sanskrit]] and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman had ''sambandham'' marriages with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage. This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and [[primogeniture]]. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste. The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their ''thali'', provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent (however far back that may be) or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 270–271</ref>

	The ''sambandham'' ceremony was simple compared to the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', being marked by the gift of clothes (''pudava'') to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayalam festivals. If the ''sambandham'' partner was a Brahmin man or the woman's father's sister's son (which was considered a proper marriage because it was outside the direct line of female descent) then the presentation was a low-key affair. However, ''sambandham'' rituals were more elaborate, sometimes including feasts, when a "stranger" from within the Nair caste married the woman. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />		The ''sambandham'' ceremony although marked with many wedding rituals was simple compared to the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', being marked by the gift of clothes (''pudava'') to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement. The pompous nature of the Sambandham ceremony depended on the status of the families involved. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayalam festivals. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />

	The ''sambandham'' relationship was usually arranged by the ''karanavan'' but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first ''sambandham'' of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such ~~relationships~~ increased his reputation in his community. ''Sambandham'' ~~relationships~~ could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a ''karavanan'' forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman.<ref name="Moore1988" /> Marriage by ''sambandham'' was ~~neither~~ legally recognised ~~nor~~ binding. ~~The~~ relationship could end at will and the participants could remarry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate ''sambandham'' marriages by the Nayar Regulation Act of 1912 in Travancore and the [[Malabar Marriage Act, 1896\|Malabar Marriage Act]] of 1896 in British Malabar were not very successful.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />		The ''sambandham'' relationship was usually arranged by the ''karanavan'' but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first ''sambandham'' of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such marriages increased his reputation in his community. ''Sambandham'' marriages could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a ''karavanan'' forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman.<ref name="Moore1988" /> Marriage by ''sambandham'' was legally recognised and binding according to observations by William Logan. However the relationship could end at will by both parties and the participants could remarry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate ''sambandham'' marriages in colonial era by the Nayar Regulation Act of 1912 in Travancore and the [[Malabar Marriage Act, 1896\|Malabar Marriage Act]] of 1896 in British Malabar were not very successful.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />

	Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her ''sambandham'' ~~partners~~ if she was to avoid being out-caste, sold into slavery or even executed. ~~There~~ was ~~a presumption that unclaimed children were the consequence of her having a relationship with a man from a lower caste, which could~~ not ~~be the case if the child was claimed because of the caste restrictions imposed~~ in the ~~selection of ''sambandham'' partners:~~{{quote\|... a caste is a bilateral grouping and a child's place in the caste society cannot be determined by only one parent. Further, the Indian system of status attribution, under most circumstances, proscribes sexual relations between a woman and a man of status lower than herself, and generally denies to any children born of such a union membership of either parent's caste. For these reasons, some recognition of paternity and an assurance that the genitor is of the right status is necessary - even if it is only the minimal one of a man asserting paternity.<ref name="Fuller1975pp296-297">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 296–297</ref>}}		Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her ''sambandham'' husband's (whether present or divorced) if she was to avoid being out-caste, sold into slavery or even executed. Adultery was not tolerated in the Nair society.{{quote\|... a caste is a bilateral grouping and a child's place in the caste society cannot be determined by only one parent. Further, the Indian system of status attribution, under most circumstances, proscribes sexual relations between a woman and a man of status lower than herself, and generally denies to any children born of such a union membership of either parent's caste. For these reasons, some recognition of paternity and an assurance that the genitor is of the right status is necessary - even if it is only the minimal one of a man asserting paternity.<ref name="Fuller1975pp296-297">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 296–297</ref>}}

	==== Hypergamy ====		==== Hypergamy ====

CleanupBot: Removing protection template from an unprotected page

2023-07-24T06:19:40Z

Removing protection template from an unprotected page

← Older revision		Revision as of 11:49, 24 July 2023
Line 1:		Line 1:
	{{Short description\|Caste group in India}}		{{Short description\|Caste group in India}}
	{{About\|a Hindu caste\|other uses\|Nair (disambiguation)}}		{{About\|a Hindu caste\|other uses\|Nair (disambiguation)}}
	~~{{pp-30-500\|small=yes}}~~<!-- do not remove, see [[Special:PermaLink/698674019#Palestine-Israel articles 3 (2): Arbitrator views and discussion]] -->		<!-- do not remove, see [[Special:PermaLink/698674019#Palestine-Israel articles 3 (2): Arbitrator views and discussion]] -->
	{{Infobox ethnic group		{{Infobox ethnic group
	\|group=		\|group=

Ajay Kumar: Included a reliable source for verification.

2023-07-23T15:03:20Z

Included a reliable source for verification.

← Older revision		Revision as of 20:33, 23 July 2023
Line 1:		Line 1:
	{{Short description\|Caste group in India}}		{{Short description\|Caste group in India}}
	{{About\|a Hindu caste\|other uses\|Nair (disambiguation)}}		{{About\|a Hindu caste\|other uses\|Nair (disambiguation)}}
	<!-- do not remove, see [[Special:PermaLink/698674019#Palestine-Israel articles 3 (2): Arbitrator views and discussion]] -->		{{pp-30-500\|small=yes}}<!-- do not remove, see [[Special:PermaLink/698674019#Palestine-Israel articles 3 (2): Arbitrator views and discussion]] -->
	{{Infobox ethnic group		{{Infobox ethnic group
	\|group=		\|group=
Line 294:		Line 294:

	== External links ==		== External links ==
			{{Commons category\|Nair}}
	* {{cite web \|url=http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm \|title=Digital Colonial Documents (India) \|url-status=dead \|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070901154501/http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm \|archive-date=1 September 2007 \|df=dmy-all }}		* {{cite web \|url=http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm \|title=Digital Colonial Documents (India) \|url-status=dead \|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070901154501/http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm \|archive-date=1 September 2007 \|df=dmy-all }}

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:56, 6 April 2026
Line 197:		Line 197:
	The ''[[Mangalsutra\|thali]]'' is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The ''thalikettu kalyanam'' was the ritual during which the ''thali'' would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" />		The ''[[Mangalsutra\|thali]]'' is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The ''thalikettu kalyanam'' was the ritual during which the ''thali'' would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" />

	The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a ''tharavad'' who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The ''karnavan'' organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer~~, known as a ''[[Kaniyan]]''~~. A ''[[pandal]]'' was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil~~. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them~~. The person who tied the ''thali'' would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the ''tharavad'', and also ''vice versa''<ref name="Fuller1975p302">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 302</ref> since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the ''thali'' for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of [[Cochin]] in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the ~~Samantans~~.<ref name="Fullerp299-300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–300</ref> Having the ''thali'' of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls.<ref name="Fullerp300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 300</ref> The ''thali'' tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 295, 298</ref>		The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a ''tharavad'' who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The ''karnavan'' organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer. A ''[[pandal]]'' was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The person who tied the ''thali'' would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the ''tharavad'', and also ''vice versa''<ref name="Fuller1975p302">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 302</ref> since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the ''thali'' for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of [[Cochin]] in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantan Nairs.<ref name="Fullerp299-300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–300</ref> Having the ''thali'' of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls.<ref name="Fullerp300">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 300</ref> The ''thali'' tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 295, 298</ref>

	The girl often never saw the man who tied the ''thali'' again and later married a different man during the ''sambandham''. However, although she ~~neither~~ mourned the death of her ''sambandham'' husband ~~nor became a widow~~, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her ''thali''. Panikkar argues that this proves that the ~~real,~~ religious marriage is the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the ''thali kalyanam'' legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp267-270">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 267–270</ref>		The girl often never saw the man who tied the ''thali'' again and later married a different man during the ''sambandham''. However, although she never mourned the death of her ''sambandham'' husband (although they were other rights involved), she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her ''thali''. Panikkar argues that this proves that the religious marriage is the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point.
	[[File:Naidu Nayar children (1872).jpg\|thumb\|upright=1.5\|Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=355–356\|ps=}}]]		[[File:Naidu Nayar children (1872).jpg\|thumb\|upright=1.5\|Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=355–356\|ps=}}]]
	It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the ''thali'' might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish ''thalikettu kalyanam ''rather than in the ''tharavadu''. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.<ref name="Fuller1975p301">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 301</ref> Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own ''thali'' tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the ''tharavadu'', leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.<ref name="Fuller1975pp302-303">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 302–303</ref>		It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the ''thali'' might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish ''thalikettu kalyanam ''rather than in the ''tharavadu''. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.<ref name="Fuller1975p301">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] p. 301</ref> Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own ''thali'' tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the ''tharavadu'', leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.<ref name="Fuller1975pp302-303">[[#Fuller1975\|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 302–303</ref>

← Older revision		Revision as of 12:09, 6 April 2026
Line 91:		Line 91:
	The ''desavazhi'' had the right to operate ''[[kalari]]s'', which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar]] pp. 257–258</ref>		The ''desavazhi'' had the right to operate ''[[kalari]]s'', which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258">[[#Panikkar1918\|Panikkar]] pp. 257–258</ref>

	According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the ''desavazhi'' (headman) and in all cases their families were known as ''[[jenmi]]s''. These landlords were from the lineages of the royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest ''jenmis'' in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=307–308\|ps=}}		According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the ''desavazhi'' (headman) and in all cases their families were known as ''[[jenmi]]s''. These landlords were from the lineages of the Nair royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest ''jenmis'' in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=307–308\|ps=}}

	The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=302–303\|ps=}} The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" />		The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|pp=302–303\|ps=}} The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" />

	Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the temples of the ''sanketams'', the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they ~~might have~~ access to the outer courtyard area. Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to [[Bhagavadi]], that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=310\|ps=}}		Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the special temples of the ''sanketams'', the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they had access to the outer courtyard and sometimes the inner courtyard area barring the garbagriha (idol room). Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to [[Bhagavadi]], that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.{{sfnp\|Gough\|1961\|p=310\|ps=}}

	=== Social organization ===		=== Social organization ===