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Sheetal Kale

2023-10-08T02:13:08Z

Iamamjadhussain:

{{Short description|Indian actress}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=September 2023}}
{{Infobox person
| name = Sheetal Kale
| birth_date =
| birth_place =
| occupation = Actress
| years active = 2015 - present
| nationality = [[India|Indian]]
}}

'''Sheetal Kale''' is an Indian actress, who has worked predominantly in the [[Hindi]] film industry,<ref>{{cite news |last1=Salunkhe |first1=Sameer |title=Taali actress Sheetal Kale on working with Sushmita Sen: ‘She created equal space for me’ |url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/entertainment/taali-actress-sheetal-kale-on-working-with-sushmita-sen-she-created-equal-space-for-me/cid/1963716 |access-date=7 October 2023 |work=Telegraph India |date=4 September 2023 |location=Calcutta |language=en}}</ref> and is best known for her role in the series ''[[Taali (TV series)|Taali]]'' (2023–).<ref>{{cite news |last1=Rathod |first1=Vaishali |title='Taali' actress Sheetal Kale says, "My family couldn't believe I was working with Sushmita Sen" |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/web-series/news/hindi/taali-actress-sheetal-kale-says-my-family-couldnt-believe-i-was-working-with-sushmita-sen/articleshow/103174592.cms?from=mdr |access-date=7 October 2023 |work=The Times of India |date=29 August 2023}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Sheetal Kale: The Actress Behind Nargis in web series 'Taali' - A Symbol of Change in Indian Cinema -World News Network |url=https://www.firstindia.co.in/news/press-releases/Sheetal-kale-the-actress-behind-nargis-in-web-series-taali-a-symbol-of-change-in-indian-cinema-world-news-network |access-date=7 October 2023 |work=First India |date=25 August 2023 |language=en}}</ref>

== Life and career ==
In 2013, Sheetal started her career with Karma Kala Manch Theatre, [[Mumbai]], and then made into the films ''Atal Faisla'' (2018) and ''Jai Chhati Maa'' (2020). In 2023, she made her [[Over-the-top media service|OTT]] debut with ''[[Taali (TV series)|Taali]]'' co-starring with [[Sushmita Sen]].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Fernandes |first1=Shefali |title=Sheetal Kale On Working With Sushmita Sen In Taali: 'Her Aura Has Ability To Win Anyone's Heart' |url=https://www.freepressjournal.in/entertainment/sheetal-kale-on-working-with-sushmita-sen-in-taali-her-aura-has-ability-to-win-anyones-heart |access-date=7 October 2023 |work=Free Press Journal |date=28 August 2023 |language=en}}</ref> Kale plays a [[transgender]] character on the series.<ref>{{cite news |title=Taali Sheetal Kale: एक ट्रांस का किरदार करना और उस चीज़ को रियल बनाना बहुत मुश्किल था |url=https://mayapuri.com/hi/interviews/sheetal-kale-taali-movie-actress-news-in-hindi |access-date=7 October 2023 |work=Mayapuri |date=4 September 2023 |language=hi}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Jhunjhunwala |first1=Sanchita |title=Exclusive! Taali Actress Sheetal Kale On Playing Nargis: It Was Huge Responsibility To Get The Character Right |url=https://www.timesnownews.com/entertainment-news/web-series/exclusive-taali-actress-sheetal-kale-on-playing-nargis-it-was-huge-responsibility-to-get-the-character-right-article-103085991 |access-date=7 October 2023 |work=TimesNow |date=26 August 2023 |language=en}}</ref>

==Filmography==
===Films===
{{Pending films key}}
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! Year
! Title
! Role
! Notes
! Ref.
|-
|2018
|''Chameli''
|Jenny
|
|
|-
|2018
|''Atla Faisla''
|Radha
|Lead Actress
|<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/hindi/movie-reviews/atal-faisla/movie-review/65366405.cms|title=Atla Faisla Movie Review|newspaper=The Times of India |date=10 August 2018|access-date=7 October 2023}}</ref>
|-
|2020
|''Jai Chhathi Maa''
|Kajal
|
|
|-
| TBC
| {{Pending film|Entrapped}}
| {{TBA}}
|
|<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.newindianexpress.com/entertainment/hindi/2021/aug/04/adhyayan-suman-to-feature-in-new-film-entrapped-2340069.html|title=Adhyayan Suman to feature in new film 'Entrapped'|work=The New Indian Express|access-date=8 September 2023}}</ref>
|}

===Web series===
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! Year
! Title
! Role
! Notes
! Ref.
|-
|2020
|[[Mirzapur (TV series)|Mirzapur]]
|Watchwoman
|
|
|-
|2023
|[[Taali (TV series)|Taali]]
|Nargis
|
|<ref>{{Cite news|last=Chowdhury|first=Titas|editor-last=Negi|editor-first=Shrishti|url=https://www.news18.com/movies/taali-review-sushmita-sen-puts-her-heart-and-soul-into-series-on-gauri-sawants-journey-8535702.html|title=Taali Review: Sushmita Sen Puts Her Heart And Soul Into Series on Gauri Sawant's Journey|work=News18|date=8 September 2023|access-date=7 October 2023}}</ref>
|}

==References==
{{Reflist}}

==External links==
* {{IMDb name|9348953|Sheetal Kale}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Kale, Sheetal}}
[[Category:Indian actresses]]
[[Category:Indian film actresses]]
[[Category:Indian television actresses]]
[[Category:Year of birth missing (living people)]]
[[Category:Living people]]

{{India-actor-stub}}

Press and Registration of Periodicals Bill, 2023

2023-09-17T02:36:47Z

Iamamjadhussain: Shared a valuable resource.

{{short description|Law for registration of the print and publishing industry in India}}
The '''Press and Registration of Periodicals Bill, 2023''' was introduced in [[Rajya Sabha]] by Minister of Information and Broadcasting, [[Anurag Thakur]] on 1 August 2023. The bill seeks to replace the existing 156-year-old ''Press and Registration of Books Act, 1867'' legislation from [[British Raj|colonial-era]].<ref name="itvn">{{cite news |last1=Roushan |first1=Anurag |title=Rajya Sabha passes Press and Registration of Periodicals Bill: Know about its key features and other details |url=https://www.indiatvnews.com/explainers/press-and-registration-of-periodicals-bill-2023-rajya-sabha-key-features-camparison-with-existing-act-parliament-monsoon-session-2023-08-04-884838 |access-date=15 September 2023 |work=indiatvnews.com |language=en}}</ref>

The proposed legislation is scheduled to be deliberated upon in the [[Lok Sabha]] during the [[Parliament Special Session, 2023]].<ref>{{cite news |title=4 bills in government's 'tentative list' for Parliament's special session |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/four-bills-bjp-government-tentative-list-parliament-special-session-agenda-2435327-2023-09-13 |access-date=15 September 2023 |work=India Today |language=en}}</ref>

==Proposals==
The Bill stipulates the requirement for the registration of newspapers, periodicals, and books, as well as the cataloguing of books. The proposed legislation aims to streamline the digital procedures involved in verifying and registering periodical titles by the Press Registrar General of the Registrar of Newspapers for India (RNI). The bill also stipulates that a declaration identifying the printer/publisher must be submitted to the District Magistrate (DM). The DM is responsible for forwarding the declaration to the Press Registrar, who subsequently issues a certificate of registration. It is imperative that the aforementioned declaration and authentication by the DM are completed prior to the publication of the newspaper. The proposed Bill permits the publisher of a periodical to obtain a registration certificate by submitting an online application to the Press Registrar General and the designated local authority. It is important to note that individuals who have been convicted of a terrorist act or unlawful activity, or have acted against the security of the State, are prohibited from publishing a periodical.<ref name="ht4aug">{{cite news |title=Rajya Sabha clears bill to ease registration steps for periodicals, newspapers |url=https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/rajya-sabha-passes-bill-to-simplify-registration-for-periodicals-and-newspapers-decriminalize-penal-provisions-101691094940064.html |access-date=15 September 2023 |work=Hindustan Times |language=en}}</ref><ref name="ITpti">{{cite news |title=Rajya Sabha passes Press and Registration of Periodicals Bill |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/rajya-sabha-passes-press-and-registration-of-periodicals-bill-2415976-2023-08-03 |access-date=15 September 2023 |work=India Today |agency=[[Press Trust of India]] |language=en}}</ref>

The Bill that the central government is authorized to designate a Press Registrar, whose responsibility is to uphold a record of newspapers. Additionally, the proposed legislation outlines the creation of the Press Registrar General of India, who will be responsible for issuing registration certificates for all periodicals.<ref name="TIE2aug">{{cite news |last1=A |first1=Divya |title=Press and Registration of Periodicals Bill introduced in RS |url=https://indianexpress.com/article/india/press-and-registration-of-periodicals-bill-introduced-in-rs-8872086/ |access-date=15 September 2023 |work=The Indian Express |language=en}}</ref>

The Bill confers upon the Press Registrar General the authority to suspend the registration of a periodical for a minimum duration of 30 days, with the possibility of extension up to 180 days. The grounds for suspension include instances where registration was obtained through the provision of false information, failure to maintain continuous publication of periodicals, and the provision of false particulars in annual statements.<ref name="ht4aug" />

==Reactions==
The Editors Guild of India has formally requested the Lok Sabha Speaker to refer the bill in question to a parliamentary select committee, with the aim of facilitating a comprehensive and in-depth discussion on the critical issues pertaining to press freedom. They highlighted apprehension regarding the "draconian provisions" of the proposed bill in a letter addressed to [[Prime Minister of India|Prime Minister]] [[Narendra Modi]], [[Speaker of the Lok Sabha|Lok Sabha Speaker]] [[Om Birla]], [[Rajya Sabha Chairman]] [[Jagdeep Dhankhar]], various political party leaders including the Minister of Information and Broadcasting, Anurag Singh Thakur.<ref>{{cite news |title=Editors Guild of India expresses concern over 'draconian provisions' of Press and Registration of Periodicals Bill, 2023 |url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/editors-guild-of-india-expresses-concern-over-draconian-provisions-of-press-and-registration-of-periodicals-bill-2023/cid/1957190 |access-date=15 September 2023 |work=Telegraph India |language=en}}</ref>

==References==
{{Reflist|2}}

{{Law}}
{{Parliament of India}}

[[Category:Lok Sabha]]
[[Category:Rajya Sabha]]
[[Category:Parliament of India]]
[[Category:Law of India]]
[[Category:Government of India]]
[[Category:National legislatures|India]]

{{India-law-stub}}

Zionism, race and genetics

2023-07-20T17:02:40Z

Iamamjadhussain: Created a new article format.

{{Short description|Use of racial theories for and against Zionism}}
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{{POV}}
In the late 19th century, a discourse emerged in [[Zionism|Zionist thinking]] seeking to reframe conceptions of [[Jewish identity|Jewishness]] in terms of [[racial identity]] and [[race science]]. In more recent times, [[genetic science]] generally and [[genetic studies on Jews|Jewish population genetics]] in particular have been used in support of or opposition to [[Zionism|Zionist]] political goals, including claims of Jewish ethnic unity and descent linked to the biblical [[Land of Israel]].

Early Zionists were the primary Jewish supporters of the idea that Jews are a race since, according to Dr. Dafna Hirsch of the [[Open University of Israel]], they believed it "offered scientific 'proof' of the [[National myth|ethno-nationalist]] myth of common descent".{{efn|Europe, proponents of the idea that the Jews were a race were found mainly in the ranks of Zionists, as the idea implied a common biological nature of the otherwise geographically, linguistically, and culturally divided Jewish people, and offered scientific 'proof of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent.{{harvnb|Hirsch|2009|p=592}}}} The question of Jewish biological unity assumed particular importance during early nation building in Israel, given the ethnic diversity of incoming Jewish populations. Since then, every generation has witnessed efforts by both Zionist and non-Zionist Jews to seek a link between national and biological aspects of Jewish identity{{efn|‘In every generation there are still Zionists as well as non-Zionists who are not satisfied with the mental and social notions which bind Jews together, and who seek to find the link between the national and the biological aspects of being Jews.' Footnote: An interesting aspect is that of orthodox-religious circles that seek support of the “biological” argument for the Jewishness (or for membership in the Ten Lost Tribes) of tribes and congregations all over the world. Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail, the founder of the “Amishav” (Hebrew for “My People Return”) organization and the author of the book Israel’s Tribes, followed on his journeys “the footprints of forgotten Jewish communities, who lost their contact with the Jewish world [...] at the same time he also located tribes that have no biological relationship to the people of Israel but who want very much to join them” (Yair Sheleg, “All want to be Jewish”, Haaretz, September, 17, 1999, p. 27). In recent years, Rabbi Avichail “discovered” the tribe of Menasheh among the Koki, Mizo and Chin in the Manipur mountains at the border between India and Burma. In a TV program on “the search after the lost tribes,” Hillel Halkin, a demographer of cultures, claimed that whereas the Jews of Ethiopia converted to Judaism during the Middle Ages and are not of ancient Jewish stock, the Koki, Mizo and Chin people are direct progeny of the Biblical tribe of Menasheh.{{harv|Falk|2017|p=16}}}}. The theme of 'blood logic'/'race' has been described as a recurrent feature of modern Jewish thought in both scholarship and popular belief.{{efn|”throughout all of the de-racializing stages of twentieth-century social thought, Jews have continued to invoke blood logic as a way of defining and maintaining group identity.” . .“race” is a significant component not only of scholarly or academic modern Jewish thought, but also of popular or everyday Jewish thought. It is one of the building blocks of contemporary Jewish identity construction, even if there are many who would dispute the applicability of biological or racial categories to Jews.'{{harv|Hart|2011|pp=xxxiv-=xxxv}}}}
Many aspects of the role of race in the formation of Zionist concepts of Jewish identity were rarely studied or long forgotten, overlooked, made invisible or deliberately suppressed until recent decades.{{sfn|Doron|1980|pp=170-171}}{{sfn| Morris-Reich|2006|pp=4-5}}{{sfn|Gelber|2000|p=133}}{{sfn|Nicosia|2010|pp=1-2}}{{sfn| Hart|2011|p= xxxiv}}{{sfn|Avraham|2017|pp=172-173}}{{sfn|Falk|2017|pp=100-101}}

With the development of [[Human genetic variation|human population genetics]] from the 1950s onwards, these same themes have reverberated in [[genetic studies on Jews]] in relation to studies on the genealogical origins of modern Jews.<ref name=Burton1>{{harvnb|Burton|2021|p=11b}}: "In contrast to the rest of the region, the history of genetic research on Jews in Israel has been relatively well studied. Historians and anthropologists have critically examined how the structuring assumptions of Jewish race science in early-twentieth-century Europe and North America, and their relationship to Zionist nationalism, reverberate within the genetic studies of Jewish populations by Israeli scientists from the 1950s to the present."</ref>
==Overview of a neglected problem==
A tradition of thought and ethnography premised on a hierarchy of racial distinctions, though in retrospect known to be a [[pseudoscience]], was deeply entrenched, indeed ubiquitous. among Western scholars by the early twentieth century. {{sfn|Endelman|2005|pp=52-92,50ff.}} As participants in modernity, Jewish thinkers and scientists formed an integral part of the scientific world underwriting these theories. The Nazi Holocaust totally discredited concepts of race and, from 1945 onwards, considerable efforts were made to disabuse the world of the prejudicial notion that Jews constituted a race.{{sfn| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=197}} At the same time, the broader thrust and impact of this discredited world-view long remained under-analysed.{{efn|’The history of modern racial thought and the importance of the Jews as one of its objects have received substantial attention, as well as has Jewish engagement with racial thinking. However, the larger significance of this thought both for the history of racial thinking in the West and for modern Jewish history itself is still under-analysed.’{{harv|Hart|2005|p=50}}}}

Ethnic origins have figured as an indispensable basis for determining what groups belong to the Jewish collective.{{sfn| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=197}} Admixture by [[Conversion to Judaism| conversion]] tended to be underplayed in traditional Jewish historiography in contrast to speculations about descendant communities from the biblical [[Ten Lost Tribes]] who in theory would belong to the Jewish ‘blood community’.{{efn|’Groups that claimed Jewish status through conversion, such as the [[Khazars]] in the ninth century or the [[Himyarite Kingdom| Himyarites]] five centuries earlier, fared badly in early Jewish historiography: they were almost totally ignored. But equally remote groups with an imagined bloodline to the Jewish people were of great interest.’{{harv| Parfitt|Egorova| 2005| p=193}}}} When [[Arthur Koestler]]’s [[The Thirteenth Tribe ]] (1976) propounded the thesis that the origins of the [[Ashkenazi]] might be found in the dispersion of the Turkic [[Khazars]], the book encountered an extreme hostility especially among Jewish American critics. Though the book's genetic implications are no longer regarded as tenable, this severity of critical dismissal, according to Elise Burton, reflected an inability or unwillingness to take cognisance of a tradition of a racializing logic in Zionist discussions of a putative Jewish biology.{{efn|‘the critical response to their works, particularly within the Israeli genetics community, revealed what the authors themselves were unable or perhaps unwilling to recognize: the significant extent to which Zionism, like any other ethnic nationalism, relies on a racializing logic of biological ancestry.’ {{harv| Burton| 2022| p=422}}}}

In 1983 the historian Joachim Doron (1923-1993) examined the tradition of acerbic attacks Zionists once mounted against [[Jewish diaspora|Jews of the diaspora]], much of which concerned differing ways of interpreting jews as a nation/race. This literature, he stated, had ‘been forgotten or even deliberately suppressed’. Doron suggested four reasons for this silence. Firstly, these scathing polemical recriminations by Zionists against other Jews, 'the enemy within', overlapped with anti-Semitic arguments about Jews, and recalling them would only play into the hands of modern anti-Semites. Secondly, both Holocaust survivors and veteran settlers had begun to feel nostalgic about the lost world of the [[shtetl]], whose idealization led them to ignore negative characterizations of life in [[Pale of Settlement|the Pale]] in the 19th-20th century Jewish/Zionist tradition. Thirdly, as a young nation forging a new Jewish identity with ramifications for the postwar diaspora, a vision emphasizing whatever was positive came to dominate Jewish history in Israel. Finally, the country’s growing political isolation encouraged a trend to ignore world opinion, in [[Ben-Gurion]]’s words, to disregard ‘what the [[goyim]] say’. Jewish Issues that an earlier Zionist press would have excoriated as ‘scandalous’ came to be dismissed as just expressions of [[Self-hating Jew|Jewish self-hatred]].{{sfn|Doron|1980|pp=170-171}}

Since Doron's article, this topical neglect has been gradually addressed, beginning with [[:de:John M. Efron|John Efron]]'s landmark study, ''Defenders of the Race'' (1994).{{sfn|Efron|1994}}{{efn|Among others, [[George Mosse]] had earlier touched on the issue a lecture given at the [[Leo Baeck Institute]] in 1967, later revised and reprinted in his 1970 work ''Germans and Jews'' {{sfn|Mosse|2023|pp=54-79}}}} Brief notices emerged occasionally hinting at gaps in the record. [[:de:Mark H. Gelber|Mark Gelber]], in an aside on his chapter on [[Nathan Birnbaum]], whose racialist ideas had a seminal impact on [[Cultural Zionism]], remarked in 2000 that the ‘racialist orientation' of Birnbaum's student [[Martin Buber]] had been 'relativized or sometimes even suppressed in scholarly literature and other commentary about him.’{{sfn|Gelber|2000|p=133}} Between 2004 and 2006, many studies remediating the [[lacuna]] began to be aired. Nurit Kirsh wrote in 2004 that investigations into the biology of the Jews had rarely been explored for two decades after the state’s establishment, and argued that Zionist ideology had been so internalised by scientists that the myths remained as unconscious influences on their approach to the subject of population genetics.{{efn|’ What makes population genetics in Israel in the 1950s an interesting and unique case is the unconscious internalization of an ideology by a group of scientists. Because the Zionist ideas did not require articulation and the researchers were unaware of the influence of such ideas on their scientific work, they were not critically examined. The myths were not shattered; on the contrary, they were reinforced.’{{harv|Kirsh|2003|p=655}}}} The following year a special issue of ''Jewish History'' dedicated several articles to aspects of the topic of Jews and racial classifications,{{sfn|Leff|2005|pp=7-28}}{{sfn|Hoffman|2005|pp=65–78}}{{sfn|Hart|2005|pp=49–63}}{{sfn|Goldstein|2005|pp=79–107}} and [[Tudor Parfitt]] published his study of the interrelation between genetics and Jewish identity among the [[Lemba]] and [[Bene Israel]].{{sfn|Parfitt|Egorova|2005|pp=193–224}}

In 2007, the Israel geneticist and historian of science [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]] argued that explicit racial and eugenic notions were particularly in evidence among Zionist writers, and that these interests persisted long after the beginnings of ominous trends in Nazi Germany, and have been continually recycled in tacit positions about a putative biology of Jews adopted both by Zionists and their [[Anti-Zionism|anti-Zionist]] opponents. He concluded:
<blockquote>These notions have persisted, ''though in a thinly disguised mode,'' in post-Second World War Israel. Above all, I suggest that the history of the relationship of Zionism and scientific biology, which has made an effort to single out Jews from non-Jews on the one hand, and to unite the distinct Jewish communities on the other hand, provides a problematic case of the utilisation of biological arguments as “evidence” for whatever social, economic, or political notion that has been put forward.{{sfn|Falk|2007|p=154}} </blockquote>

==History==
===Background===
Traditional Christian [[Anti-Judaism|Judeophobia]] was tempered under the impact of the [[Age of Enlightenment]] as a succeeding [[Jewish emancipation |period of Jewish emancipation]] in [[Civil society|Western civil society]] took root in the 19th century. Many [[Jewish assimilation|acculturated Jewish communities]] {{efn|' It is important to remember that both the Zionists and the Nazis referred to them and their various organizations as “assimilationist." However, the great majority of these so-called assimilationist German Jews neither sought to deny their Jewish identity nor stopped believing that one could be both Jewish and German at the same time. Ruth Gay’s distinction between “assimilation," implying the total elimination of all distinctions between Jews and the non Jewish majority, and the more relevant term “acculturation,” implying the adoption of language, culture, and social convention, while retaining a distinct, religious and historical identity, can be helpful here.'{{harv|Nicosia|2010|p=1,n.2}}}} integrated into Germanic society, came to consider their [[Jewishness]] in terms of their cultural and/or religious heritage.{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}} Coinciding with the emergence of [[Darwinism]] as a biological science of man and the rise of [[scientific racism]] more broadly, the Emancipation period's incremental lowering of traditional socio-cultural discrimination against, and persecution of, Jews faced new challenges. Though there was no intrinsic connection between Darwin's theories and antisemitism,{{sfn|Weikart|2008|p=94}} the latter half of the 19th century witnessed the rise of a [[racial antisemitism]] ([[Wilhelm Marr]] 1873, 1879; [[Eugen Dühring]] 1881, for example) which often had scientific pretensions.{{efn|Marr coined the term 'antisemitism, which 'became popular specifically among writers and scholars, not only because of its scientific pretensions but also because it cast a ckloak of uncertaiinty over the intent of hatred of the Jews (which people were still careful not to mention specifically).'{{harv|Zimmermann|1987|p=94}}}}

In [[German Empire|the German cultural world]] in particular, this retuning of nationalist [[Volk|völkisch]] thought{{efn|The tradition founded by [[Johann Gottfried Herder|Herder]] originally thought of Jews simply as a distinct national community. The proto-Zionist [[Moses Hess]], for one, in his very influential [[Rome and Jerusalem: The Last National Question|Rome and Jerusalem (1862)]], argued that the Jewish nation was constituted by a 'race', which deserved [[Self-determination|national rights]] like any other.{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}}}} drew strength from the ‘biologization’ of human differences in the form of [[Scientific racism|theories of biological racism]], by seeking an ostensible scientific support in [[social Darwinism]]’s theory of evolution as a [[Survival of the fittest|struggle between species]].{{sfn| Falk|2014|p=3}} Jewish scholars and scientists were therefore forced to confront the new race science: "Some disputed the stability and per manence of racial traits and the existence of pure races. Others internalized racial thinking and then unconsciously reworked and subverted its premises. Still others accepted the idea of racial differences but turned conventional stereotypes on their head."{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=52}}

===Early Zionism===
As the older [[Christian antisemitism|Christian antisemitic]] prejudices underwent reformulation in terms of the newer antagonism of racialised thinking,{{efn|'Christian anti-Semites generally accorded Jews a limited amount of toleration, usually their goal was conversion, which wouòld give Jews the same special and legal status as Christians. Many scholars have noted the late nineteenth century shift from traditional forms of Christian anti-Semitism to secular racial anti-Semitism. Although the new racial anti-Semitism of the nineteenth century retained many of the long-standing Jewish stereotypes . . it closed the door to assimilation, since Jews could not discard their immoral character, which was now grounded in their biological essence.'{{harv|Weikart|2008|p=95}}}} groups of Jews, disappointed with what they perceived to be the failures of full emancipation,{{sfn|Avraham|2017| pp=472-473}} began to be drawn to [[Theodor Herzl]]’s proposed Zionist solution to the quandary. Herzl's Zionism arose in reaction to [[European antisemitism|these renewed antisemitic trends]], as an ideology that aimed to reconstruct a distinct Jewish identity along ethnic/volkisch lines.{{sfn|Avraham|2017| pp=472-473}} In doing so, Herzl and his followers challenged the centuries’ old tradition among Jews that they constituted a religious and socio-cultural group by reframing [[Jewishness]] in terms of the concept of a nation-race, with Jews conceived of as an "integral biological entity"{{sfn|Falk|2014|p=3}} in what has been called a "racialization of Jewish identity". {{efn|Nevertheless, the idea that different Jewish groups around the world are not only culturally similar, but also "genealogically" connected, is still prominent in the public imagination both within and outside Jewish communities. The notion that Jews are a people almost "biologically" related to each other was promoted by early Zionist ideologues.{{harv|Egorova|2015|p=354}}}} The debates over race played a notable role in the arguments that broke out between Zionists and assimilating Jews.{{sfn|Hart|2011|p=xxvii}}

In the early years of the Zionist movement, notable proponents of the idea of a Jewish nation-race included [[Max Nordau]], Herzl's co-founder of the original [[Zionist Organization]], [[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]], the prominent architect of early statist Zionism and the founder of what became Israel's [[Likud]] party,{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=100-102}} and [[Arthur Ruppin]], considered the "father of Israeli sociology". {{sfn|Bloom|2011|p=5}} Jabotinsky wrote that Jewish national integrity relies on “racial purity", whereas Nordau wrote that "The acute eye of the street loafer is sufficient proof that the Jews are a race, or at least a variety, or, if you please, a sub-variety of mankind".{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=100-102}}<ref name=Fishberg>{{harvnb|Fishberg|1911|p=474}}: "Meanwhile, it is important to inquire in detail into the fundamental problems of Zionism. The question of race has already been discussed, and we arrived at the conclusion that the alleged purity of the Jewish race is visionary and not substantiated by scientific observation. [Footnote: Max Nordau, an avowed disciple of [[Cesare Lombroso|Lombroso]], knows that anthropological research has dissipated the notion of Jewish racial purity, but he places more confidence in the acute powers of observation of the street loafer who recognizes a Jew by his nose. "To be sure, the street loafer's diagnosis is not infallible, still it fails him only rarely. But then the scientific diagnosis is not always reliable. The acute eye of the street loafer," concludes Nordau, " is sufficient proof that the Jews are a race, or at least a variety, or, if you please, a sub-variety of mankind." (''[[Le Siècle]]'', 1899; ''Zionistische Schriften'', p. 305). Zangwill asks, "Whoever heard of a religion that was limited to people of particular breed? Of divine truth that was only true for men of dark complexion?" (''[[Jewish Chronicle]]'', June 18, 1909).]"</ref>

Burton suggests that the phenomenon of reconstructing modern Jews as the primary descendants of ancient Israelites sought to underpin the legitimacy of Zionism, much as the controversial concept of [[Phoenicianism]] which developed around the same time within [[Lebanese nationalism]] sought to ground an emerging [[Lebanese nationalism]].{{sfn|Burton|2021|p=24|ps=: "In the Levantine mandates, anthropometric reconstructions of “ancient races” like the Phoenicians and Israelites fed into political discourses about Lebanese identity and the legitimacy of Zionism."}} According to the Israeli geneticist and historian, [[Raphael Falk (geneticist) |Raphael Falk]], in his study of three scientists who were early followers of Herzl - [[Redcliffe N. Salaman| Redcliffe Nathan Salaman]], [[Gustav Bychowski|Shneor Zalman Bychowski]] and [[Friedrich Simon Bodenheimer|Fritz Shimon Bodenheimer]] - scientific biology was also used by Zionist thinkers as evidence for any number of social, economic, or political notions. (Historian [[Todd Endelman]] notes that Salaman became a Zionist some time after reaching the conclusion that Jews formed a distinct race, suggesting this belief was one of the factors leading to the adoption of the ideology.{{sfn|Endelman|2004}}

These discussions were not widely disseminated in the Jewish population before the 1930s.{{efn|Apart from a handful of references to the topic in the Jewish press, the notion of the racial nature of Judaism did not filter down to the bulk of Jewish society, which in any case was not equipped with the scholarly apparatus to engage with the discussion."{{sfn|Avraham|2017| p=478}}}} Not all Zionists using concepts such as "race" at this time agreed on its biological dimension,{{efn|"scientific racism lacked conceptual clarity allowed for multiple interpretations: the terms ''Rasse'', ''Volk'', ''Stamm'' (tribe), and Nation were fuzzy, implying racial-biological meanings but anthropological, sociological, and cultural ones, too. Moreover, the early Zionists' racial discourse - which in itself was not adopted by all Zionists - did not envision a struggle between Jews and other races; as demonstrated by John Efron, it was free of chauvinistic argumentation. Nevertheless, by turning ideas of blood relations, inbreeding, racial gifts, and historical selection and evolution into categories that differentiated the Jews from other peoples, these Zionists could not entirely evade biological determinism, even if couched in humanistic concepts of transnational alliance."{{sfn|Avraham|2017|p=478}}}} and some Zionists – for example [[Robert Weltsch]] and [[Israel Zangwill]] - did not embrace the racial idea.{{sfn|Hart|2011|p=xxviii-xxix|ps=: "Zionism, in fact, was proposed as the only viable solution to the threat to Jewish collective survival. And race was seen as a necessary component of this national revival. Not all Zionist thinkers embraced such racialist notions, as the selection in this volume by Robert Weltsch testifies. [Note: Robert Weltsch, “Gelegentlich einer Rassentheorie,” Die Welt 17, no. 12 (1913): 365–67] Nonetheless, racial ideas and images proved quite attractive to many Jewish nationalists, offering them a language with which to define Jewishness as an objective fact, a matter of biology and history as well as subjective will. Moreover, the fact that racial thinking was closely aligned with science, that it drew much of its content—as well as whatever claim it had to mainstream legitimacy—from the natural and social sciences, was also attractive to Zionism, a movement that portrayed itself as scientific."}}<ref name=Fishberg/> At times, other Zionists harshly criticised race science, preferring a conception of Jewish religious heritage to one of descent.<ref>{{harvnb|Avraham|2017| p=478}}"this racial reading of Judaism received harsh criticism from other Zionist, Orthodox, and assimilationist Jews. The first of these lamented the rejection of religious heritage in favour of the 'dark urgings of the blood'.</ref> On the other hand, even some non-Zionist Jews began to understand Jews in racial terms in this period.{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=53|ps=: "Even liberal integrationist opponents of the nascent Zionist movement were not averse to referring to the Jewish people as a race. In a letter to Israel Zangwill (1864-1926) in 1903, [[Lucien Wolf]] (1857 1930), for example, admitted there was "a Jewish race" as well as "a Jewish religion" while denying there had been "a Jewish nationality" since the [[destruction of the Second Temple]]."}}

Although [[Ashkenazi]], many (especially central European) Zionist race scientists, like many of their assimilationist contemporaries, saw [[Sephardim]] as purer and superior Jews - the ''Urjude'', as Endelman puts it; others, such as Salaman, took the opposite position, seeing the Serphardim as mixed with Arabs and Spaniards.{{sfn|Endelman|2004|p=72-73|ps=: "His contact with Sephardim confirmed his belief, first expressed in 1911, that they were inferior to the Ashkenazim, a reversal of conventional Jewish wisdom (both Zionist and assimilationist) at the time. The Sephardim, he believed, were "a fearfully mixed lot," having absorbed Arab and Spanish blood, while the Ashkenazim were true blue bloods, having drawn a racial cordon around themselves since the [[Second Temple]]. "The real Jew," he wrote to Nina, "is the European Ashkenazi, and I back him against all-comers." This overturned, in particular, the Western Zionist belief that the Sephardi was the Urjude, "the Jew who could be authentically linked to both an ancient and glorious past, and by extension, could serve as a model for a future rejuvenated Jewry." Why Salaman reversed the hoary myth is not clear. The [[Hebrew University]] geneticist Raphael Falk claims that Salaman wanted to enhance the image of the much-maligned East European immigrant community in Britain. The weakness in this explanation is that by the 1920s the immigration question was no longer the issue that it had been two decades earlier, before passage of the [[Aliens Act 1905|Aliens Act]]. Still, the trope of the "alien" Jew, almost always an Ashkenazi Jew, was still alive and perhaps there is some truth in Falk's explanation. Another possibility is that Salaman simply saw the myth of Sephardi superiority, which held wide sway in Anglo-Jewry, for the nonsense that it was."}}

===Decline of Jewish race science===
Tod Endelman documents the way that the idea of Jews as a race was discredited from the 1930s by its association with [[Nazi racial theories|Nazi race science]], and Jewish support dropped away. For example, the [[Jewish Health Organization of Great Britain]], founded by Salaman, declared by 1934 that "no such thing as a Jewish race in the biological use of the word", and Salaman himself, by 1939, concluded that "the Jews were a group 'united by a common tradition and welded by the reaction of their neighbours into a family' in which 'community of blood' was no greater than that among the citizens of the British Isles. 'Racialism,' as he called it, was 'a component in the complex of factors determining Jewish behaviour, but a weak one compared to the force of a common tradition and a similarity of environment'".{{sfn |Endelman|2004}}

===Later 20th century===
In contemporary political history, some supporters of Jewish nationalism have focused on the search for "Jewish genes" and the identification of the "original Jews", in order to strengthen the Zionist claim to the [[Land of Israel]].<ref name=Falk1/> Geneticist [[Harry Ostrer]] explained this in the context of early studies by [[Maurice Fishberg]]:
<blockquote>In 1911, the forces of social cohesion were religion, race science, and Zionism. Often, race science and Zionism went hand-in-hand, and the identification of a Jewish race provided justification for an ancestral homeland. This issue was addressed head-on in the [[Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920)|Paris Peace Conference of 1919]], and the consensus on a Jewish race led to the [[Mandate for Palestine|mandate for the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine]]. So the Jewish world of 1911 is the predecessor of the Jewish world of the twenty-first century. Many of the Diaspora communities are gone and, as Fishberg predicted, the center of Jewish life has moved to the United States and to Israel. The issues that preoccupied the Jewish intellectual leaders of 1911 are the same ones that preoccupy the leaders of today. Who are the Jews, a religious group or a genetic isolate? Did they originate from Middle Eastern matriarchs and patriarchs? Fishberg lacked the tools for answering these questions. The genetic methods that would eventually provide answers were starting to develop in Fishberg's New York in the Columbia University laboratory of [[Thomas Hunt Morgan]]. The precision of these genetic tools continued to improve over the course of the twentieth century, and as they did, Fishberg's intellectual heirs sought to apply them to the issues of Jewish origins and identity.{{sfn|Ostrer|2012|p=33}}</blockquote>

Israeli human population genetics began during the 1950s and early 1960s. This work focused on sociological and historical aspects of the genetic research and, according to Nurit Kirsh, was used "among other things, as a vehicle for establishing a national identity and confirming the Zionist narrative."{{sfn|Kirsh|2003|p=631|ps=: "This essay describes the effects of Zionist ideology on research into human population genetics carried out in Israel during the 1950s and early 1960s... The comparison reveals that during this period the Israeli human geneticists and physicians emphasized the sociological and historical aspects of their research and used their work, among other things, as a vehicle for establishing a national identity and confirming the Zionist narrative."}} According to [[Nadia Abu El-Haj]], by the mid 20th century a Jewish "biological self-definition" became a standard belief for many Jewish nationalists, and most Israeli population researchers never doubted that evidence existed, even though such facts had "remained forever elusive".<ref>{{harvnb|Abu El-Haj|2012|p=18}} "What is evident in the work in Israeli population genetics is a desire to identify biological evidence for the presumption of a common Jewish peoplehood whose truth was hard to “see,” especially in the face of the arrival of oriental Jews whose presumably visible civilizational and phenotypic differences from the Ashkenazi elite strained the nationalist ideology upon which the state was founded. Testament to the legacy of racial thought in giving form to a Zionist vision of Jewish peoplehood by the mid-twentieth century, Israeli population researchers never doubted that biological facts of a shared origin did indeed exist, even as finding those facts remained forever elusive… Looking at the history of Zionism through the lens of work in the biological sciences brings into focus a story long sidelined in histories of the Jewish state: Jewish thinkers and Zionist activists invested in race science as they forged an understanding of the Jewish people and fought to found the Jewish state. By the mid-twentieth century, a biological self-definition—even if not seamlessly a racial one, at least not as race was imagined at the turn of the twentieth century—had become common-sensical for many Jewish nationalists, and, in significant ways, it framed membership and shaped the contours of national belonging in the Jewish state."</ref>

In a 2015 [[Oxford Bibliographies Online|Oxford Bibliographies]] review of literature on Jewish genetics, Noah Tamarkin wrote that:{{sfn|Tamarkin|2015|p=1}}<blockquote>...contemporary geneticists and their critics often consider similar questions and controversies such as those raised in pre-1980s studies based on blood groups, and even earlier biometric studies undertaken by 19th- and early-20th-century eugenicists and their critics. Zionist and anti-Zionist politics significantly inform historical and contemporary Jewish genetics literatures, at times explicitly and more often implicitly in the questions that scholars ask, such as the extent to which Jews constitute a biological community, and the extent to which Jews throughout the world can trace their ancestry to the Middle East.</blockquote>

===21st century===
Geneticists [[Harry Ostrer]] and [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]] and anthropologist [[Nadia Abu El Haj]] have publicly disagreed on the interpretation of the evidence about Jewish genetics, with Ostrer arguing there is such as thing as a Jewish race or people and Abu El-Haj contesting it,{{sfn|Kahn|2013}}<ref>{{cite book | last=Kandiyoti | first= Dalia | title=The Converso's Return: Conversion and Sephardi History in Contemporary Literature and Culture | publisher=Stanford University Press | series=Stanford Studies in Jewish History and Culture | year=2020 | isbn=978-1-5036-1244-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FvHrDwAAQBAJ | quote=Genetic genealogy has added new twists to the controversies around the biologization and consolidation, and returns of identities. Although genetic scientists such as Harry Ostrer, who has asserted that Jews constitute a genetically coherent group, distance themselves from eugenics and spurious "race science," the nationalist conclusions are presented as uncontroversial: Jews are a people because there is some genetic evidence that many have ancient origins in the Levant (Ostrer 2012). Susan Martha Kahn, an anthropologist specializing in aspects of medical practice in Israel, in commenting on Ostrer's views, remarks that in his work genetic evidence is made to coincide with the Jewish oral tradition of common origins in the Middle East (Kahn 2013), with the consequence of biologization of group identity. It is not an accident that the greater visibility of converso descendants in the Jewish and the wider world coincides with the rise of genetic studies that seek to prove that Jews are a people indigenous to the Middle East, with the obvious geopolitical conclusions legitimizing the claims to Israel/Palestine (Abu El Haj 2012; Kahn 2013).}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Abu El-Haj|2012|pp=48–49}} According to Falk "Junk DNA is natural-cultural artifact that carries a genealogical message bearing witness to one's geographic origins and cultural past. It functions as evidence of what one might call cultural fidelity—of the fact that contemporary, self-designated Jews really do descend from a single ancient population, from a common history and long tradition of cultural distinction that is visible on the Y-chromosome only because their (male) ancestors remained true to their faith. Y-chromosome markers are “signatures” of ancient origins (Thomas 1998, 139). Such markers are not, by way of contrast, evidence of the “biological unity” of the Jews, a concept central to racial theories of Jewishness that dominated late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century thought."</ref> and Falk arguing there are many genetic mutations restricted to certain groups of modern Jews but no single gene uniting the majority of Jews worldwide.<ref name=Falk1>{{harvnb|Falk|2017|pp=208–210}} "There are no 'Jewish genes,' even though there are plenty of mutations that are pretty much restricted to a certain group of Jews. It follows that there can be no clinching biological answer to the question of identifying the original Jews, nor to any question about the shared heritage of all Jews qua Jews… Smocha argues for the emancipation of the Jewish nation from inherited notions of alleged biological unity. Shouldn't genetic research likewise shake itself loose of the effort to anchor Zionism in the supposedly shared biological origins of the Jews?"</ref>

In relation to Zionism, Ostrer disagreed with criticism of proposed genetic evidence for Jewish unity as "fragmentary and half-truths", and noted that the question "touches on the heart of Zionist claims for a Jewish homeland in Israel"{{sfn|Ostrer|2012|p=220|ps=: "Are recent discoveries fragmentary and half-truths? I think not, because the molecular genetic studies of which Sand is critical have set the bar higher for discovery, reporting, and acceptance than the race science of a century ago—less stand-alone observation with more replication and more rigorous statistical testing. The stakes in genetic analysis are high. It is more than an issue of who belongs in the family and can partake in Jewish life and Israeli citizenship. It touches on the heart of Zionist claims for a Jewish homeland in Israel. One can imagine future disputes about exactly how large the shared Middle Eastern ancestry of Jewish groups has to be to justify Zionist claims."}} while Abu El-Haj, "an established critic of the modern Zionist project" criticised the thesis biological unity as a strategy for "casting doubt on the foundational assumption on which the Zionist enterprise is predicated".{{sfn|Kahn|2013|p=922|ps=: "This strategy of “casting doubt” on the founding myths and narratives of the Other is an established part of the ongoing Israel/Palestine conflict. Arguments like Abu El-Haj’s play directly into this discursive do-si-do."}}

==Research into the connection==
Several scholars have studied the early connection between Zionism and race science, including Joachim Doron, Annegret Kiefer, John Efron, Mitchell Hart, [[Todd Endelman]], [[Raphael Falk (geneticist)|Raphael Falk]], and Veronika Lipphardt. According to Doron Avraham of [[Bar-Ilan University]], these publications have "exposed the 'scientific' racial aspects embedded in the emerging Jewish national ideology."{{sfn|Avraham|2017|p=473}} Falk and other scholars have shown how, since the 1950s, these "structuring assumptions" of Jewish race science "reverberate" in modern Jewish genetic science.{{sfn|Burton|2021|p=11|ps=: "Historians and anthropologists have critically examined how the structuring assumptions of Jewish race science in early-twentieth-century Europe and North America, and their relationship to Zionist nationalism, reverberate within the genetic studies of Jewish populations by Israeli scientists from the 1950s to the present."}} US Jewish studies scholar Cynthia Baker has written of this connection between race science and genetic science in her 2017 book, ''Jew'' in the chapter "Zionism's New Jew and the Birth of the Genomic Jew":{{sfn|Baker|2017|p=105}}
<blockquote>Like Zionism's new Jew that emerged from nineteenth-century European race science, the genomic Jew, a product of “population genetics,” springs from the same milieu… Human population genetics... has been called “the most widely misused area of human genetics” largely because findings are readily appropriated into preexisting cultural narratives... where they may be presented as “proof” in support of a variety of sociopolitical agendas. In addition, determination of what constitutes a “population” and what constitute “discrete and comparable populations,” critical decisions for the purposes of designing or interpreting genetic studies, can also be deeply entwined with popular concepts of race and other essentialist notions of identity. Given these issues and the veritable explosion in genomic research and its applications in recent decades, some scholars have expressed concerns that we have entered an era of the “molecularization of race.”</blockquote>
Recourse to biological arguments about Jews, amongst both Zionists and [[anti-Zionism|anti-Zionists]], is subject to [[confirmation bias]].{{efn|'the history of the relationship of Zionism and scientific biology, which has made an effort to single out Jews from non-Jews on the one hand, and to unite the distinct Jewish communities on the other hand, provides a problematic case of the utilisation of biological arguments as “evidence” for whatever social, economic, or political notion that has been put forward.' {{harv|Falk|2007|p=154}}}} Gavin Schaffer maintains that this emerges clearly in "Jewish difference debates" in discussions of Israel and Zionism, where the leading investigators into Jewish genetic roots, "frequently seem to be largely uncritical supporters of Israel."<ref>{{cite journal |last=Schaffer |first=Gavin |year=2010 |title=Dilemmas of Jewish Difference: Reflections on Contemporary Research into Jewish Origins and Types from an Anglo-Jewish Historical Perspective |url=http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjch20 |journal=Jewish Culture and History |publisher=Informa UK Limited |volume=12 |issue=1–2 |pages=86–88 |doi=10.1080/1462169x.2010.10512145 |issn=1462-169X |s2cid=143496144 |quote=However, the historical record suggests that, on the subject of race, scientists do not deal in clear-cut truths but do 'spin' and do 'whitewash', albeit often subconsciously, presenting findings that are in line with personal beliefs and ideology, not set apart from social racial discourse in any clear sense. In Jewish difference debates, this is nowhere clearer than on the issue of Israel and Zionism. In his latest book on race, David Theo Goldberg has highlighted a link between racial research into ancient origins and contemporary land disputes: “Those whose racial origins' are considered geographically somehow to coincide with national territory (or its colonial extension) are deemed to belong to the nation; those whose geo-phenotypes obviously place them originally (from) elsewhere are all too often considered to pollute or potentially to terrorize the national space, with debilitating and even deadly effect.” In this way, potential links between theories of an ancient Jewish past in Israel and contemporary conflict in the Middle East become important. In the face of a generally hostile international media, which often constructs Jews in Israel as colonisers and occupiers, scientific proofs of Jewish indigeneity in Israel confer legitimacy on Zionists and their sympathisers. This being the case, it is equally unsettling and significant, to the author at least, that the leading investigators of Jewish genetic roots frequently seem to be largely uncritical supporters of Israel. In Abraham's Children, Entine has noted that the pioneering scholar of the Priestly gene, Karl Skorecki, was ‘motivated as much by his commitment to Israel as by scientific curiosity’. Similarly, David Goldstein states clearly and openly his attachment to Israel in Jacob's Legacy… If the seekers of the priestly gene have an openly Zionist agenda, Sand too makes no effort to hide the desired political implications of his research, to reset the Israeli state on a path towards 'democratic multiculturalism', a 'republic for its citizens', where 'Palestino Israelis' have their rights protected and, crucially, are embraced within thestate's conception of itself}}</ref> Conversely, [[Anti-Zionism|anti-Zionists]] use the same debate to support their position,<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Rich |first=Dave |title=Anti-Judaism, Antisemitism, and Delegitimizing Israel |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23739770.2017.1315682 |journal=Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs |language=en |volume=11 |issue=1 |pages=101–104 |doi=10.1080/23739770.2017.1315682 |s2cid=152132582 |issn=2373-9770}}</ref> in line with the denial of any connection between contemporary Jews and the ancient Hebrews and Israelites in Palestinian political discourse.<ref name=":13">{{Cite journal |last=Litvak |first=Meir |title=A Palestinian Past: National Construction and Reconstruction |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/25618669 |journal=History and Memory |volume=6 |issue=2 |pages=24–56 |jstor=25618669 |issn=0935-560X}}</ref>

==Impact==
===Politics===
According to Michael Satlow, Professor of Religious Studies and Judaic Studies at [[Brown University]], "while some on the margins have used [Jewish population genetics] to make ideological claims...it has not had an impact on religious law (or the Israeli Law of Return) and remains something of a novelty item in general discourse." <ref>{{Cite web |last=Satlow |first=Michael L. |title=Discussion by Michael L. Satlow |url=https://www.quest-cdecjournal.it/michael-l-satlow/ |access-date=2023-07-15 |website=Quest. Issues in Contemporary Jewish History |language=en-US}}</ref> According to Professor Hassan S. Haddad, then Chairman of the Department of History at [[Saint Xavier University]], the Zionist application of the Jewish concepts of [[Jews as the chosen people]] and the [[Promised Land]] requires the belief that modern Jews are the primary descendants of the [[Israelites]], and as such, inheritors of the [[Land of Israel]] bequeathed by [[Yahweh|God]].{{efn|'The Zionist movement remains firmly anchored in the basic principle of the exclusive right of the Jews to Palestine that is found in the Torah and in other Jewish religious literature. Zionists who are not religious, in the sense of following the ritual practices of Judaism, are still biblical in their basic convictions in, and practical application of the ancient particularism of the Torah and the other books of the Old Testament. They are biblical in putting their national goals on a level that goes beyond historical, humanistic or moral considerations… We can summarize these beliefs, based on the Bible, as follows. 1. The Jews are a separate and exclusive people chosen by God to fulfil a destiny. The Jews of the twentieth century have inherited the covenant of divine election and historical destiny from the Hebrew tribes that existed more than 3000 years ago. 2. The covenant included a definite ownership of the Land of Canaan (Palestine) as patrimony of the Israelites and their descendants forever. By no name, and under no other conditions, can any other people lay a rightful claim to that land. 3. The occupation and settlement of this land is a duty placed collectively on the Jews to establish a state for the Jews. The purity of the Jewishness of the land is derived from a divine command and is thus a sacred mission. Accordingly, settling in Palestine, in addition to its economic and political motivations, acquires a romantic and mythical character. That the Bible is at the root of Zionism is recognized by religious, secular, non-observant, and agnostic Zionists… The Bible, which has been generally considered as a holy book whose basic tenets and whose historical contents are not commonly challenged by Christians and Jews, is usually referred to as the Jewish national record. As a "sacrosanct title-deed to Palestine," it has caused a fossilization of history in Zionist thinking… Modern Jews, accordingly, are the direct descendants of the ancient Israelites, hence the only possible citizens of the Land of Palestine.'{{harv|Haddad|1974|pp=98-99}}}} This is considered important to the [[Israel|State of Israel]] because its founding narrative is based on the biblical concept of "[[Gathering of Israel|Gathering of the exiles]]" and the "[[Return to Zion]]"{{efn|'Interest in the topic of Jewish origins is hardly universal among the world’s Jews or the communities in which they live. But in Israel, the stakes of the debate over Jewish origins are high, because the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic “return.” If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project can be pejoratively categorized as “settler colonialism” pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel’s critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of “Jewish genetics” is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for authenticating Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population “returning” to the Levant, the realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel.'{{harvnb|McGonigle|2021|pp=36-37}}}} that underpins the modern-day [[Law of Return]].{{sfn|McGonigle|2021}}

Historians and anthropologists have studied how the assumptions of Jewish race scientists in the early twentieth century have affected Israeli genetic studies of Jewish populations from the 1950s to the modern day.<ref name=Burton1 /> The topic is considered of significant importance within Zionism and Israeli nationalism, as, according to Assistant Professor Ian McGonigle of [[Nanyang Technological University]]'s School of Social Sciences, in the absence of biblical primacy, "the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘[[settler colonialism]]’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people,"<ref name="McG1">{{harvnb|McGonigle|2021|p=36 (c.f. p.54 of PhD)}}: "The stakes in the debate over Jewish origins are high, however, since the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic ‘return.’ If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘settler colonialism’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel's critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of ‘Jewish genetics’ is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population ‘returning’ to the Levant, the Realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel."</ref> whilst right-wing Israelis look for "a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return".{{sfn|McGonigle|2021|p=(c.f. p.218-219 of PhD)|ps=: "The [Israeli national] biobank stands for unmarked global modernity and secular technoscientific progress. It is within the other pole of the Israeli cultural spectrum that one finds right-wingers appropriating genetics as a way of imagining the tribal particularity of Jews, as a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return. It is across this political spectrum that the natural facts of genetics research discursively migrate and transform into the mythologized ethnonationalism of the bio-nation. However, Israel has also moved towards a market-based society, and as the majority of the biomedical research is moving to private biotech companies, the Israeli biobank is becoming underused and outmoded. The epistemics of Jewish genetics fall short of its mythic circulatory semiotics. This is the ultimate lesson from my ethnographic work in Israel."}}{{Better source needed}}

A recent study by a team of international psychologists concluded that research conflating ethnicity with genetic differences could inflame political violence, {{sfn|Burton|2021|p=246|ps=: "For example, a team of American, European, and Israeli psychologists turned to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to investigate how genetic discourses might contribute to the resolution or exacerbation of ethnic-nationalist tensions. Following a series of studies conducted mainly on Jewish subjects, the psychologists found that Jewish Israelis who read a simulated news article emphasizing the genetic differences between Jews and Arabs “showed less support for political compromise and [. . .] more support for collective punishment toward Palestinians and more support for the political exclusion of Palestinian citizens of Israel.” The psychologists concluded that the rising publicity of research that conflates ethnicity with genetic difference could foreshadow or inflame political violence. Furthermore, this study reaffirmed the co-constitutive roles of Zionist politics and genetic science in the construction of a Jewish biological category and the chronic otherization of Palestinians."}} while highlighting genetic similarities could help reduce conflict.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Kimel |first=Sasha Y. |last2=Huesmann |first2=Rowell |last3=Kunst |first3=Jonas R. |last4=Halperin |first4=Eran |title=Living in a Genetic World |url=https://www.academia.edu/23864676/Living_in_a_Genetic_World_How_Learning_About_Interethnic_Genetic_Similarities_and_Differences_Affects_Peace_and_Conflict |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin |publisher=SAGE Publications |volume=42 |issue=5 |pages=688–700 |doi=10.1177/0146167216642196 |issn=0146-1672 |quote="Using Arabs and Jews from diverse samples and contexts, we demonstrated that those who learn that their ethnic group is genetically related to an enemy group showed more constructive intergroup attitudes, interindividual behaviors, and support for peaceful policies than those who learn about the genetic differences. Specifically, in our three studies conducted in the United States, we found that heightening perceptions of interethnic genetic similarities versus differences altered Jews’ and Arabs’ negative attitudes, and even the real physical aggression of Jews toward an alleged Arab individual. In fact, it led to more support for conciliatory policies among Jews—in this case related to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict—and, compared with a plain control condition, provided some evidence that emphasizing genetic similarities may be one way to help attenuate intergroup conflict."}}</ref>

==See also==
* [[Race and genetics]]
* [[Politics of archaeology in Israel and Palestine]]

==Notes==
{{notelist}}
===Citations===
{{Reflist|30em}}
==Sources==
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| last= Segev | first= Tom
| author-link = Tom Segev
| publisher = [[Haaretz]]
| date = 10 August 2009
| url =https://www.haaretz.com/1.5309866
}}
*{{cite book |title=Race, Color, Identity: Rethinking Discourses about 'Jews' in the Twenty-First Century
| last=Sicher | first=Efraim | authorlink= Efraim Sicher
| publisher=[[Berghahn Books]]
| year=2013
| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HWJFAAAAQBAJ&pg=PR16
| isbn=978-0-857-45893-3
}}
*{{ cite book| chapter = Who and What is Jewish? Controversies and Comparative Perspectives on the Boundaries of Jewish Identity
| last1 =Sokoloff| first1 = Naomi B.
| last2 = Glenn| first2 =Susan A.
| title =Boundaries of Jewish Identity
| editor1-last =Sokoloff| editor1-first = Naomi B.
| editor2-last = Glenn| editor2-first =Susan A.
| publisher =[[University of Washington Press]]
| year = 2011
| pages =3-11
| url =https://www.google.com/books/edition/Boundaries_of_Jewish_Identity/54gVCgAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Who+and+What+is+Jewish%3F%22&pg=PA3&printsec=frontcover
| isbn =978-0-295-80083-7
}}
* {{cite | last=Tamarkin | first=Noah | title=Jewish Genetics | publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] | date=2015| doi=10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0112|url=https://www.academia.edu/17360780/_Jewish_Genetics_Oxford_Bibliographies_in_Jewish_Studies}}
*{{Cite book| chapter = Zwischen Humanismus und Nationalismus. Die Rezeption völkisch-nationalen Denkens im deutschsprachigen Zionismus
| last =Vogt | first = Stefan
| title = Neue Städte für einen neuen Staat: Die städtebauliche Erfindung des modernen Israel und der Wiederaufbau in der BRD. Eine Annäherung
| editor1-last = Gust |editor1-first = Kerstin
| editor2-last = Wilhelm |editor2-first = Karin
| publisher = transcript-Verlag
| year = 2014
| pages = 228 - 236
| isbn = 978-3-839-42204-5
}}
* {{cite book | chapter = The Impact of Social Darwinism on Anti-Semitic Ideology in Germany and Austria, 1860-1945
| last= Weikart | first= Richard
| title= Jewish Tradition and the Challenge of Darwinism
| editor1-last= Cantor | editor1-first = Geoffrey
| editor2-last= Swetlitz | editor2-first= Marc
| publisher=[[University of Chicago Press]]
| year= 2008
| pages =93-115
| url= https://www.google.com/books/edition/Jewish_Tradition_and_the_Challenge_of_Da/VD9bEAAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=The+impact+of+social+Darwinism+on+anti-Semitic+ideology+in+Germany+and+Austria,+1860-1945%E2%80%99&pg=PA93&printsec=frontcover
| isbn= 978-0-226-09301-7
}}
* {{cite book | title= Wilhelm Marr :The Patriarch of Anti-Semitism
| last=Zimmermann | first= Moshe
| author-link = Moshe Zimmermann
| publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]
| year= 1987
| url= https://www.google.com/books/edition/Wilhelm_Marr/tYW013SjKM4C?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=wilhelm+Marr%2BZionism%2Brace&printsec=frontcover
| isbn= 978-0-195-36495-8
}}
{{refend}}

[[Category:Jewish genetics]]
[[Category:Zionism]]

David Shannahoff-Khalsa

2023-06-13T05:05:00Z

Iamamjadhussain: Created page with ''''David Shannahoff-Khalsa''' is a researcher in mind-body dynamics. He has published widely in scientific journals and regularly presents full day courses at t...'

{{Multiple issues|
{{BLP self-published|date=February 2014}}
{{Like resume|date=February 2014}}
{{BLP sources|date=March 2015}}}}

[[File:David Shannahoff-Khalsa.jpg|thumb|Photograph by Beatrice Ring]]
'''David S. Shannahoff-Khalsa''' is a researcher in mind-body dynamics. He has published widely in scientific journals and regularly presents full day courses at the [[American Psychiatric Association]] and other national and international conferences. Shannahoff-Khalsa has also published three books outlining his years of experience using [[Kundalini yoga|Kundalini Yoga]] meditation as taught by [[Yogi Bhajan]] to understand and treat psychiatric disorders.

==Current Professional Positions==
From 2011 to the present, David Shannahoff-Khalsa has been a member of the [[University of California, San Diego]], Center for Integrative Medicine. From 2008 to the present, he has served as a consultant and yoga therapist at the Department of Psychiatry, University of California San Diego, Executive Mental Health Program, Center for Wellness and Personal Growth. From July 2009 to the present, Shannahoff-Khalsa has been Director of The Research Group for Body-Mind Dynamics, BioCircuits Institute, University of California, San Diego, previous to which (1994-June 2009) he served as Director of The Research Group for Body-Mind Dynamics, Institute for Nonlinear Science, University of California, San Diego. David Shannahoff-Khalsa has served as a Senior Editor of the [[Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine]] since 2009.

==Scientific Publications==
David Shannahoff-Khalsa first published scientific papers in the [[The Journal of Organic Chemistry|Journal of Organic Chemistry]] in 1973, [[Cancer Research (journal)|Cancer Research]] in 1974, and [[Biochemistry (journal)|Biochemistry]] in 1978. His scientific career started in 1970 at the [[Salk Institute for Biological Sciences]] in [[La Jolla]] with working in the field of [[nucleic acid]] chemistry and biochemistry on unique chemical substitutions in nucleosides, nucleotides, and polynucleotides as potential anti-viral and anti-cancer agents. He later changed fields and started work on concepts and techniques from yogic medicine in 1976 while at The Salk, demonstrating how the nasal cycle is tightly coupled to the ultradian rhythm of alternating cerebral hemispheric activity (Werntz DA, Bickford RG, Bloom FE, Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Alternating Cerebral Hemispheric Activity and the Lateralization of Autonomic Nervous Function. Human Neurobiology, 1983, 2:39-43), and on the yogic technique called unilateral forced nostril breathing (UFNB) where they demonstrated via EEG the selective hemispheric stimulation by UFNB (Werntz DA, Bickford RG, Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Selective Hemispheric Stimulation by Unilateral Forced Nostril Breathing, Human Neurobiology, (1987), 6:165-171). He later wrote reviews on these topics (Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, The Ultradian Rhythm of Alternating Cerebral Hemispheric Activity, International Journal of Neuroscience, 1993, 70:285-298, Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Lateralized Rhythms of the Central and Autonomic Nervous Systems, International Journal of Psychophysiology, 1991, 11:225-251, and again in "Selective Unilateral Autonomic Activation: Implications for Psychiatry" (a review article), CNS Spectrums: The International Journal of Neuropsychiatric Medicine, 12(8), pp. 625–634, Aug 2007, and most recently in Shannahoff-Khalsa in Psychophysiological States: The Ultradian Dynamics of Mind-Body Interactions, In the series “International Review of Neurobiology,” Academic Press (Elsevier Scientific Publications), vol 80, pps. 1-249, 2008<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.theinternetyogi.com/html/publications.html|title=David Shannahoff-Khalsa Publications And CV|work=theinternetyogi.com}}</ref> His scientific publications include a total of 56 articles as of 2013.

Some of Shannahoff-Khalsa's most-cited work is a 1999 randomized control study on the effects of two meditation protocols on two groups of individuals with [[Obsessive-compulsive disorder]] (OCD). The one group practiced [[The Relaxation Response]] plus Mindfulness Meditation technique, while the other group employed a Kundalini Yoga protocol specific for treating OCD. After three months, it was found the Kundalini Yoga group showed greater improvement on all six scales, namely the Yale-Brown Obsessive-Compulsive Scale [[Y-BOCS]], Symptoms Checklist-90-Revised Obsessive Compulsive (SC-90-R OC) and Global Severity Index (SC-90-R GSI), Profile of Moods Scale (POMS), [[Perceived Stress Scale]] (PSS), and Purpose in Life test (PiL). Within group statistics (Student's paired t-tests) showed that the Kundalini Yoga group significantly improved on all six scales, while The Relaxation Response/Mindfulness Meditation group had no significant improvements on any scale. The groups were merged for an additional 12months using the Kundalini Yoga protocol, and final group improved significantly on all the scales, demonstrating that kundalini yoga techniques are effective in the treatment of OCD.<ref>Shannahoff-Khalsa, DS, Ray, LE, Levin, S, Gallen, CC, Schwartz, BJ, Sidorowich, JJ, Randomized control trial of yogic meditation techniques for patients with obsessive-compulsive disorder, CNS Spectrums [1999 4(12): 34-47]</ref>

In 1993 he started work using magnetoencephalography (MEG) to study the brain effects of the yogic breathing technique specific for treating OCD using instrumentation at The Scripps Research Institute. That work continues today with collaborators at the [[University of Catania]], Sicily. He continues to study the ultradian rhythm of alternating cerebral hemispheric activity using whole-head 306 MEG + 66 channel EEG and its coupling to the sleep stages of REM and NREM sleep with collaborators at UCSD and Harvard MGH.

In a 2006 editorial for The Journal of Complementary and Alternative Medicine, Shannahoff-Khalsa makes a case for the vigorous and rigorous - "using all possible blinding for assessment" - study of new treatment modalities for psychiatric disorders.<ref>David Shannahoff-Khalsa, "A Perspective on the Emergence of Meditation Techniques for Medical Disorders," The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, Volume 12, Number 8, 2006, pp 709-713.</ref>

==References (other selected representative)==
{{reflist}}
4. Shannahoff-Khalsa D. (2012) Meditation: The Science and the Art. In: V.S. Ramachandran (ed.) The Encyclopedia of Human Behavior, vol. 2, pp. 576–584. Academic Press.

5. Bucolo M, Di Grazia F, Sapuppo F, Shannahoff-Khalsa D, Identification of MEG-Related Brain Dynamics Induced by a Yogic Breathing Technique, Conference Proceedings, IEEE Workshop on Health Care Management, Venice, Italy — February 18–20, 2010.

6. Di Grazia F, Sapuppo F, Shannahoff-Khalsa D, Bucolo M, Network Parameters for Studying Functional Connectivity in Brain MEG Data, International Journal of Bioelectromagnetism, Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 161–169, 2009.

7. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Kundalini Yoga meditation techniques in the treatment of obsessive compulsive and OC spectrum disorders. In: Editor, Albert R. Roberts, Ph.D.,
Social Workers’ Desk Reference, second edition, New York, N.Y. Oxford University Press, Chapter 86 pp. 606–612, 2008.

8. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS. Patient perspectives: Kundalini yoga meditation techniques for psycho-oncology and as potential therapies for cancer. Integrative Cancer Therapies, 4(1):87-100, 2005.

9. Shannahoff-Khalsa D, Sramek BB, Kennel MB, Jamieson SW, Hemodynamic Observations on a Yogic Breathing Technique Claimed to Help Eliminate and Prevent Heart Attacks: A Pilot Study, The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 10(5), 757-766, 2004.

10. Shannahoff-Khalsa D, An Introduction to Kundalini Yoga Meditation Techniques that are Specific for the Treatment of Psychiatric Disorders, The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 10(1), 91-101, 2004.

11. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Kundalini Yoga meditation techniques in the treatment of obsessive compulsive and OC spectrum disorders, Brief Treatment and Crisis Intervention, 3:369-382 (2003).

12. Baglio S, Bucolo M, Fortuna L, Frasca M, La Rosa M, Shannahoff-Khalsa D, MEG signals spatial power distribution and gamma band activity in yoga breathing exercises. In: Conference Proceedings of the IEEE Engineering in Medicine and Biology Society2002, Houston, October 23–26, 2002. Proceedings 1, pp. 175–176.

13. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Gillin JC, Yates EJ, Schlosser A, Zawadzki EM, Ultradian rhythms of alternating cerebral hemispheric EEG dominance are coupled to rapid eye movement and stage 4 non-rapid eye movement sleep stage in humans, Sleep Medicine, Vol. 2, no. 4, pp. 333–346, 2001.

14. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, and Yates FE. Ultradian sleep rhythms of lateral EEG, autonomic, and cardiovascular activity are coupled in humans. International Journal of Neuroscience, 101(1-4), 21-43, 2000.

15. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Yogic Techniques are Effective in the Treatment of Obsessive Compulsive Disorders, In: Eric Hollander & Dan Stein, eds., Obsessive-Compulsive Disorders: Diagnosis, Etiology, and Treatment, Marcel Dekker Inc., New York, pp. 283–329, 1997.

16. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Kennedy B, Yates FE, Ziegler MG, Low Frequency Ultradian Insulin Rhythms are Coupled to Cardiovascular, Autonomic, and Neuroendocrine Rhythms, American Journal of Physiology. Regulatory, Integrative and Comparative Physiology, Vol. 41, R962-R968, 1997.

17. Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Beckett LR, Clinical Case Report: Efficacy of Yogic Techniques in the Treatment of Obsessive Compulsive Disorders, International Journal of Neuroscience, 85:1-17, 1996.

18. Kennedy B, Ziegler MG, Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Alternating Lateralization of Plasma Catecholamines and Nasal Patency in Humans. Life Sciences, (1986), 38:1203-1214.

19. Klein R, Pilton D, Prosser S, Shannahoff-Khalsa DS, Hemispheric Performance Efficiency Varies with Nasal Airflow. Biological Psychology, (1986) 23:127-137.

==More Sources==
His four books include:
* David Shannahoff-Khalsa, Sacred Therapies: The Kundalini Yoga Meditation Handbook for Mental Health, W.W. Norton and Company, New York, London, 2012.
* David Shannahoff-Khalsa, Kundalini Yoga Meditation for Complex Psychiatric Disorders: Techniques Specific for Treating the Psychoses, Personality, and Pervasive Developmental Disorders, W.W. Norton and Company, New York, 2010.
* David Shannahoff-Khalsa, DS, Psychophysiological States: The Ultradian Dynamics of Mind-Body Interactions, In the series “International Review of Neurobiology,” Academic Press (Elsevier Scientific Publications), vol 80, pps. 1-249, 2008
* David Shannahoff-Khalsa, Kundalini Yoga Meditation: Techniques Specific for Psychiatric Disorders, Couples Therapy and Personal Growth, W.W. Norton and Company, New York, London, 2006.
{{Obsessive–compulsive disorder}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Shannahoff-Khalsa, David}}
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Obsessive–compulsive disorder researchers]]
[[Category:American medical researchers]]
[[Category:Year of birth missing (living people)]]
[[Category:Obsessive–compulsive disorder]]

ISSN (identifier)

2023-06-07T07:38:36Z

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Idi Amin

2023-04-02T14:48:15Z

Iamamjadhussain: Contributed a new entry to the platform.

{{Short description|President of Uganda from 1971 to 1979}}

{{EngvarB}}
{{Use dmy dates}}
{{Use British English}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name = Idi Amin
| birth_name = Idi Amin Dada Oumee
| image = Idi Amin at UN (United Nations, New York) gtfy.00132 (cropped).jpg
| caption = Amin shortly before addressing the [[United Nations General Assembly]] in 1975
| office = 3rd [[President of Uganda]]
| term_start = 25 January 1971
| term_end = 11 April 1979
| vicepresident = [[Mustafa Adrisi]]
| predecessor = [[Milton Obote]]
| successor = [[Yusuf Lule]]
| birth_date = {{circa|1925}}
| birth_place = [[Koboko]], [[Uganda Protectorate]]
| death_date = {{death date and age|2003|8|16|1925|df=y}}
| death_place = [[Jeddah]], [[Mecca Province|Mecca]], Saudi Arabia
| constituency =
| party =
| spouse = At least six, including:
{{plainlist|
* {{marriage|Malyamu|1966|1974|end=divorced}}
* {{marriage|Kay|1966|1974|end=divorced}}
* {{marriage|Nora|1967|1974|end=divorced}}
* {{marriage|Madina|1972||end=her death}}
* {{marriage|[[Sarah Kyolaba]]|1975}}
}}
| children = 43 (claimed)<ref>{{Cite news |last=Nakajubi |first=Gloria |title=Ugandan dictator Idi Amin's widow Sarah Kyolaba dies in the UK aged 59 |work=[[The Independent]] |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ugandan-dictator-idi-amins-widow-sarah-kyolaba-dies-in-the-uk-aged-59-10322083.html |access-date=21 September 2015 |archive-date=25 September 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150925164429/http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ugandan-dictator-idi-amins-widow-sarah-kyolaba-dies-in-the-uk-aged-59-10322083.html |url-status=live }}</ref>
| relatives = {{Cslist| [[Mustafa Adrisi]] | [[Isaac Maliyamungu]] | [[Juma Butabika]] | [[Isaac Lumago]]}}
| signature =
| nickname =
| allegiance = {{plainlist|
* [[British Empire]] (1946–1962)
* [[Uganda]] (1962–1979)
}}
| branch = {{plainlist|
* [[King's African Rifles]] (1946–1962)
* Uganda Army (1962–1979)
}}
| serviceyears =
| rank = {{plainlist|
* Lieutenant (British Empire)
* [[Field marshal (Uganda)]]
}}
| commands = Commander-in-Chief of the Uganda Army
| battles = {{plainlist|
* [[Mau Mau Uprising]]
* [[1971 Ugandan coup d'état]]
* [[1972 invasion of Uganda]]
* [[Uganda–Tanzania War]]
}}
}}
'''Idi Amin Dada Oumee''' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|iː|d|i|_|ɑː|ˈ|m|iː|n|,_|ˈ|ɪ|d|i|_|-}}, {{IPAc-en|UKalso|-|_|æ|ˈ|m|iː|n}}; {{circa|1925}}{{snd}}16 August 2003) was a Ugandan military officer and politician who served as the third [[president of Uganda]] from 1971 to 1979. He ruled as a military dictator and is considered one of the most brutal despots in modern world history.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Boddy-Evans |first=Alistair |title=Biography of Idi Amin, Brutal Dictator of Uganda |url=https://www.thoughtco.com/biography-idi-amin-dada-43590 |access-date=16 July 2019 |website=ThoughtCo |language=en |archive-date=16 July 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190716050319/https://www.thoughtco.com/biography-idi-amin-dada-43590 |url-status=live }}</ref>

Amin was born in [[Koboko]] in what is now northwest Uganda to a [[Kakwa people|Kakwa]] father and [[Lugbara people|Lugbara]] mother. In 1946, he joined the [[King's African Rifles]] (KAR) of the British Colonial Army as a cook. He rose to the rank of lieutenant, taking part in British actions against Somali rebels and then the [[Mau Mau Uprising]] in Kenya. Uganda gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1962, and Amin remained in the [[Uganda Army (1962–1971)|army]], rising to the position of major and being appointed commander of the Uganda Army in 1965. He became aware that Ugandan President [[Milton Obote]] was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, so he launched the [[1971 Ugandan coup d'état]] and declared himself president.

During his years in power, Amin shifted from being a pro-Western ruler enjoying considerable support from Israel to being backed by [[Libyan Arab Jamahiriya|Libya]]'s [[Muammar Gaddafi]], [[Zaire]]'s [[Mobutu Sese Seko]], the [[Soviet Union]], and [[East Germany]].<ref name="libya1">{{Cite book |last=Roland Anthony Oliver, Anthony Atmore |title=Africa Since 1800 |page=272}}</ref><ref name="ussr1">{{Cite book |last=Dale C. Tatum |title=Who influenced whom? |page=177}}</ref><ref name="gdr1">Gareth M. Winrow. ''The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa'', p. 141.</ref> In 1972, Amin [[Expulsion of Asians from Uganda|expelled Asians]], a majority of whom were [[Indians in Uganda|Indian-Ugandans]], leading India to sever diplomatic relations with his regime.<ref>{{Cite news | url=https://www.thehindu.com/features/kids/read-about-how-idi-amins-vengeance-drives-the-asian-community-out-of-uganda/article7507451.ece | title=Asian expulsion | newspaper=The Hindu | date=6 August 2015 | last1=Subramanian | first1=Archana }}</ref> In 1975, Amin became the chairman of the [[Organisation of African Unity]] (OAU), a [[Pan-Africanism|Pan-Africanist]] group designed to promote solidarity among African states.<ref name="Byword">{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin: A Byword for Brutality |work=News24 |url=http://www.news24.com/News24/Africa/News/0,,2-11-1447_1390595,00.html |url-status=dead |access-date=13 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080605070641/http://www.news24.com/News24/Africa/News/0%2C%2C2-11-1447_1390595%2C00.html |archive-date=5 June 2008}}</ref> Uganda was a member of the [[United Nations Commission on Human Rights]] from 1977 to 1979.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Gershowitz |first=Suzanne |title=The Last King of Scotland, Idi Amin, and the United Nations |url=http://www.ypfp.org/the_last_king_of_scotland_idi_amin_and_the_united_nations |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090606025442/http://www.ypfp.org/the_last_king_of_scotland_idi_amin_and_the_united_nations |archive-date=6 June 2009 |access-date=8 August 2009}}</ref> The [[United Kingdom]] broke diplomatic relations with Uganda in 1977, and Amin declared that he had defeated the British and added "[[Order of the British Empire|CBE]]" to his title for "Conqueror of the British Empire".<ref name="Keatley">{{Cite web |last=Keatley |first=Patrick |title=Idi Amin |url=https://www.theguardian.com/news/2003/aug/18/guardianobituaries |access-date=16 March 2020 |website=The Guardian |archive-date=27 July 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130727231321/http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2003/aug/18/guardianobituaries |url-status=live }}</ref>

As Amin's rule progressed into the late 1970s, there was increased unrest against his persecution of certain ethnic groups and political dissidents, along with Uganda's very poor international standing due to Amin's support for the terrorist hijackers in [[Operation Entebbe]]. He then attempted to annex [[Tanzania]]'s [[Kagera Region]] in 1978. The Tanzanian president [[Julius Nyerere]] ordered his troops to [[Uganda–Tanzania War|invade Uganda]] in response. Tanzanian Army and rebel forces successfully [[Fall of Kampala|captured Kampala]] in 1979 and ousted Amin from power. Amin went into exile, first in [[Libya]], then Iraq, and finally in [[Saudi Arabia]], where he lived until his death in 2003.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Dictator Idi Amin dies |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/3155925.stm |via=news.bbc.co.uk |access-date=10 May 2020 |archive-date=9 March 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210309152213/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/3155925.stm |url-status=live }}</ref>

Amin's rule was characterised by rampant [[human rights abuses]], including [[political repression]], [[ethnic persecution]], [[extrajudicial killing]]s, as well as [[nepotism]], corruption, and gross economic mismanagement. International observers and human rights groups estimate that between 100,000<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ullman |first=Richard H. |title=Human Rights and Economic Power: The United States Versus Idi Amin |url=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/uganda/1978-04-01/human-rights-and-economic-power-united-states-versus-idi-amin |journal=Foreign Affairs |volume=56 |issue=3 |pages=529–543 |doi=10.2307/20039917 |jstor=20039917 |access-date=24 October 2018 |quote=The most conservative estimates by informed observers hold that President Idi Amin Dada and the terror squads operating under his loose direction have killed 100,000 Ugandans in the seven years he has held power. |archive-date=18 April 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150418220949/http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/29141/richard-h-ullman/human-rights-and-economic-power-the-united-states-versus-idi-ami |url-status=live }}</ref> and 500,000 people were killed under his regime.<ref name=Keatley/>

==Early life==
Amin did not write an autobiography, and he did not authorize an official written account of his life. There are discrepancies regarding when and where he was born. Most biographical sources claim that he was born in either [[Koboko]] or [[Kampala]] around 1925.{{efn|Many sources, like ''[[Encyclopædia Britannica]]'', ''[[Encarta]]'', and the ''[[Columbia Encyclopedia]]'' claim that Amin was born in Koboko or Kampala {{circa}}1925, and that the exact date of his birth is unknown. Journalist Patrick Keatley noted that "exact records were not kept for Africans in those days", though concurred that Amin was probably born in Koboko around 1925.<ref name=Keatley/> Researcher Fred Guweddeko claimed that Amin was born on 17 May 1928,<ref name="monitor_01012004" /> but that is disputed.<ref name="okadameri">{{Cite news |last=O'Kadameri |first=Billie |title=Separate fact from fiction in Amin stories |work=Originally published in [[Daily Monitor|The Monitor]] |url=http://www.mail-archive.com/ugandanet@kym.net/msg06472.html |access-date=8 May 2010 |archive-date=1 October 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121001160505/http://www.mail-archive.com/ugandanet@kym.net/msg06472.html |url-status=live }}</ref>}} Other unconfirmed sources state Amin's year of birth from as early as 1923 to as late as 1928. Amin's son Hussein has stated that his father was born in Kampala in 1928.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Elliott |first=Chris |title=Idi Amin's son complains about the Guardian's obituary notice |work=[[The Guardian]] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/30/idi-amin-son-complaint-guardian-obituary |access-date=1 December 2014 |archive-date=1 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141201001507/http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/30/idi-amin-son-complaint-guardian-obituary |url-status=live }}</ref>

According to Fred Guweddeko, a researcher at [[Makerere University]], Amin was the son of Andreas Nyabire (1889–1976). Nyabire, a member of the [[Kakwa people|Kakwa ethnic group]], converted from [[Catholic Church|Roman Catholicism]] to [[Islam]] in 1910 and changed his name to Amin Dada. He named his first-born son after himself. Abandoned by his father at a young age, Idi Amin grew up with his mother's family in a rural farming town in north-western Uganda. Guweddeko states that Amin's mother was Assa Aatte (1904–1970), an ethnic [[Lugbara people|Lugbara]] and a traditional herbalist who treated members of [[Buganda]] royalty, among others.<ref name="monitor_01012004" /> Some sources have also described Amin as being of mixed Kakwa-[[Nubians (Uganda)|Nubian]] origin.{{sfn|Hansen|2013|p=85}}{{efn|The [[Nubians (Uganda)|Nubians of Uganda]] were "an extremely fluid category".{{sfn|Nugent|2012|p=233}} They are often portrayed as descendants of [[Emin Pasha]]'s mostly Muslim soldiers who fled to Uganda after being defeated by [[Mahdist State|Mahdist Sudanese forces]] in the 1880s. Regarded as martial people, they were consequently recruited into British colonial units; as a result, West Nile people who wanted to join the military often claimed to be Nubians. This led to the paradoxical situation that the Nubians were both "detribalised" yet had also a distinct identity intimately linked to the West Nile region, to Islam, and to military service.{{sfn|Leopold|2005|p=60}} Amin himself stated that members of different tribes could become Nubians.{{sfn|Nugent|2012|pp=233–234}} }}

Amin joined an Islamic school in [[Bombo, Uganda|Bombo]] in 1941. After a few years, he left school with only a fourth-grade English-language education, and did odd jobs before being recruited to the army by a British colonial army officer.<ref name="monitor_01012004">{{Cite web |last=Guweddeko |first=Fred |title=Rejected then taken in by dad; a timeline |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/index.php |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070612053237/http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/index.php |archive-date=12 June 2007 |access-date=8 August 2009 |website=[[Daily Monitor|The Monitor]]}}</ref>

== King's African Rifles ==
Amin joined the [[History of the British Army|British]] [[King's African Rifles]] (KAR) in 1946 as an assistant cook, while at the same time receiving military training until 1947.<ref name=Keatley/><ref name="britannica">{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Idi Amin |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9007180 |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070314142415/https://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9007180/Idi-Amin |archive-date=14 March 2007}}</ref> In later life he falsely claimed to have served in the [[Burma Campaign]] of [[World War II]].<ref name=Keatley/><ref name="portrait">{{Cite AV media |title=General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait |publisher=Le Figaro Films |year=1974 |ISBN=0-7800-2507-5}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Bay |first=Austin |title=Why Didn't Amin Rot and Die in Jail? |work=Strategy Page |url=http://www.strategypage.com/on_point/20030820.aspx |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=9 December 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101209233911/http://www.strategypage.com/on_point/20030820.aspx |url-status=live }}</ref> He was transferred to Kenya for infantry service as a private in 1947, and served in the 21st KAR infantry battalion in [[Gilgil]], [[Kenya Colony]] until 1949. That year, his unit was deployed to northern Kenya to fight against Somali rebels. In 1952, his brigade was deployed against the [[Mau Mau Uprising|Mau Mau rebels]] in Kenya. He was promoted to corporal the same year, then to sergeant in 1953.<ref name="monitor_01012004" />

In 1959, Amin was made [[Effendi]] class 2 (Warrant Officer),<ref name="gazette" /> the highest rank possible for a black African in the colonial British military of that time. Amin returned to Uganda the same year and received a short-service commission as a lieutenant on 15 July 1961, becoming one of the first two Ugandans to become commissioned officers.<ref name="gazette">{{London Gazette|issue=42461|supp=y |page=6682 }}</ref> He was assigned to quell the cattle rustling between Uganda's [[Karamojong people|Karamojong]] and Kenya's [[Turkana people|Turkana]] nomads.<ref name="monitor_01012004" /> According to researcher Holger Bernt Hansen, Amin's outlook, behaviour and strategies of communication were strongly influenced by his experiences in the colonial military. This included his direct and hands-on leadership style which would eventually contribute to his popularity among certain parts of Ugandan society.{{sfn|Hansen|1977|p=94}}

== Rise in the Uganda Army ==
In 1962, following Uganda's independence from the United Kingdom, Amin was promoted to captain and then, in 1963, to major. He was appointed Deputy Commander of the Army in 1964 and, the following year, to Commander of the Army.<ref name="monitor_01012004" /> In 1970, he was promoted to commander of all the armed forces.<ref name="britishcouncil">{{Cite web |title=General Idi Amin overthrows Ugandan government |url=http://www.britishcouncil.org/learnenglish-central-history-amin.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070225004054/http://www.britishcouncil.org/learnenglish-central-history-amin.htm |archive-date=25 February 2007 |access-date=8 August 2009 |publisher=British Council}}</ref>

Amin was an athlete during his time in both the British and Uganda Army. At {{height|m=1.93}} tall and powerfully built, he was the Ugandan light heavyweight boxing champion from 1951 to 1960, as well as a swimmer. Amin was also a formidable rugby forward,<ref name="Scotsman">{{Cite news |last=Bridgland |first=Fred |title=Idi Amin |work=Scotsman |location=Edinburgh |url=http://news.scotsman.com/idiamin/Idi-Amin.2453742.jp |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=18 September 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110918181953/http://news.scotsman.com/idiamin/Idi-Amin.2453742.jp |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="CainGrowden">Cain, Nick and Growden, Greg "Chapter 21: Ten Peculiar Facts about Rugby" in ''Rugby Union for Dummies'' (2nd Edition), p. 294 (pub: John Wiley and Sons, [[Chichester]], England) {{ISBN|978-0470035375}}</ref> although one officer said of him: "Idi Amin is a splendid type and a good (rugby) player, but virtually bone from the neck up, and needs things explained in words of one letter".<ref name="CainGrowden" /><ref name="Scotsman2">{{Cite news |last=Johnston |first=Ian |title=Death of a despot, buffoon and killer |work=Scotsmanb |location=Edinburgh |url=http://news.scotsman.com/idiamin/Death-of-a-despot-buffoon.2453405.jp |access-date=24 August 2009 |archive-date=21 January 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110121064206/http://news.scotsman.com/idiamin/Death-of-a-despot-buffoon.2453405.jp |url-status=live }}</ref> In the 1950s, he played for Nile RFC.<ref name="RugbyDis">Cotton, p. 111</ref>

There is a frequently repeated urban myth that he was selected as a replacement by the [[East Africa rugby union team]] for their [[1955 British Lions tour to South Africa|1955 tour]] match against the [[British and Irish Lions|British Lions]].<ref name="CainGrowden" /><ref name="RugbyDis" /> Amin, however, does not appear in the team photograph or on the official team list.<ref>Campbell, M. and Cohen, E.J. (1960) ''Rugby Football in East Africa, 1909–1959''. Published by the Rugby Football Union of East Africa</ref> Following conversations with a colleague in the military, Amin became a keen fan of [[Hayes F.C.]]; an affection that remained for the rest of his life.<ref>{{Cite news |title=The fans no team would want |publisher=[[Yahoo!]] |agency=Eurosport |url=http://uk.eurosport.yahoo.com/blogs/world-of-sport/dictators-terrorists-xi-143023941.html |url-status=dead |access-date=24 November 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141031142952/https://uk.eurosport.yahoo.com/blogs/world-of-sport/dictators-terrorists-xi-143023941.html |archive-date=31 October 2014}}</ref>

[[File:Idi Amin - Levi Eshkol - Entebbe 1966-06-12.jpg|thumb|left|Amin (centre-left) as chief of staff during a visit of [[Israel]]i [[Prime Minister of Israel|Prime Minister]] [[Levi Eshkol]] (centre) in 1966 ]]

In 1965, [[Prime Minister of Uganda|Prime Minister]] [[Milton Obote]] and Amin were implicated in a deal to smuggle ivory and gold into Uganda from the [[Democratic Republic of the Congo]]. The deal, as later alleged by General Nicholas Olenga, an associate of the former Congolese leader [[Patrice Lumumba]], was part of an arrangement to help troops opposed to the Congolese government trade ivory and gold for arms supplies secretly smuggled to them by Amin. In 1966, the [[Parliament of Uganda|Ugandan Parliament]] demanded an investigation. Obote imposed a new constitution abolishing the ceremonial presidency held by [[Kabaka of Buganda|Kabaka]] (King) [[Mutesa II of Buganda]], and declared himself executive president. He promoted Amin to colonel and army commander. Amin led [[Battle of Mengo Hill|an attack]] on the Kabaka's palace and forced Mutesa into exile to the United Kingdom, where he remained until his death in 1969.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Country Studies: Uganda: Independence: The Early Years |url=http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ugtoc.html#ug0159 |access-date=8 August 2009 |website=Federal Research Division |publisher=United States Library of Congress |archive-date=16 July 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120716190740/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ugtoc.html#ug0159 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="bookrags">{{Cite encyclopedia |year=2005 |title=Idi Amin Dada Biography |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of World Biography |publisher=Thomson Gale |url=http://www.bookrags.com/biography/idi-amin-dada |access-date=20 March 2016 |archive-date=19 May 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110519191543/http://www.bookrags.com/biography/idi-amin-dada/ |url-status=live }}</ref>

Amin began recruiting members of Kakwa, Lugbara, [[South Sudanese]], and other ethnic groups from the [[West Nile sub-region|West Nile]] area bordering [[South Sudan]]. The South Sudanese had been residents in Uganda since the early 20th century, having come from South Sudan to serve the colonial army. Many African ethnic groups in northern Uganda inhabit both Uganda and South Sudan; allegations persist that Amin's army consisted mainly of South Sudanese soldiers.<ref name="Anyanya">{{Cite web |last=Nantulya |first=Paul |year=2001 |title=Exclusion, Identity and Armed Conflict: A Historical Survey of the Politics of Confrontation in Uganda with Specific Reference to the Independence Era |url=http://www.kas.org.za/Publications/SeminarReports/PoliticsofIdentityandExclusion/nantulya.pdf#search=%22%22idi%20amin%22%20anyanya%22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061004231023/http://www.kas.org.za/Publications/SeminarReports/PoliticsofIdentityandExclusion/nantulya.pdf |archive-date=4 October 2006}}</ref>

==Seizure of power==
{{further|1971 Ugandan coup d'état}}
[[File:Obote cropped.png|thumb|[[Milton Obote]], Uganda's second president, whom Amin overthrew in a [[coup d'état]] in 1971]]

Eventually a rift developed between Amin and Obote, exacerbated by the support Amin had built within the Uganda Army by recruiting from the [[West Nile sub-region|West Nile region]], his involvement in operations to support the [[First Sudanese Civil War|rebellion in southern Sudan]] and an attempt on Obote's life in 1969. In October 1970, Obote took control of the armed forces, reducing Amin from his months-old post of commander of all the armed forces to that of the commander of the Uganda Army.<ref name=britishcouncil /><ref>{{Cite web |title=Idi Amin's Coup d'État, Uganda 1971 |url=https://origins.osu.edu/milestones/idi-amins-uganda-coup-1971?language_content_entity=en |access-date=2023-03-27 |website=Origins |language=en}}</ref>

Having learned that Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, Amin seized power in a [[1971 Ugandan coup d'état|military coup]] on 25 January 1971, while Obote was attending a [[Commonwealth of Nations|Commonwealth]] [[Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting 1971|summit meeting]] in [[Singapore]]. Troops loyal to Amin sealed off [[Entebbe International Airport]] and took Kampala. Soldiers surrounded Obote's residence and blocked major roads. A broadcast on [[Uganda Broadcasting Corporation|Radio Uganda]] accused Obote's government of corruption and preferential treatment of the [[Lango sub-region|Lango region]]. Cheering crowds were reported in the streets of Kampala after the radio broadcast.<ref>{{Cite news |title=On this day: 25 January 1971: Idi Amin ousts Ugandan president |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/january/25/newsid_2506000/2506423.stm |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=28 January 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110128040534/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/january/25/newsid_2506000/2506423.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> Amin, who presented himself a soldier, not a politician, declared that the [[military dictatorship|military government]] would remain only as a [[caretaker government|caretaker regime]] until new elections, which would be held when the situation was normalised. He promised to release all [[political prisoner]]s.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Fairhall |first=John |title=Curfew in Uganda after military coup topples Obote |work=The Guardian |location=London |url=https://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/1971/jan/26/fromthearchive |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=12 February 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140212164858/http://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/1971/jan/26/fromthearchive |url-status=live }}</ref>

Amin held a state funeral in April 1971 for Edward Mutesa, former king (''kabaka'') of Buganda and president who had died in exile; freed many political prisoners; and reiterated his promise to hold free and fair elections to return the country to [[democracy|democratic]] rule in the shortest period possible.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Mbabaali |first=Jude |title=The Role of Opposition Parties in a Democracy: The Experience of the Democratic Party of Uganda |url=http://www.fes-tz.de/arusha-2005/docs/the-role-of-opposition-parties-in-a-democracy.uganda.pdf |url-status=dead |journal=Regional Conference on Political Parties and Democratisation in East Africa |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111008101852/http://www.fes-tz.de/arusha-2005/docs/the-role-of-opposition-parties-in-a-democracy.uganda.pdf |archive-date=8 October 2011 |access-date=8 August 2009}}</ref>

==Presidency==
{{Main|History of Uganda (1971–79)}}

===Establishment of military rule===
On 2 February 1971, one week after the coup, Amin declared himself President of Uganda, [[Commander-in-Chief]] of the Armed Forces, Uganda Army [[Chief of Staff]], and Chief of Air Staff. He suspended certain provisions of the [[Constitution of Uganda|Ugandan constitution]], and soon instituted an Advisory Defence Council composed of military officers with himself as the chairman. Amin placed [[military tribunal]]s above the system of [[civil law (legal system)|civil law]], appointed soldiers to top government posts and [[government-owned corporation]]s, and informed the newly inducted civilian [[Cabinet (government)|cabinet ministers]] that they would be subject to [[military courtesy]].<ref name=britishcouncil /><ref name="LOC_Rule_Under_Amin">{{Cite web |title=Country Studies: Uganda: Military Rule Under Amin |url=http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ugtoc.html#ug0159 |access-date=8 August 2009 |website=Federal Research Division |publisher=United States Library of Congress |archive-date=16 July 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120716190740/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ugtoc.html#ug0159 |url-status=live }}</ref> Amin [[Rule by decree|ruled by decree]]; over the course of his rule he issued approximately 30 decrees.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Mugabe |first=Faustin |title=12 executed as Amin introduces trial of civilians in military |url=https://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/12-executed-as-Amin-introduces-trial-civilians-military-courts/689844-5131640-onaekdz/index.html |access-date=3 March 2020 |website=Daily Monitor |archive-date=3 March 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200303230014/https://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/12-executed-as-Amin-introduces-trial-civilians-military-courts/689844-5131640-onaekdz/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite thesis |type=PhD |last=Krcmaric |first=Daniel |title=The Justice Dilemma: International Criminal Accountability, Mass Atrocities, and Civil Conflict |chapter-url=https://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/10161/9903/Krcmaric_duke_0066D_12863.pdf |access-date=3 June 2021 |place=Durham, United States |degree=PhD |via=DukeSpace (Duke University Libraries) |publisher=Department of Political Science, Graduate School of Duke University |editor1-first=Alexander |editor1-last=Downes |editor2-first=Erik |editor2-last=Wibbels |editor3-first=Laia |editor3-last=Balcells |editor4-first=Peter |editor4-last=Feaver |chapter=Chapter 6: Case Studies |pages=121–129 |year=2015 |language=English
}}</ref>

Amin renamed the presidential lodge in Kampala from Government House to "The Command Post". He disbanded the General Service Unit (GSU), an intelligence agency created by the previous government, and replaced it with the [[State Research Bureau (organisation)|State Research Bureau]] (SRB). SRB headquarters at the Kampala suburb of [[Nakasero]] became the scene of [[torture]] and [[capital punishment]] over the next few years.<ref name="LOC_Security">{{Cite web |title=Country Studies: Uganda: Post-Independence Security Services |url=http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ugtoc.html#ug0159 |access-date=8 August 2009 |website=Federal Research Division |publisher=United States Library of Congress |archive-date=16 July 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120716190740/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ugtoc.html#ug0159 |url-status=live }}</ref> Other agencies used to persecute dissenters included the [[military police]] and the Public Safety Unit (PSU).<ref name=LOC_Security />

Obote took refuge in Tanzania, having been offered sanctuary there by the Tanzanian President [[Julius Nyerere]]. Obote was soon joined by 20,000 Ugandan refugees fleeing Amin. The exiles attempted but failed to regain Uganda in 1972, through a poorly organised [[Coup d'état|coup]] attempt.<ref name="invasion">{{Cite magazine |title=An Idi-otic Invasion |magazine=Time |url=http://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,946151,00.html |access-date=8 August 2009}}</ref>

===Persecution of ethnic and political groups===
Amin retaliated against the [[1972 invasion of Uganda|attempted invasion by Ugandan exiles in 1972]], by purging the [[Uganda Army (1971–1980)|Uganda Army]] of Obote supporters, predominantly those from the [[Acholi people|Acholi]] and [[Langi people|Lango]] ethnic groups.<ref name="TallJstor">{{Cite journal |last=Tall |first=Mamadou |title=Notes on the Civil and Political Strife in Uganda |journal=Issue: A Journal of Opinion |volume=12 |issue=1/2 |pages=41–44 |doi=10.2307/1166537 |jstor=1166537}}</ref> In July 1971, Lango and Acholi soldiers had been massacred in the [[Jinja, Uganda|Jinja]] and [[Mbarara]] [[barracks]].<ref>{{Cite thesis |last=Lautze |first=Sue |title=Research on Violent Institutions in Unstable Environments: The livelihoods systems of Ugandan army soldiers and their families in a war zone |url=http://www.livesandlivelihoods.com/files/25826548.pdf |location=Hertford College, Oxford University |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070710071214/http://www.livesandlivelihoods.com/files/25826548.pdf |archive-date=10 July 2007}}</ref> By early 1972, some 5,000 Acholi and Lango soldiers, and at least twice as many civilians, had disappeared.<ref name="telegraph_obituary">{{Cite news |last=Moore |first=Charles |title=Obituary: Idi Amin |work=Daily Telegraph |location=London |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2003/08/18/db1801.xml&page=1 |url-status=dead |access-date=31 July 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012134036/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=%2Fnews%2F2003%2F08%2F18%2Fdb1801.xml&page=1 |archive-date=12 October 2007}}</ref> The victims soon came to include members of other [[ethnic group]]s, religious leaders, journalists, artists, senior bureaucrats, judges, lawyers, [[Student movements in Uganda|students]] and intellectuals, criminal suspects, and foreign nationals. In this atmosphere of violence, many other people were killed for criminal motives or simply at will. Bodies were often dumped into the River Nile.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Disappearances and Political Killings: Human Rights Crisis of the 1990s: A Manual for Action |url=http://web.amnesty.org/aidoc/aidoc_pdf.nsf/d45725da5fa95f1f80256a2b00642199/cde8ef35a67e99e3802569a70019299e/$FILE/a3307593.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071128072410/http://web.amnesty.org/aidoc/aidoc_pdf.nsf/d45725da5fa95f1f80256a2b00642199/cde8ef35a67e99e3802569a70019299e/%24FILE/a3307593.pdf |archive-date=28 November 2007 |publisher=Amnesty International}}</ref>

The killings, motivated by ethnic, political, and financial factors, continued throughout Amin's eight years in control.<ref name=telegraph_obituary /> The exact number of people killed is unknown. The [[International Commission of Jurists]] estimated the death toll at no fewer than 80,000 and more likely around 300,000. An estimate compiled by exile organisations with the help of [[Amnesty International]] puts the number killed at 500,000.<ref name=Keatley/>

In his book "State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin", [[Henry Kyemba]] (who was a Ugandan minister for 3 years in Idi Amin's cabinet) states that "Amin’s bizarre behaviour derives partly from his tribal background. Like many other warrior societies, the Kakwa, Amin’s tribe, are known to have practised blood rituals on slain enemies. These involve cutting a piece of flesh from the body to subdue the dead man’s spirit or tasting the victim’s blood to render the spirit harmless. Such rituals still exist among the Kakwa. Amin’s practices do not stop at tasting blood: on several occasions he has boasted to me and others that he has eaten human flesh". (Kyemba 109–10)<ref>{{cite book | url=https://openlibrary.org/books/OL3445268M/A_state_of_blood | ol=3445268M | isbn=9789970021321 | title=A state of blood: The inside story of Idi Amin | year=1997 | publisher=Fountain Publishers }}</ref>

Among the most prominent people killed were [[Benedicto Kiwanuka]], a former prime minister and [[chief justice]]; [[Janani Luwum]], the [[Anglican Communion|Anglican]] [[archbishop]]; Joseph Mubiru, the former governor of [[Bank of Uganda|the central bank of Uganda]]; Frank Kalimuzo, the vice-chancellor of [[Makerere University]]; Byron Kawadwa, a prominent playwright; and two of Amin's own cabinet ministers, [[Erinayo Wilson Oryema]] and [[Charles Oboth Ofumbi]].<ref>{{Cite news |title=Special report: Who were Amin's victims? |work=The Daily Monitor |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/amin6.php |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070613161724/http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/amin6.php |archive-date=13 June 2007}}</ref>

Amin recruited his followers from his own ethnic group, the Kakwas, along with South Sudanese. By 1977, these three groups formed 60 percent of the 22 top generals and 75 percent of the cabinet. Similarly, Muslims formed 80 percent and 87.5 percent of these groups even though they were only 5 percent of the population. This helps explain why Amin survived eight attempted coups.<ref>Stefan Lindemann, The ethnic politics of coup avoidance, page 20</ref> The Uganda Army grew from 10,000 to 25,000 by 1978. Amin's military was largely a mercenary force. Half the soldiers were South Sudanese and 26 percent Congolese, with only 24 percent being Ugandan, mostly Muslim and Kakwa.<ref>Andrew Mambo and Julian Schofield "Military Diversion in the 1978 Uganda-Tanzania War" page 12</ref>

{{Quote|quote=We are determined to make the ordinary Ugandan master of his own destiny and, above all, to see that he enjoys the wealth of his country. Our deliberate policy is to transfer the economic control of Uganda into the hands of Ugandans, for the first time in our country's history.|source=Idi Amin on the persecution of minorities<ref>{{Cite book |last=Jørgensen |first=Jan Jelmert |url=https://archive.org/details/ugandamodernhist00jrge/page/288 |title=Uganda: A Modern History |publisher=Taylor & Francis |year=1981 |isbn=978-0-85664-643-0 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/ugandamodernhist00jrge/page/288 288–290]}}</ref>}}

In August 1972, Amin declared what he called an "economic war", a set of policies that included the expropriation of properties owned by Asians and Europeans. Uganda's 80,000 Asians were mostly from the [[Indian subcontinent]] and born in the country, their ancestors having come to Uganda in search of prosperity when India was still a British colony.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin had targeted Indians in 70s |work=[[The Times of India]] |url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2007-04-15/india/27882308_1_devang-raval-museveni-indians |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120324184819/http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2007-04-15/india/27882308_1_devang-raval-museveni-indians |archive-date=24 March 2012}}</ref> Many owned businesses, including large-scale enterprises, which formed the backbone of the Ugandan economy.<ref name="Luganda">{{Cite news |last=Luganda |first=Patrick |title=Amin's Economic War Left Uganda on Crutches |work=New Vision |location=Kampala}}</ref><ref name="auto">{{Cite news |title=On this day: 7 August 1972: Asians given 90 days to leave Uganda |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/august/7/newsid_2492000/2492333.stm |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=19 July 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120719150554/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/august/7/newsid_2492000/2492333.stm |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Flight of the Asians">{{Cite magazine |title=Flight of the Asians |magazine=Time |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,906327,00.html |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=29 January 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110129090114/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,906327,00.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>

On 4 August 1972, Amin issued a decree [[expulsion of Asians from Uganda|ordering the expulsion]] of the 50,000 Asians who were British passport holders. This was later amended to include all 60,000 Asians who were not Ugandan citizens. Around 30,000 Ugandan Asians emigrated to the UK. Others went to Commonwealth countries such as Australia, South Africa, Canada, and Fiji, or to India, Kenya, [[Pakistan]], Sweden, [[Tanzania]], and the United States.<ref name="Luganda" /><ref name="auto" /><ref name="Flight of the Asians" /> Amin expropriated businesses and properties belonging to the Asians and the Europeans and handed them over to his supporters. Without the experienced owners and proprietors, businesses were mismanaged and many industries collapsed from lack of operational expertise and maintenance. This proved disastrous for the already declining Ugandan economy.<ref name=LOC_Rule_Under_Amin /> At the time, Asians accounted for 90% of the country's tax revenue; with their removal, Amin's administration lost a large chunk of government revenue. The economy all but collapsed.<ref>{{Cite news |title=50 years on from the arrival of the Ugandan Asians |newspaper=The Economist |url=https://www.economist.com/britain/2022/08/18/50-years-on-from-the-arrival-of-the-ugandan-asians |access-date=2022-09-16 |issn=0013-0613}}</ref>

Idi Amin murdered an estimated 500 Yemeni Hadrami Arab merchants.<ref>{{cite book |last= Jacobsen|first=Frode F. |edition=illustrated|title=Hadrami Arabs in Present-day Indonesia: An Indonesia-oriented Group with an Arab Signature |series=Routledge Contemporary Southeast Asia Series|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Vzh6AgAAQBAJ&dq=%22Around+five+hundred+Hadramis+were+killed+in+Uganda+at+that+time%22&pg=PA17 |publisher=Routledge |page=17 |isbn=978-1134018529}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://vdoc.pub/documents/hadrami-arabs-in-present-day-indonesia-routledge-contemporary-southeast-asia-series-2fgmpjeslf00 | title=Hadrami Arabs in Present-day Indonesia (Routledge Contemporary Southeast Asia Series) [PDF] [2fgmpjeslf00] }}</ref>

In 1975, [[Emmanuel Blayo Wakhweya]], Idi Amin's finance minister and longest-serving cabinet member at the time, defected to [[London]].<ref>{{Cite news |title=Uganda Minister Named |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1976/07/21/archives/uganda-minister-named.html |access-date=28 November 2018 |archive-date=3 December 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181203161913/https://www.nytimes.com/1976/07/21/archives/uganda-minister-named.html |url-status=live }}</ref> This prominent defection helped [[Henry Kyemba]], Amin's health minister and a former official of the first Obote regime, [[defection|to defect]] in 1977 and resettle in the UK. Kyemba wrote and published ''A State of Blood'', the first insider exposé of Amin's rule.<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://www.kirkusreviews.com/book-reviews/henry-kyemha/a-state-of-blood-the-inside-story-of-idi-amin/ |title=A State of Blood : The Inside Story of Idi Amin by Henry Kyemha {{!}} Kirkus Reviews |language=en-us |access-date=17 January 2018 |archive-date=18 January 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180118064836/https://www.kirkusreviews.com/book-reviews/henry-kyemha/a-state-of-blood-the-inside-story-of-idi-amin/ |url-status=live }}</ref>

On 25 June 1976, the Defence Council declared Amin [[president for life]].<ref>{{cite news| title = Magembe book tells how Amin was declared 'Life President of Uganda'| newspaper = The Observer| date = 10 April 2021| url = https://observer.ug/lifestyle/69226-magembe-book-tells-how-amin-was-declared-life-president-of-uganda| access-date = 19 April 2021}}</ref>

===International relations===
{{See also|Foreign relations of Uganda}}

[[File:ASC Leiden - F. van der Kraaij Collection - 08 - 081 - The inauguration of William Richard Tolbert, 20th President of Liberia. Tolbert and Idi Amin - Ashmun street, Monrovia, Liberia, 1976.tiff|thumb|Idi Amin during the inauguration of [[William Tolbert]], 19th [[president of Liberia]], in 1976]]

Initially, Amin was supported by Western powers such as [[Israel]], [[West Germany]], and, in particular, Great Britain. During the late 1960s, Obote's [[move to the left]], which included his [[Common Man's Charter]] and the [[nationalisation]] of 80 British companies, had made the West worried that he would pose a threat to Western capitalist interests in Africa and make Uganda an ally of the [[Soviet Union]]. Amin, who had served with the King's African Rifles and taken part in Britain's suppression of the [[Mau Mau uprising]] prior to Ugandan independence, was known by the British as "intensely loyal to Britain". This made him an obvious choice as Obote's successor. Although some have claimed that Amin was being groomed for power as early as 1966, the plotting by the British and other Western powers began in earnest in 1969, after Obote had begun his nationalisation programme.<ref>{{Cite news |title=The Making of Idi Amin |publisher=New African |url=http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/36/502.html |access-date=23 August 2015 |archive-date=24 September 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924025120/http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/36/502.html |url-status=live }}</ref>

Throughout the first year of his presidency, Amin received key military and financial support from the United Kingdom and Israel. In July 1971 he visited both countries and asked for advanced military equipment, but the states refused to provide hardware unless the Ugandan government paid for it. Amin decided to seek foreign support elsewhere and in February 1972 he visited [[Libyan Arab Jamahiriya|Libya]]. Amin denounced [[Zionism]], and in return Libyan leader [[Muammar Gaddafi]] pledged Uganda an immediate $25 million loan to be followed by more lending from the Libyan–Ugandan Development Bank. Over the following months Amin successively removed Israeli military advisers from his government, expelled all other Israeli technicians, and finally broke diplomatic relations.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|pp=10–11}} Gaddafi also mediated a resolution to long-standing Ugandan–Sudanese tensions, with Amin agreeing to stop backing [[Anyanya]] rebels in southern Sudan and instead recruit the former guerilla fighters into his army.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=11}}

Following the expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972, most of whom were of Indian descent, India severed [[diplomatic relations]] with Uganda. The same year, as part of his "economic war", Amin broke diplomatic ties with the United Kingdom and nationalised all British-owned businesses.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Baltrop |first=Paul |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=55NPpA6EvyMC&pg=PA1 |title=A Biographical Encyclopedia of Contemporary Genocide: Portraits of Evil and Good |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-0-313-38678-7 |location=online |pages=17 |access-date=27 December 2016 |archive-date=18 April 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170418173908/https://books.google.com/books?id=55NPpA6EvyMC&pg=PA1 |url-status=live }}</ref> The United Kingdom and Israel ceased all trade with Uganda, but this commercial gap was quickly filled by Libya, the United States, and the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=11}}

The Soviet Union grew interested in Uganda as a strategic counterbalance to perceived Chinese influence in Tanzania and Western influence in Kenya. It dispatched a military mission to Uganda in November 1973. While it could not supply the financial level available from the Western powers, the Soviet Union opted to provide Amin with military hardware in exchange for his support.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|pp=11–12}} The Soviet Union quickly became Amin's largest arms supplier, sending Uganda tanks, jets, artillery, missiles, and small arms. By 1975, it was estimated that the Soviets had provided Amin's government with $12 million in economic assistance and $48 million in arms. Amin also sent several thousand Ugandans to [[Eastern Bloc]] countries for military, intelligence, and technical training, especially [[Czechoslovakia]].{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=12}} [[East Germany]] was involved in the General Service Unit and the State Research Bureau, the two agencies that were most notorious for terror. Later during the Ugandan invasion of Tanzania in 1979, East Germany attempted to remove evidence of its involvement with these agencies.<ref name=gdr1 />

In December 1973 Amin launched a sarcastic 'Save Britain Fund' during the [[1973–1975 recession]] to "save and assist our former colonial masters from economic catastrophe", while offering emergency food supplies and urging Ugandans to donate.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Sharpe |first1=James |title=Foreign Exchange: The Complete Deal A Comprehensive Guide to the Theory and Practice of the Forex Market |publisher=Harriman House |page=17}}</ref>{{sfn|Leopold|2020|p=241}}<ref>{{cite book |last1=Turner |first1=Alwyn W. |title=Crisis? What Crisis? Britain in the 1970s |publisher=Aurum}}</ref>

[[File:Idi Amin and Mobutu.jpeg|thumb|left|Idi Amin visits the [[Zaire|Zairian]] dictator [[Mobutu Sese Seko|Mobutu]] during the [[Shaba I]] conflict in 1977]]

In June 1976, Amin allowed an [[Air France]] airliner from [[Tel Aviv]] to [[Paris]] hijacked by two members of the [[Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – External Operations]] (PFLP-EO) and two members of the German [[Revolutionary Cells (German group)|Revolutionäre Zellen]] to land at Entebbe Airport. The hijackers were joined there by three more. Soon after, 156 non-Jewish hostages who did not hold Israeli passports were released and flown to safety, while 83 Jews and Israeli citizens, as well as 20 others who refused to abandon them (among whom were the captain and crew of the hijacked Air France jet), continued to be held hostage.<ref name="auto1">{{Cite news |title=On this day: 7 July 1976: British grandmother missing in Uganda |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/july/7/newsid_2496000/2496095.stm |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=18 December 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121218065112/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/july/7/newsid_2496000/2496095.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> In the subsequent Israeli rescue operation, codenamed Operation Thunderbolt (popularly known as [[Operation Entebbe]]), on the night of 3–4 July 1976, a group of Israeli commandos flew in from Israel and seized control of Entebbe Airport, freeing nearly all the hostages. Three hostages died during the operation and 10 were wounded; 7 hijackers, about 45 Ugandan soldiers, and 1 Israeli soldier, [[Yoni Netanyahu]] (the commander of the unit), were killed. A fourth hostage, 75-year-old [[Murder of Dora Bloch|Dora Bloch]], an elderly Jewish Englishwoman who had been taken to [[Mulago Hospital]] in Kampala before the rescue operation, was subsequently murdered in reprisal. The incident further soured Uganda's international relations, leading the United Kingdom to close its [[High Commissioner|High Commission]] in Uganda.<ref name="auto1"/> In retaliation for Kenya's assistance in the raid, Amin also ordered the killing of hundreds of Kenyans living in Uganda.<ref>{{Cite news |title=On this day: 4 July 1976: Israelis rescue Entebbe hostages |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/july/4/newsid_2786000/2786967.stm |access-date=8 January 2017 |archive-date=8 March 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200308093350/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/july/4/newsid_2786000/2786967.stm |url-status=live }}</ref>

Uganda under Amin embarked on a large military build-up, which raised concerns in Kenya. Early in June 1975, Kenyan officials impounded a large convoy of Soviet-made arms ''en route'' to Uganda at the port of [[Mombasa]]. Tension between Uganda and Kenya reached its climax in February 1976, when Amin announced that he would investigate the possibility that parts of southern Sudan and western and central Kenya, up to within {{convert|32|km|mi}} of [[Nairobi]], were historically a part of colonial Uganda. The [[Politics of Kenya|Kenyan Government]] responded with a stern statement that Kenya would not part with "a single inch of territory". Amin backed down after the Kenyan army deployed troops and [[armoured personnel carrier]]s along the Kenya–Uganda border.<ref>{{Cite news |title='Dada' always rubbed Kenya the wrong way |work=Sunday Nation |url=http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/17082003/News/Amin_News170820039.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080206065709/http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/17082003/News/Amin_News170820039.html |archive-date=6 February 2008}}</ref> Amin's relations with Rwanda were tense, and during his tenure he repeatedly jeopardized its economy by denying its commercial vehicles transit to Mombasa and made multiple threats to bomb [[Kigali]].{{sfn|Singh|2012|p=58}}

==Deposition and exile==
{{further|Uganda–Tanzania War}}
In January 1977 Amin appointed General [[Mustafa Adrisi]] Vice President of Uganda.<ref name="bulletin">{{Cite news |title=Uganda : Vice-President Appointed |page=4284 |work=Africa Research Bulletin |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oncEAQAAIAAJ}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |title=Amin names No. 2 six years after coup |page=18 |work=The Vancouver Sun |agency=Reuters |url=https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/493270481/ |access-date=15 December 2019 |archive-date=16 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191216030016/https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/493270481/ |url-status=live }}</ref> That year, a split in the Uganda Army developed between supporters of Amin and soldiers loyal to Adrisi, who held significant power in the government and wanted to purge foreigners, particularly Sudanese, from the military.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=49}} The growing dissatisfaction in the Uganda Army was reflected by frequent coup attempts;{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=30}} Amin was even wounded during one of them, namely [[Operation Mafuta Mingi]] in June 1977.{{sfn|Seftel|2010|p=190}}<ref>{{cite news| last = Mann| first = Roger| title = Amin Alive| newspaper = The Washington Post| date = 24 June 1977| url = https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1977/06/24/amin-alive/cccb2d12-ff6f-4b85-b02b-d4c9a990f55a/ |access-date=13 May 2021}}</ref> By 1978, the number of Amin's supporters and close associates had shrunk significantly, and he faced increasing dissent from the populace within Uganda as the economy and infrastructure collapsed as a result of the years of neglect and abuse. After the killings of Bishop Luwum and ministers Oryema and Oboth Ofumbi in 1977, several of Amin's ministers defected or fled into exile.<ref name="bishop">{{Cite news |title=Not even an archbishop was spared |work=The Weekly Observer |last=Mubangizi |first=Michael |url=http://www.ugandaobserver.com/new/archives/2006arch/features/spec/feb/spec200602161.php |language=English |location=Kampala, Uganda |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012152659/http://ugandaobserver.com/new/archives/2006arch/features/spec/feb/spec200602161.php |archive-date=12 October 2007 |editor1-last=Tumusiime |editor1-first=James |editor2-last=Katunzi |editor2-first=Pius Muteekani |editor3-last=Bulime |editor3-first=Bob |publisher=Observer Media Ltd}}</ref> In early 1978, Adrisi was severely injured in a car accident and flown to Cairo for treatment. While he was there, Amin stripped him of his positions as Minister of Defence and Minister of Home Affairs and denounced him for retiring senior prison officials without his knowledge. Amin then proceeded to purge several high-ranking officials from his government{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|pp=49–50}} and took personal control of several ministerial portfolios. The shakeup caused political unrest and especially angered Adrisi's followers, who believed that the car accident was a failed assassination attempt.<ref name="crackdown">{{Cite news |title=Uganda : Idi Amin cracks down on ministers |volume=5 |page=26 |work=To the Point International |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FH_hAAAAMAAJ}}</ref>

In November 1978, troops loyal to Adrisi mutinied. Amin sent troops against the mutineers, some of whom had fled across the Tanzanian border.<ref name=LOC_Rule_Under_Amin /> Fighting consequently broke out along the Ugandan–Tanzanian border, and the Uganda Army launched an [[Invasion of Kagera|invasion of Tanzanian territory]] under unclear circumstances.{{sfn|Roberts|2017|p=156}} According to several experts and politicians, Amin directly ordered the invasion in an attempt to distract the Ugandan military and public from the crisis at home.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=52}}<ref>{{Cite web |last=Lubega, Henry |title=Amin's former top soldier reveals why TPDF won |url=http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/national/Why-Tanzania-defeated-Amin/1840392-2331220-olaa1lz/index.html |access-date=14 October 2018 |website=The Citizen |archive-date=14 October 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181014165401/https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/national/Why-Tanzania-defeated-Amin/1840392-2331220-olaa1lz/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref> Other accounts suggest, however, that Amin had lost control of parts of the Uganda Army. Accordingly, the invading troops acted without his orders, and Amin sanctioned the invasion ''post facto'' to save face.{{sfn|Mambo|Schofield|2007|pp=312–313}}<ref>{{Cite web |last=Mugabe |first=Faustin |title=How bar fight sparked the 1979 Uganda – Tanzania war |url=https://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/How-bar-fight-sparked-the-1979-Uganda--Tanzania-war/689844-3002788-12ob9gk/index.html |access-date=13 August 2019 |website=Daily Monitor |archive-date=3 October 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181003072856/http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/How-bar-fight-sparked-the-1979-Uganda--Tanzania-war/689844-3002788-12ob9gk/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref> In any case, Amin accused Tanzanian President [[Julius Nyerere]] of initiating the war against Uganda after the hostilities had erupted, and proclaimed the [[annexation]] of a section of [[Kagera Region|Kagera]] when the Ugandan invasion initially proved to be successful.<ref name=LOC_Rule_Under_Amin /><ref name=invasion /> However, as Tanzania began to prepare a counter-offensive, Amin reportedly realised his precarious situation, and attempted to defuse the conflict without losing face.{{sfn|Hooper|1999|p=42}} The Ugandan President publicly suggested that he and Nyerere participate in a boxing match which, in lieu of military action, would determine the outcome of the conflict.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=67}}{{efn|Amin also proposed that [[Muhammad Ali]] could act as referee.{{sfn|Rice|2003|p=11}} Researcher Alicia C. Decker reasoned that the suggestion of a boxing match was supposed to "bolster [Amin's] masculinity" and thereby showcase that he remained a strong leader in the face of mounting opposition to his regime. Accordingly, the proposal was mostly directed toward a Ugandan audience, and part of Amin's "performative" ruling style.{{sfn|Decker|2014|pp=152–153}}}} Nyerere ignored the message.{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=67}}

In January 1979, Nyerere mobilised the [[Tanzania People's Defence Force]] and counterattacked, joined by several groups of Ugandan exiles who had united as the [[Uganda National Liberation Army]] (UNLA). Amin's army retreated steadily, despite military help from Libya's Muammar Gaddafi<ref name="britannica" /> and the [[Palestine Liberation Organisation]] (PLO).{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=90}} The President reportedly made several trips abroad to other countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iraq during the war, attempting to enlist more [[Foreign support of Uganda in the Uganda–Tanzania War|foreign support]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Darnton |first=John |title=Both Uganda and Tanzania Seek Arab Aid in Winning Their War |page=3 |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1979/03/07/archives/both-uganda-and-tanzania-seek-arab-aid-in-winning-their-war.html |access-date=19 December 2019 |archive-date=29 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210129172406/https://www.nytimes.com/1979/03/07/archives/both-uganda-and-tanzania-seek-arab-aid-in-winning-their-war.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Brittain |first=Victoria |title=Amin Reported To Seek Arms From Baghdad |newspaper=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1979/04/24/amin-reported-to-seek-arms-from-baghdad/dc106b80-1b85-44b1-9e62-18d71efe87e6/ |access-date=16 March 2021}}</ref> He made few public appearances in the final months of his rule, but spoke frequently on radio and television.<ref>{{cite web| url = https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/magazines/people-power/amin-s-final-public-appearances-1647780| title = Amin's final public appearances| date = 23 April 2016| website = Daily Monitor| access-date = 19 April 2021}}</ref> Following a major defeat in the [[Battle of Lukaya]], parts of the Uganda Army command reportedly urged Amin to step down. He angrily refused, and declared: "If you don't want to fight, I'll do it myself." He consequently fired chief of staff [[Yusuf Gowon]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=John Daimon |title=Libyan Troops Supporting Amin Said to Flee Kampala, Leaving It Defenseless |page=9 |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1979/04/06/archives/libyan-troops-supporting-amin-said-to-flee-kampalaleaving-it.html |access-date=21 December 2019 |archive-date=21 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191221122851/https://www.nytimes.com/1979/04/06/archives/libyan-troops-supporting-amin-said-to-flee-kampalaleaving-it.html |url-status=live }}</ref>{{sfn|Rice|2003|p=12}} However, Amin was forced to flee the Ugandan capital by helicopter on 11 April 1979, when [[Fall of Kampala|Kampala was captured]].<ref name="britannica" /> After a short-lived attempt to rally some remnants of the Uganda Army in eastern Uganda{{sfn|Cooper|Fontanellaz|2015|p=37}}<ref>{{Cite web |last=Mugabe |first=Faustin |title=How Amin escaped from Kampala |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/How-Amin-escaped-Kampala/689844-3193498-6w8fhl/index.html |access-date=19 March 2019 |website=Daily Monitor |archive-date=28 April 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190428160027/https://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/How-Amin-escaped-Kampala/689844-3193498-6w8fhl/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref> which reportedly included Amin proclaiming the city of [[Jinja, Uganda|Jinja]] his country's new capital,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Kapo |first=Nelson Bwire |title=Amin escapes from Kampala on day of overthrow, 'captures' power again from Soroti |url=https://nilepost.co.ug/2019/04/14/amin-escapes-from-kampala-on-day-of-overthrow-captures-power-again-from-soroti/ |access-date=5 March 2020 |website=Nile Post |archive-date=28 February 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200228202403/https://nilepost.co.ug/2019/04/14/amin-escapes-from-kampala-on-day-of-overthrow-captures-power-again-from-soroti/ |url-status=live |publisher=Nile Post Uganda Ltd (Next Media Services) |editor1-first=Rogers |editor1-last=Baguma |place=Kampala, Uganda}}</ref> he fled into exile. Amin first escaped to Libya, where he stayed until 1980, and ultimately settled in [[Saudi Arabia]], where the [[House of Saud|Saudi royal family]] allowed him [[sanctuary]] and paid him a generous subsidy in return for staying out of politics.<ref name="britannica" /> Amin lived for a number of years on the top two floors of the [[Novotel]] Hotel on Palestine Road in Jeddah. [[Brian Barron]], who covered the Uganda–Tanzania War for the BBC as chief Africa correspondent, together with cameraman [[Mohamed Amin]] (no relation) of Visnews in [[Nairobi]], located Amin in 1980, and secured the first interview with him since his deposition.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Barron |first=Brian |title=The Idi Amin I knew |work=BBC News |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3156011.stm |access-date=16 September 2009 |archive-date=2 March 2009 |language=English |place=London, United Kingdom |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090302161853/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3156011.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> While in exile, Amin funded remnants of his army that fought in the [[Ugandan Bush War]].{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=224}} Though he continued to be a controversial figure, some of Amin's former followers as well as several rebel groups continued to fight in his name for decades,{{sfn|Cooper|Fontanellaz|2015|p=39}} and occasionally advocated for his amnesty<ref>{{Cite news |last=United Press International |title=Amin's Generals Seek Amnesty for Him |work=Los Angeles Times |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1985-08-12-mn-3930-story.html |access-date=7 January 2020 |archive-date=17 February 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200217175256/https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1985-08-12-mn-3930-story.html |url-status=live |place=Los Angeles, United States |agency=United Press International (UPI) |editor1-first=Kevin |editor1-last=Merida |editor2-first=Scott |editor2-last=Kraft |editor3-first=Kimi |editor3-last=Yoshino |editor4-first=Shelby |editor4-last=Grad |editor5-first=Shani O. |editor5-last=Hilton |editor6-first=Julia |editor6-last=Turner |editor7-first=Amy |editor7-last=King |editor8-first=John |editor8-last=Canalis |editor9-first=Angel |editor9-last=Jennings |editor10-first=Loree |editor10-last=Matsui |editor11-first=Sewell |editor11-last=Chan |editor12-first=Terry |editor12-last=Tang |editor13-first=Lora |editor13-last=Victorio |editor14-first=Henry |editor14-last=Chu |editor15-first=Dan |editor15-last=Watson |editor16-first=Jessica |editor16-last=Perez |editor17-first=Victor |editor17-last=Barajas |editor18-first=James |editor18-last=Angius |editor19-first=Patrick |editor19-last=Soong-Shiong |oclc=3638237 |issn=0458-3035 }}</ref> and even his restoration to Ugandan Presidency.{{sfn|Day|2011|p=452}} During interviews he gave during his exile in Saudi Arabia, Amin held that Uganda needed him, and never expressed [[remorse]] for the brutal nature of his regime.<ref name="remorse">{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin, ex-dictator of Uganda, dies |work=[[USA Today]] |agency=Associated Press |url=http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-08-16-amin-obit_x.htm |access-date=24 November 2014 |archive-date=7 July 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140707090834/http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-08-16-amin-obit_x.htm |url-status=live }}</ref>

In 1989, Amin left his exile without authorization by the Saudi Arabian government, and flew alongside one of his sons to [[Zaire]]. There, he intended to mobilize a rebel force to reconquer Uganda<ref name="Wiedemann">{{Cite news |last=Wiedemann |first=Erich |title=Aufbruch und Absturz. Ein Monster als Clown |language=de |trans-title=Rise and fall. A monster as a clown |work=Spiegel |url=https://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/spiegelspecialgeschichte/d-51661384.html |access-date=9 December 2019 |archive-date=8 August 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200808005346/https://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/spiegelspecialgeschichte/d-51661384.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="AP1">{{Cite web |title=Idi Amin's Whereabouts Still Unknown |url=https://www.apnews.com/article/46159691096a890753f38beb23624e9d |access-date=24 February 2021 |place=Manama, Bahrain |work=[[Associated Press|The Associated Press (AP)]] |language=English |editor1-first=Andy |editor1-last=Wormser |editor2-first=Brian |editor2-last=Doyle |editor3-first=Jason |editor3-last=Smith |editor4-first=Hamed |editor4-last=Akhgar |editor5-first=Eric |editor5-last=Disque |editor6-first=Rob |editor6-last=Higdon |editor7-first=Anthony |editor7-last=Prangley |editor8-first=Jose Michael |editor8-last=Gonzalez-Conde |editor9-first=Natalie |editor9-last=Peters |editor10-first=Phil |editor10-last=Avner |editor11-first=Zach |editor11-last=Landis |editor12-first=Brian |editor12-last=Hopman |editor13-first=Gary |editor13-last=Pruitt |editor14-first=Steven R. |editor14-last=Swartz |agency=The Associated Press (AP) }}</ref> which was engulfed in [[War in Uganda (1986–1994)|another civil war]] at the time.{{sfn|Cooper|Fontanellaz|2015|pp=51–60}} The rest of his family stayed in Jeddah.<ref name="AP1" /> Despite using a false Zairean passport, Amin was easily recognized upon arriving with [[Air Zaïre]] at [[N'djili Airport]], and promptly arrested by Zairean security forces. The Zairean government reacted unfavourably to Amin's arrival, and attempted to expel him from the country.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Former Dictator Idi Amin to be Expelled From Zaire |url=https://apnews.com/article/2096a48144457832986deddf537e4f9b |access-date=24 February 2021 |website=AP News}}</ref> At first, Saudi Arabia refused to allow him to return,<ref name="Wiedemann" /><ref name="AP1" /> as its government was deeply offended that he had "abused their hospitality" by leaving without permission.<ref name="AP2">{{cite news |first=Angus |last=Shaw |location=Harare, Zimbabwe |title=Out of Africa: Idi Amin Apparently Returning to Exile Home |url=https://www.apnews.com/article/b96282c58b9cd46acc57ab594259cf62 |language=English |editor1-first=Andy |editor1-last=Wormser |editor2-first=Brian |editor2-last=Doyle |editor3-first=Jason |editor3-last=Smith |editor4-first=Hamed |editor4-last=Akhgar |editor5-first=Eric |editor5-last=Disque |editor6-first=Rob |editor6-last=Higdon |editor7-first=Anthony |editor7-last=Prangley |editor8-first=Jose Michael |editor8-last=Gonzalez-Conde |editor9-first=Natalie |editor9-last=Peters |editor10-first=Phil |editor10-last=Avner |editor11-first=Zach |editor11-last=Landis |editor12-first=Brian |editor12-last=Hopman |editor13-first=Gary |editor13-last=Pruitt |editor14-first=Steven R. |editor14-last=Swartz |agency=[[Associated Press|The Associated Press (AP)]] |website=AP News }}</ref> The Zairean government wanted neither to extradite Amin to Uganda where the ex-president faced murder charges nor keep him in Zaire, thereby straining international relations. As a result, Amin was initially expelled to [[Senegal]] from where he was supposed to be sent to Saudi Arabia, but the Senegalese government sent him back to Zaire when Saudi Arabia continued to refuse Amin a visa.<ref name="AP1" /><ref name="AP2" /> Following appeals by Moroccan King [[Hassan II of Morocco|Hassan II]], the Saudi Arabian leadership finally relented and allowed Amin to return.<ref name="Wiedemann" /><ref name="AP2" /> In return, Amin had to promise to never again participate in any political or military activities or give interviews. He consequently spent the remainder of his life in Saudi Arabia.<ref name="Wiedemann" />

In the final years of his life, Amin reportedly ate a [[fruitarian]] diet.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Arad |first=Roy |title=Beyond vegan: Israel's fruitarians like it raw |url=https://www.haaretz.com/food/.premium-beyond-vegan-israel-s-fruitarians-1.5245165 |access-date=17 February 2021 |website=[[Haaretz]] |language=English |archive-date=18 February 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210218005913/https://www.haaretz.com/food/.premium-beyond-vegan-israel-s-fruitarians-1.5245165 |url-status=live |place=Tel Aviv, Israel |publisher=Haaretz Group (Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd.) |editor1-last=Benn |editor1-first=Aluf |editor2-last=Schauberg |editor2-first=M. DuMont |editor3-last=Schocken |editor3-first=Amos |editor4-first=Avi |editor4-last=Solomon |editor5-first=Aviva |editor5-last=Bronstein |editor6-first=Yaniv |editor6-last=Nitzan |editor7-first=Yossi |editor7-last=Vissan |editor8-first=Guy |editor8-last=Guy |editor9-first=Rami |editor9-last=Guez }}</ref> His daily consumption of oranges earned him the nickname "Dr Jaffa" among Saudi Arabians.<ref name=":1">Goline, Adam Leith (2013) ''The Fruit Hunters: A Story of Nature, Adventure, Commerce and Obsession'' New York: Scribner {{ISBN|9781476704999}}. Quote: "Idi Amin, the tyrannical Ugandan dictator, lived his final years in Saudi Arabia as a fruitarian (his affinity for oranges earned him the nickname "Dr. Jaffa")."</ref><ref name=":2">{{Cite web |last=Smith |first=Joan |title=How sex turned into torture |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/how-sex-turned-into-torture-1118224.html |access-date=2021-02-18 |website=The Independent |language=English |archive-date=18 February 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210218005855/https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/how-sex-turned-into-torture-1118224.html |url-status=live |publisher=Independent Digital News & Media Limited |editor1-first=David |editor1-last=Marley |editor2-first=Chloe |editor2-last=Hubbard |editor3-last=McInerney |editor3-first=Lucie |editor4-first=Linda |editor4-last=Taylor |editor5-first=Michael |editor5-last=Owens |editor6-first=Richard |editor6-last=Best |editor7-first=Olivia |editor7-last=Alabaster |editor8-first=Gemma |editor8-last=Fox |editor9-first=Jo |editor9-last=Holdaway |editor10-first=Sophie |editor10-last=Hanbury |editor11-first=Christian |editor11-last=Broughton |editor12-first=Zach |editor12-last=Leonard |editor13-first=Andrew |editor13-last=Morley |place=[[London]], [[United Kingdom]] |issn=0951-9467 |oclc=185201487 }}</ref>

==Illness and death==
On 19 July 2003, Amin's fourth wife, Nalongo Madina, reported that he was in a [[coma]] and near death at the [[King Faisal Specialist Hospital and Research Centre]] in [[Jeddah]], Saudi Arabia, from [[Renal failure|kidney failure]]. She pleaded with the Ugandan president, [[Yoweri Museveni]], to allow him to return to Uganda for the remainder of his life. Museveni replied that Amin would have to "answer for his sins the moment he was brought back".<ref>{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin back in media spotlight |work=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3093613.stm |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=24 June 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110624145008/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3093613.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> Amin's family eventually decided to disconnect [[life support]], and Amin consequently died at the hospital in Jeddah on 16 August 2003. He was buried in Ruwais Cemetery in Jeddah in a simple grave, without any fanfare.<ref name="APobit_attendancequote">{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin, ex-dictator of Uganda, dies |work=[[USA Today]] |url=https://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-08-16-amin-obit_x.htm |access-date=8 August 2009 |quote=Amin was buried in Jiddah's Ruwais cemetery after sunset prayers Saturday, said a person close to the family in the Red Sea port city. The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was told that very few people attended the funeral. |archive-date=20 February 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100220172410/http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-08-16-amin-obit_x.htm |url-status=live }}</ref>

After Amin's death, [[David Owen]] revealed that during his term as the British Foreign Secretary (1977 to 1979), he had proposed having Amin [[assassination|assassinated]]. He has defended this, arguing: "I'm not ashamed of considering it, because his regime goes down in the scale of [[Pol Pot]] as one of the worst of all African regimes".<ref>{{cite news |first1=Mike |last1=Wooldridge |first2=David |last2=Owen |title=UK considered killing Idi Amin |publisher=British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) |place=London, United Kingdom of Great Britain |editor1-first=Fran |editor1-last=Unsworth |editor2-first=Mary |editor2-last=Hockaday |editor3-first=Huw |editor3-last=Edwards |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061117054747/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3157101.stm |language=English |work=BBC News |editor4-first=Nielsen |editor4-last=Naja |editor5-first=Sula |editor5-last=Jordan |editor6-first=Mary |editor6-last=Darcey |editor7-first=Ralph |editor7-last=Lee |editor8-first=Jonathan |editor8-last=Munro |editor9-first=Ellie |editor9-last=Runcie |editor10-first=Robin |editor10-last=Pembrooke |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3157101.stm |archive-date=17 November 2006 }}</ref>

==Family and associates==
[[File:Lake Viktoria 2009-08-26 14-29-23.JPG|thumb|300px|Remnants of Amin's palace near [[Lake Victoria]]]]

A [[polygamy|polygamist]], Idi Amin married at least six women, three of whom he [[divorce]]d. He married his first and second wives, Malyamu and Kay, in 1966. In 1967, he married Nora, and then married Nalongo Madina in 1972. On 26 March 1974, he announced on Radio Uganda that he had divorced Malyamu, Nora, and Kay.<ref name="life_and_loves">{{Cite news |title=Reign of Terror: The life and loves of a tyrant |work=Daily Nation |url=http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/20082003/News/News122.html |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080206070718/http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/20082003/News/News122.html |archive-date=6 February 2008}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Kavuma |first=Richard |title=Special Report: Big Daddy and his women |work=The Monitor |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/amin8.php |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070618171054/http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/amin8.php |archive-date=18 June 2007}}</ref> Malyamu was arrested in [[Tororo]] on the Kenyan border in April 1974 and accused of attempting to smuggle a bolt of fabric into Kenya.<ref name=life_and_loves /><ref name="Amin_is_dead">{{Cite news |last=Kibirige |first=David |title=Idi Amin is dead |work=The Monitor |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/news1.php |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070610010707/http://www.monitor.co.ug/specialincludes/ugprsd/amin/articles/news1.php |archive-date=10 June 2007}}</ref> In 1974, Kay Amin died under mysterious circumstances, with her body found dismembered.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Kay Amin |url=http://www.biography.com/people/kay-amin-21075729 |access-date=20 July 2016 |website=Biography (US) |publisher=A&E Networks |archive-date=25 July 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160725032835/http://www.biography.com/people/kay-amin-21075729 |url-status=live }}</ref> Nora fled to [[Zaire]] in 1979; her current whereabouts are unknown.<ref name=Amin_is_dead />

In July 1975, Amin staged a £2 million wedding to 19-year-old [[Sarah Kyolaba]], a [[go-go dancing|go-go dancer]] with the ''Revolutionary Suicide Mechanised Regiment Band'', nicknamed "Suicide Sarah".<ref name="Sarah_Amin">{{Cite news |last=Kalyegira |first=Timothy |title=Sarah Amin, 1954 – 2015 |work=The Monitor (Uganda) |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/Sarah-Amin-1954---2015/-/689844/2750450/-/13xv1j3z/-/index.html |access-date=20 July 2016 |archive-date=14 August 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160814045045/http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/Sarah-Amin-1954---2015/-/689844/2750450/-/13xv1j3z/-/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref> The wedding was held during the [[Organisation of African Unity]] (OAU) summit meeting in Kampala, and the chairman of the [[Palestine Liberation Organisation]], [[Yasser Arafat]] served as Amin's [[Groomsman#Best man|best man]].<ref name="Widow_dies">{{Cite news |last=Nakajubi |first=Gloria |title=Ugandan dictator Idi Amin's widow Sarah Kyolaba dies in the UK aged 59 The dictator's former "favourite" ran a hair salon in north London |work=Independent (Great Britain) |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ugandan-dictator-idi-amins-widow-sarah-kyolaba-dies-in-the-uk-aged-59-10322083.html |access-date=20 July 2016 |archive-date=18 July 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160718172639/http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ugandan-dictator-idi-amins-widow-sarah-kyolaba-dies-in-the-uk-aged-59-10322083.html |url-status=live }}</ref> Before she met Amin, Sarah was living with a boyfriend, Jesse Gitta; he vanished and it is not clear if he was [[decapitation|beheaded]], or detained after fleeing to [[Kenya]].<ref name=Sarah_Amin/> The couple had four children and enjoyed [[rallying|rally race driving]] Amin's [[Citroën SM]], with Sarah as navigator.<ref name=Sarah_Amin/> Sarah was a [[hairdresser]] in [[Tottenham]] when she died in 2015.<ref name=Widow_dies/>

By 1993, Amin was living with the last nine of his children and one wife, Mama a Chumaru, the mother of the youngest four of his children. His last known child, daughter Iman, was born in 1992.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Foden |first=Giles |title=Not quite a chip off the old block |work=The Guardian |location=London |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2007/aug/04/ukcrime.gilesfoden |access-date=11 December 2016 |archive-date=10 May 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170510150831/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2007/aug/04/ukcrime.gilesfoden |url-status=live }}</ref> According to ''The Monitor'', Amin married again a few months before his death in 2003,<ref name=Amin_is_dead /> and converted to [[Islam]] during his exile.<ref>{{Cite news |title=The Idi Amin I knew |language=en-GB |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3156011.stm |access-date=2023-03-16}}</ref>

Amin fathered as many as 60 children.{{efn|A report in ''[[Daily Monitor|The Monitor]]'' says he was survived by 45 children,<ref name=Amin_is_dead /> while another in the BBC gives the figure of 54.<ref>{{Cite news |date=25 August 2003 |title=Amins row over inheritance |work=BBC News |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3179085.stm |access-date=9 August 2009 |archive-date=20 April 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080420104409/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3179085.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> Some members of his family estimated that he had near 60 children.<ref>{{cite web| url = https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/magazines/people-power/amin-showy-man-about-town-and-father-of-60-children-1821034| title = Amin: Showy man-about-town and father of 60 children| last = Draku| first = Franklin| date = 20 April 2019| website = Daily Monitor| access-date = 19 April 2021}}</ref>}} Until 2003, Taban Amin (born 1955),<ref>{{Cite news |title=Son of Idi Amin threatens to sue 'Last King Of Scotland' producers |page=35 |work=Jet |publisher=Johnson Publishing Company |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fDoDAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA35}}</ref> Idi Amin's eldest son, was the leader of [[West Nile Bank Front]] (WNBF), a rebel group opposed to the government of Yoweri Museveni. In 2005, he was offered [[amnesty]] by Museveni, and in 2006, he was appointed Deputy Director General of the [[Internal Security Organisation]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Mcconnell |first=Tristan |title=Return of Idi Amin's son casts a shadow over Ugandan election |work=The Daily Telegraph |location=London |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/uganda/1510313/Return-of-Idi-Amins-son-casts-a-shadow-over-Ugandan-election.html |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=5 March 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120305121022/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/uganda/1510313/Return-of-Idi-Amins-son-casts-a-shadow-over-Ugandan-election.html |url-status=live }}</ref> Another of Amin's sons, Haji Ali Amin, ran for election as Chairman (i.e. mayor) of [[Njeru]] Town Council in 2002 but was not elected.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Amin's son runs for mayor |publisher=BBC |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1740272.stm |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=27 August 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110827015803/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1740272.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> In early 2007, the award-winning film ''[[The Last King of Scotland (film)|The Last King of Scotland]]'' prompted one of his sons, Jaffar Amin (born in 1967),<ref name="usatoday.com">{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin's son lashes out over 'Last King' |work=USA Today |url=https://www.usatoday.com/life/people/2007-02-22-amin-protest_x.htm |access-date=1 September 2017 |archive-date=25 June 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120625145419/http://www.usatoday.com/life/people/2007-02-22-amin-protest_x.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> to speak out in his father's defence. Jaffar Amin said he was writing a book to rehabilitate his father's reputation.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin's son lashes out over 'Last King' |work=USA Today |agency=Associated Press |url=https://www.usatoday.com/life/people/2007-02-22-amin-protest_x.htm |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=19 September 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090919002453/http://www.usatoday.com/life/people/2007-02-22-amin-protest_x.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> Jaffar is the tenth of Amin's 40 official children by seven official wives.<ref name="usatoday.com" />

Among Amin's closest associates was the Briton [[Bob Astles]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Kelly |first=Jane |title=Uganda's white rat |work=Daily News |url=http://www.dailynews.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=502&fArticleId=210731 |url-status=dead |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20040125235821/http://www.dailynews.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=502&fArticleId=210731 |archive-date=25 January 2004}}</ref> [[Isaac Maliyamungu]] was an instrumental affiliate and one of the more feared officers in Amin's army.<ref name=bishop />

== Character ==
=== Nicknames ===
Over the course of his career, Amin gained numerous nicknames, many of them derogatory:
* "Big Daddy":<ref name= "africa coup">{{cite web| url = https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/sports/soccer/when-uganda-last-played-africa-cup-idi-amin-ruled-1683198 | title = When Uganda last played Africa Cup, Idi Amin ruled | date = 12 January 2017 | website = Daily Monitor | access-date = 11 May 2021 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |title=Representation of the Big Man Typology in The Rise and Fall of Idi Amin |first1=Biching'a |last1=Sospeter Okero |first2=George |last2=Nyandoro Obara |first3=Charles |last3=Kebaya |volume=3 |issue=4 |publication-place=Nairobi, Kenya |journal=Nairobi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences |publisher=Royallite Global (Royallite Publishers) |issn=2520-4009 |editor1-last=Mugubi |editor1-first=John |editor2-first=Amos O. |editor2-last=Ojwang' |editor3-last=Saxena |editor3-first=Monisha |editor4-first=Robert |editor4-last=Wesonga |editor5-first=Priscah-Tarus |editor5-last=Kiptoo |editor6-first=Andrew |editor6-last=Nyongesa |editor7-first=Deepa |editor7-last=Sehrawat |editor8-first=Evan |editor8-last=Mwangi |editor9-first=Hope |editor9-last=Eghagha |editor10-first=Christopher |editor10-last=Odhiambo |pages=40–56 |url=https://www.royalliteglobal.com/njhs/article/view/387 }}</ref> affectionate nickname{{sfn|Decker|2014|p=1}}
* ''kijambiya'' ("the [[machete]]"):{{sfn|Decker|2014|p=137}} attributed to Ugandan security forces often murdering their victims with machetes{{sfn|Decker|2014|p=73}}
* "Butcher of Uganda"<ref name= "africa coup" />
* "Butcher of Africa"{{sfn|Seftel|2010|p=171}}
* "Butcher of Kampala"<ref name="AP2" />
* "Black Hitler"<ref name="AP2" />
* "Dada": It is disputed whether this was part of Amin's family name or a nickname. Some observers have claimed that it originated as a nickname for Amin's "cowardly" behavior, as it can be translated as "sister", though this has been strongly disputed by others.{{sfn|Decker|2014|p=188}}{{sfn|Leopold|2020|pp=30–31}} Amin's family has stated that "Dada" was simply an alternative name for the [[Lugbara people]] which is occasionally used as a personal name. Researcher Mark Leopold judged this to be more likely than the nickname theory.{{sfn|Leopold|2020|p=31}}
*"Dr. Jaffa":<ref name=":1" /> he earned this nickname in exile in Saudi Arabia due to his daily consumption of oranges, especially after allegedly transitioning to [[fruitarianism]].<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":2" />

=== Erratic behaviour, self-bestowed titles and media portrayal ===
[[File:Idi Amin caricature2.jpg|right|thumb|A 1977 caricature of Amin in military and presidential attire by [[Edmund S. Valtman]]]]
As the years progressed, Amin's behaviour became more erratic, unpredictable, and strident. After the United Kingdom broke off all diplomatic relations with his regime in 1977, Amin declared that he had defeated the British, and he conferred on himself the decoration of CBE (Conqueror of the British Empire). His full self-bestowed title ultimately became: "His Excellency, President for Life, Bluee-eyed peasss Al Hadji Doctor Idi Amin Dada, VC, [[Distinguished Service Order|DSO]], [[Military Cross|MC]], CBE, Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Seas and Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General and Uganda in Particular", in addition to his officially stated claim of being the [[pretender|uncrowned]] [[king of Scotland]].<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Appiah |first1=Anthony |url=https://archive.org/details/africanaencyclop00appi |title=Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience |last2=Henry Louis Gates |year=1999 |isbn=9780465000715 |url-access=registration}}</ref> He never received the Distinguished Service Order (DSO) or the Military Cross (MC). He conferred a [[Juris Doctor|doctorate of law]] on himself from Makerere University as well as the Victorious Cross (VC), a medal made to emulate the British [[Victoria Cross]].<ref name=Byword /><ref>Lloyd, Lorna (2007) p.239</ref>

Amin became the subject of rumours, including a widespread belief that he was a [[Human cannibalism|cannibal]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Orizio |first=Riccardo |title=Idi Amin's Exile Dream |work=[[The New York Times]] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/08/21/opinion/idi-amin-s-exile-dream.html |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=18 May 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090518032643/http://www.nytimes.com/2003/08/21/opinion/idi-amin-s-exile-dream.html |url-status=live }}</ref> Amin reportedly also boasted that he kept the decapitated heads of political enemies in his freezer, although he said that human flesh was generally "too salty" for his taste.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Ghost Stories: Idi Amin's torture chambers – IWMF |url=https://www.iwmf.org/reporting/ghost-stories-idi-amins-torture-chambers/ |access-date=6 September 2019 |website=International Women's Media Foundation |archive-date=16 July 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190716050341/https://www.iwmf.org/reporting/ghost-stories-idi-amins-torture-chambers/ |url-status=live }}</ref>

During Amin's time in power, popular media outside of Uganda often portrayed him as an essentially comic and eccentric figure. [[Julius Harris]] emphasized Amin's allegedly clownish side in ''[[Victory at Entebbe]]'', while [[Yaphet Kotto]] drew more praise for projecting Amin's sinister nature in ''[[Raid on Entebbe (film)|Raid on Entebbe]]''. In a 1977 assessment typical of the time, a ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' magazine article described him as a "killer and clown, big-hearted buffoon and strutting [[martinet]]".<ref name="time">{{Cite magazine |title=Amin:The Wild Man of Africa |magazine=Time |url=http://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,918762,00.html |access-date=8 August 2009 |archive-date=9 March 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170309155500/http://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,918762,00.html |url-status=live }}</ref> The comedy-variety series ''[[Saturday Night Live]]'' aired four Amin sketches between 1976 and 1979, including one in which he was an ill-behaved houseguest in exile, and another in which he was a spokesman against [[venereal disease]].<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://snl.jt.org/imp.php?i=43|title=Impressions – Idi Amin|work=The SNL Archives|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131214145150/http://snl.jt.org/imp.php?i=43 |archive-date=14 December 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref> In 1979, radio host [[Don Imus]] made multiple on-air telephone calls in an attempt to talk to Amin, and later hosted a phony interview with him that was deemed "very dirty."<ref>{{Cite web |title=Columbia Daily Spectator 1 October 1980 — Columbia Spectator |url=http://spectatorarchive.library.columbia.edu/?a=d&d=cs19801001-01.2.8& |website=spectatorarchive.library.columbia.edu}}</ref> In a ''[[Benny Hill Show]]'' episode transmitted in January 1977, Hill portrayed Amin sitting behind a desk that featured a placard reading "ME TARZAN, U GANDA".<ref>{{Cite web |title=Benny's Place • The Faces of Benny Hill – Page 5 (1977–1978) |url=http://runstop.de/faces05.html |website=runstop.de |access-date=11 June 2016 |archive-date=28 May 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160528232053/http://runstop.de/faces05.html |url-status=live }}</ref>

The foreign media were often criticised by Ugandan exiles and defectors for emphasising Amin's self-aggrandizing eccentricities and taste for excess while downplaying or excusing his murderous behaviour.<ref name="Kibazo1">{{Cite news |last=Kibazo |first=Joel |title=A Brute, Not a Buffoon |work=The Guardian |location=London |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/jan/13/comment.uganda |access-date=8 August 2009 |quote=... Amin was widely portrayed as a comic figure. Yes, he had expelled the Asians and murdered a few people, but isn't that what was expected of Africa, I used to hear. |archive-date=31 August 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130831000037/http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/jan/13/comment.uganda |url-status=live }}</ref> Other commentators even suggested that Amin had deliberately cultivated his eccentric reputation in the foreign media as an easily parodied buffoon in order to defuse international concern over his administration of Uganda.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Idi Amin |work=The Telegraph |location=London |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1439131/Idi-Amin.html |quote=Throughout his disastrous reign, he encouraged the West to cultivate a dangerous ambivalence towards him. His genial grin, penchant for grandiose self-publicity, and ludicrous public statements on international affairs led to his adoption as a comic figure. He was easily parodied ... however, this fascination, verging on affection, for the grotesqueness of the individual occluded the singular plight of his nation. |access-date=4 April 2018 |archive-date=10 January 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180110005614/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1439131/Idi-Amin.html |url-status=live }}</ref> Ugandan soldier and rebel [[Patrick Kimumwe]] argued that Amin's "clowning conceal[ed] a ruthless extinction of human rights" in Uganda.{{sfn|Seftel|2010|p=198}} Journalists [[Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey]] wrote, "facile explanations of Amin's regime, as either a one-man show or a lawless and ruthless band of killers, do not get at the heart of the power structure."{{sfn|Avirgan|Honey|1983|p=4}}

==Legacy==
Gender historian Alicia Decker wrote that the "deeply embedded culture of [[militarism]] in [[Uganda]] is undoubtedly Amin's most enduring legacy."{{sfn|Decker|2014|loc=Conclusion: Gendered Legacies of Amin's Militarism}} His reputation in Uganda has been viewed over the decades following his rule in more complex ways than in the international community. Some Ugandans have praised him as a "patriot" and supported his decision to expel Asians from the country.{{sfn|Reid|2017|pp=69–70}} At the time of his death, he was particularly well-regarded in north-western Uganda.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Bloody tyrant, now a good sort; Amin's legacy in Uganda |volume=368 |page=46 |newspaper=The Economist |issue=8338}}</ref> One of Amin's sons, Jaffar Remo, criticised the negative public perception of his father and called for a commission to investigate the veracity of the abuses committed under his rule.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Eichner |first=Itamar |title=Idi Amin's son: 'My dream is to meet with Entebbe victims' families to apologize' |url=https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4824146,00.html |access-date=12 August 2019 |newspaper=Ynetnews |archive-date=12 August 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190812195333/https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4824146,00.html |url-status=live }}</ref>

==In popular culture==
During the 1970s, while Amin was at the height of his infamy, British comic actor [[John Bird (actor)|John Bird]] starred on the album ''[[The Collected Broadcasts of Idi Amin]]'', with lyrics based on [[Alan Coren]]'s anti-Amin ''[[Punch (magazine)|Punch]]'' columns.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.youtube.com/playlist?app=desktop&list=PL38DeM8p3BJWvhm8mQqay9qrDhRzT69r2 |title=John Bird-The Collected Broadcasts Of Idi Amin |website=[[YouTube]] |publisher= |access-date=30 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.allmusic.com/album/the-collected-broadcasts-of-idi-amin-mw0000333589 |title=The Collected Broadcasts of Idi Amin |publisher=allmusic.com |access-date=30 December 2022}}</ref> In 1975 the satirical single "Amazin' Man", from the album, was released on the [[Transatlantic Records|Transatlantic]] label.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.45cat.com/record/big527 |title=Idi Amin (With The Assistance Of John Bird) |publisher=45cat.com |access-date=30 December 2022}}</ref><ref>{{YouTube|cVBV7e0ksXg|Amazin' Man}}</ref> The record stayed for 12 weeks in the [[Australian Singles Chart]], peaking at number 26.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.45cat.com/record/big527au |title=Idi Amin (With The Assistance Of John Bird) |publisher=45cat.com |access-date=30 December 2022}}</ref>

A 1974 documentary film ''[[General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait]]'' by director [[Barbet Schroeder]] was made with the support and participation of Idi Amin. ''[[Rise and Fall of Idi Amin]]'' (1981) is a Kenyan film that details the history of Idi Amin's reign. This film popularized many rumors about Amin's brutality, such as his alleged mutilation of one of his wives. Amin is played by [[Joseph Olita]], who reprised this role in ''[[Mississippi Masala]]'' (1991), a film about romance between African and Asian-Americans following Amin's [[Expulsion of Asians from Uganda|1972 expulsion of Asians from Uganda]].

Amin is the subject of English journalist [[Giles Foden|Giles Foden's]] book ''[[The Last King of Scotland]]'' (1998), which focuses on Idi Amin's Uganda through the eyes of a young Scottish physician. In 2006, it was [[The Last King of Scotland (film)|adapted into a movie]], where Amin is portrayed by [[Forest Whitaker]]. Whittaker won the best leading actor award for this role at the [[Academy Award for Best Actor|Academy Awards]], the [[Golden Globe Award for Best Actor – Motion Picture Musical or Comedy|Golden Globes]], the [[Screen Actors Guild Award for Outstanding Performance by a Male Actor in a Leading Role|Screen Actor's Guild Award]], and the [[BAFTA Award for Best Actor in a Leading Role|BAFTAs]].

==See also==
*[[Fruitarianism|Notable adherents of fruitarianism]]

==Notes==
{{Notelist}}

==References==
{{Reflist}}


==Sources==
{{refbegin}}
* {{Cite book |last1=Avirgan |first1=Tony |title=War in Uganda: The Legacy of Idi Amin |last2=Honey |first2=Martha |publisher=Tanzania Publishing House |isbn=978-9976-1-0056-3 |location=Dar es Salaam}}
* {{Cite book |last1=Cooper |first1=Tom |title=Wars and insurgencies of Uganda 1971–1994 |last2=Fontanellaz |first2=Adrien |publisher=Helion And Company |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-910294-55-0 |location=Solihull |oclc=898052235}}
* Cotton, Fran (Ed., 1984). ''The Book of Rugby Disasters & Bizarre Records''. Compiled by Chris Rhys. London. Century Publishing. {{ISBN|0-7126-0911-3}}.
*{{Cite journal |last=Day |first=Christopher R. |title=The Fates of Rebels: Insurgencies in Uganda |journal=Comparative Politics |volume=43 |issue=4 |pages=439–458 |doi=10.5129/001041511796301623 |jstor=23040638}}
* {{Cite book |last=Decalo |first=Samuel |title=Psychoses of Power: African Personal Dictatorships |publisher=[[Westview Press]] |year=1989 |isbn=0-8133-7617-3 |location=[[Boulder, Colorado]]}}
* {{Cite book |last=Decker |first=Alicia C. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9JKdBAAAQBAJ |title=In Idi Amin's Shadow: Women, Gender, and Militarism in Uganda |publisher=Ohio University Press |isbn=978-0-8214-4502-0 |location=Athens, Ohio}}
* {{Cite book |last=Gwyn |first=David |url=https://archive.org/details/idiamindeathligh00gwyn |title=Idi Amin: Death-Light of Africa |publisher=[[Little, Brown and Company]] |year=1977 |isbn=0-316-33230-5 |location=[[Boston]] }}
* {{Cite book |last=Hansen |first=Holger Bernt |url=http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:275789/FULLTEXT01.pdf |title=Ethnicity and Military Rule in Uganda: a study of ethnicity as a political factor in Uganda, based on a discussion of political anthropology and the application of its results |publisher=Scandinavian Inst. of African Studies |location=Uppsala |access-date=1 April 2020 |archive-date=2 April 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200402113325/http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:275789/FULLTEXT01.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Hansen |first=Holger Bernt |title=Uganda in the 1970s: a decade of paradoxes and ambiguities |journal=Journal of Eastern African Studies |volume=7 |issue=1 |pages=83–103 |doi=10.1080/17531055.2012.755315 |s2cid=144443665}}
* {{cite book| last = Hooper| first = Edward| title = The River: A Journey Back to the Source of HIV and AIDS| publisher = Allen Lane| date = 1999| location = London| isbn = 978-0-7139-9335-6}}
* {{Cite book |last=Kyemba |first=Henry |title=A State of Blood: The Inside Story of Idi Amin |publisher=[[Ace Books]] |year=1977 |location=New York |id={{Listed Invalid ISBN|0-441-78524-4}} |author-link=Henry Kyemba}}
* {{Cite book |last=Leopold |first=Mark |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cGkDEAAAQBAJ |title=Idi Amin: The Story of Africa's Icon of Evil |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn=978-0-300-15439-9 |location=New Haven, Connecticut }}
* {{Cite book |last=Leopold |first=Mark |title=Inside West Nile. Violence, History & Representation on an African Frontier |publisher=James Currey |isbn=0-85255-941-0 |location=Oxford}}
* {{Cite book |last=Lloyd |first=Lorna |title=Diplomacy with a Difference: The Commonwealth Office of High Commissioner, 1880–2006 |publisher=Martinus Nijhoff |year=2007 |isbn=978-90-04-15497-1 |location=University of Michigan}}
* {{Cite journal |last1=Mambo |first1=Andrew |last2=Schofield |first2=Julian |title=Military Diversion in the 1978 Uganda–Tanzania War |journal=Journal of Political and Military Sociology |volume=35 |issue=2 |pages=299–321 |issn=0047-2697}}
* {{Cite book |last1=Melady |first1=Thomas P. |title=Idi Amin Dada: Hitler in Africa |last2=Margaret B. Melady |publisher=Sheed Andrews and McMeel |year=1977 |isbn=0-8362-0783-1 |location=[[Kansas City, Missouri|Kansas City]]}}
* {{Cite book |last=Nugent |first=Paul |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LckcBQAAQBAJ |title=Africa since Independence |publisher=Red Globe Press |isbn=978-0-230-27288-0 |edition=2nd |location=London |orig-year=1st pub. 2004 |access-date=16 March 2020 |archive-date=18 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200718080419/https://books.google.com/books?id=LckcBQAAQBAJ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Orizio |first=Riccardo |url=https://archive.org/details/talkofdevilencou00oriz |title=Talk of the Devil: Encounters with Seven Dictators |publisher=Walker & Company |year=2004 |isbn=0-436-20999-3 |url-access=registration }}
* {{Cite book |last=Palmowski |first=Jan |url=https://archive.org/details/oxforddictionary00dela_0 |title=Dictionary of Contemporary World History: From 1900 to the Present Day |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2003 |isbn=0-19-860539-0 |edition=Second }}
* {{Cite book |last=Reid |first=Richard J. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zDQEDgAAQBAJ |title=A History of Modern Uganda |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-06720-2 |location=Cambridge |access-date=2 October 2020 |archive-date=22 October 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201022045628/https://books.google.com/books?id=zDQEDgAAQBAJ |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite journal |last=Rice |first=Andrew |title=The General |url=http://www.icwa.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/AR-12.pdf |journal=Institute of Current World Affairs Letters |volume=AR |issue=12 |access-date=14 April 2021 |archive-date=23 September 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200923072922/http://www.icwa.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/AR-12.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{Cite book |last=Roberts |first=George |title=Politics and Violence in Eastern Africa: The Struggles of Emerging States |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-317-53952-0 |editor-last=Anderson |editor-first=David M. |location=London |pages=154–171 |chapter=The Uganda–Tanzania War, the fall of Idi Amin, and the failure of African diplomacy, 1978–1979 |editor-last2=Rolandsen |editor-first2=Øystein H. |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AGNQDwAAQBAJ }}
* {{cite book| editor-last = Seftel| editor-first = Adam| title = Uganda: The Bloodstained Pearl of Africa and Its Struggle for Peace. From the Pages of Drum| publisher = Fountain Publishers| date = 2010| orig-year=1st pub. 1994| location = Kampala| url = | isbn = 978-9970-02-036-2}}
* {{Cite book |last=Singh |first=Madanjeet |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=h7YGkcrJZJsC |title=Culture of the Sepulchre: Idi Amin's Monster Regime |publisher=Penguin Books India |isbn=978-0-670-08573-6 |location=New Delhi |author-link=Madanjeet Singh |access-date=20 September 2016 |archive-date=18 November 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161118134531/https://books.google.com/books?id=h7YGkcrJZJsC |url-status=live }}
{{refend}}

==External links==
*[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3156011.stm The Idi Amin I knew], Brian Barron, BBC, 16 August 2003. Includes a video of [http://news.bbc.co.uk/olmedia/cta/events03/world/africa/barron_1999_legacy.ram Brian Barron interviewing Idi Amin] in exile in 1980. The Atlantic – 1 April 2001 Memo and Quincy LS the series
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20110604105901/http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=4169600956573058582 General Idi Amin Dada: A Self Portrait] on [[Google Videos]] ([[Flash Video]])
*[http://www.idiamindada.com/ idiamindada.com], a website devoted to Idi Amin's legacy created by his son Jaffar Amin
*{{IMDb name|id=0024907|name=Idi Amin}}
{{s-start}}
{{s-off}}
{{s-bef|before=[[Milton Obote]]}}
{{s-ttl|title=[[President of Uganda]]|years=1971–1979}}
{{s-aft|after=[[Yusufu Lule]]}}
{{s-end}}
{{UgandaPresidents}}
{{African Union chairpersons}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Amin, Idi}}
[[Category:Idi Amin| ]]
[[Category:1920s births]]
[[Category:2003 deaths]]
[[Category:Age controversies]]
[[Category:Anti-Indian racism in Africa]]
[[Category:Antisemitism in Africa]]
[[Category:British colonial army soldiers]]
[[Category:British military personnel of the Mau Mau Uprising]]
[[Category:Date of birth unknown]]
[[Category:Deaths from kidney failure]]
[[Category:Disease-related deaths in Saudi Arabia]]
[[Category:Exiled politicians]]
[[Category:Field marshals]]
[[Category:Fugitives]]
[[Category:King's African Rifles officers]]
[[Category:Leaders who took power by coup]]
[[Category:Light-heavyweight boxers]]
[[Category:Military personnel of the Uganda–Tanzania War]]
[[Category:People from Kampala]]
[[Category:People from West Nile sub-region]]
[[Category:People of the Cold War]]
[[Category:People of the Congo Crisis]]
[[Category:Presidents for life]]
[[Category:Presidents of Uganda]]
[[Category:Pretenders to the Scottish throne]]
[[Category:Ugandan exiles]]
[[Category:Ugandan expatriates in Saudi Arabia]]
[[Category:Ugandan generals]]
[[Category:Ugandan male boxers]]
[[Category:Ugandan Muslims]]
[[Category:Ugandan pan-Africanists]]
[[Category:Ugandan rugby union players]]
[[Category:Ugandan sportsperson-politicians]]
[[Category:Politicide perpetrators]]
[[Category:20th-century criminals]]

Foreign exchange reserves of India

2022-11-20T18:30:35Z

Iamamjadhussain: Just published an informative work.

#REDIRECT [[Foreign-exchange reserves of India]]

{{R from move}}

NTV (India)

2022-07-09T13:17:35Z

Iamamjadhussain: Just finished crafting a new article.

#REDIRECT [[NTV (Telugu)]]

{{R from move}}

Money bill

2022-04-16T22:04:53Z

Iamamjadhussain: Added a new contribution to the website.

{{Short description|Legislative concept}}
{{distinguish|Banknote}}
{{Redirect|Supply bill|bills on government spending|Appropriation bill|the Irish controversy of 1753–1756|Money Bill dispute}}
In the [[Westminster system]] (and, colloquially, in the [[United States]]), a '''money bill''' or '''supply bill ''' is a [[bill (proposed law)|bill]] that solely concerns [[taxation]] or [[government spending]] (also known as [[Appropriation (law)|appropriation]] of money), as opposed to changes in public law.

== Conventions ==
It is often a [[constitutional convention (political custom)|constitutional convention]] that the [[upper house]] may not block a money bill. There is often another requirement that non-money bill-type clauses may not be attached to a money bill. The rationale behind this convention is that the upper house, being appointed or indirectly elected, should not have any right to decide on taxation and public expenditure-related policies as may be framed by the directly elected representatives of the lower house. Therefore, money bills are an exception to the general rule that for a bill to be enacted into a law, it has to be approved by both the lower and upper Houses of Parliament.<ref>Datta, Pratik; Malhotra, Shefali; Tyagi, Shivangi. [http://www.nipfp.org.in/media/medialibrary/2017/03/WP_2017_192.pdf "Judicial Review and Money Bills"]. National Institute of Public Finance and Policy Working Paper No. 192. Retrieved 24 March 2017.</ref>

[[Loss of supply]] in the [[lower house]] is conventionally considered to be an expression of the house's [[motion of no confidence|loss of confidence]] in the government, resulting in the government's fall.

== Requirements in Westminster systems ==

=== Australia ===
A supply bill in the Australian System is required to pass the [[Australian House of Representatives|House of Representatives]], the [[Australian Senate|Senate]] and be signed by the [[Governor-General of Australia|Governor-General]]. The Senate has no power or ability to introduce or modify a supply bill, but has the ability to block or defer the passing of a supply bill. The most famous instance where supply was blocked was during the [[1975 Australian constitutional crisis|1975 constitutional crisis]]. This has resulted in agreements between political parties to prevent the blockage of supply bills through the Senate.

=== Bangladesh ===
A money bill is specifically defined by Article 81 of the [[Constitution of Bangladesh]]. The [[President of Bangladesh]] can send back all bills passed by the [[Jatiyo Sangshad|Parliament]] for a review except a money bill. However, a money bill can be introduced to the [[Jatiyo Sangshad|Parliament]] only at the President's recommendation. Additionally, tax can only be levied by the Parliament.<ref name=bd>{{cite web|title=Constitution of Bangladesh|url=http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/research/bangladesh-constitution.pdf|access-date=3 December 2011}}</ref>

=== Canada ===
Although Parliament may pass money bills, under section 54 of the [[Constitution Act, 1867]] funds can be appropriated only on the recommendation of the [[Governor-General of Canada|Governor-General]]. This has resulted in the [[Constitutional convention (political custom)|convention]] that only ministers introduce money bills.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.canada.ca/en/privy-council/services/publications/guide-making-federal-acts-regulations/guide-making-federal-acts-regulations-cabinet-directive-law-making.html |title=Guide to Making Federal Acts and Regulations: Cabinet Directive on Law-Making |website=canada.ca |access-date= December 9, 2021|quote=Money bills are to be introduced by a Minister of the Crown. '}}</ref>

=== India ===
Procedure for a Money Bill:

#Money Bills can be introduced only in [[Lok Sabha]] (the directly elected 'people's house' of the Indian Parliament).
#Money bills passed by the Lok Sabha are sent to the [[Rajya Sabha]] (the upper house of parliament, elected by the state and territorial legislatures or appointed by the [[President of India|president]]). The Rajya Sabha may not amend money bills but can recommend amendments. To make sure that Rajya Sabha doesn't amend the bill by adding some non-money matters (known as Financial Bill), the [[Speaker of the Lok Sabha]] certifies the bill as a money bill before sending it to the upper house, and the decision of the Speaker is binding on both the Houses.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/rules/rulep10.html |title=Rules of the Lok Sabha |publisher=Parliamentofindia.nic.in |access-date=2016-02-17}}</ref> A money bill must be returned to the Lok Sabha within 14 days, or the bill is deemed to have passed both houses in the form it was originally passed by the Lok Sabha.
#When a Money Bill is returned to the Lok Sabha with the recommended amendments of the Rajya Sabha, it is open to the Lok Sabha to accept or reject any or all of the recommendations.
#A money bill is deemed to have passed both houses with any recommended amendments the Lok Sabha chooses to accept, and without any that it chooses to decline.
# The definition of "Money Bill" is given in Article 110 of [[The Constitution of India]]. A financial bill is not a Money Bill unless it fulfills the requirements of Article 110.
#The Speaker of the Lok Sabha certifies if a financial bill is a Money Bill or not.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Datta|first1=Pratik|last2=Malhotra|first2=Shefali|last3=Tyagi|first3=Shivangi|title=Judicial Review and Money Bills|url=http://www.nipfp.org.in/media/medialibrary/2017/03/WP_2017_192.pdf|publisher=National Institute of Public Finance and Policy|access-date=24 March 2017|ref=Judicial Review and Money Bills}}</ref>
#Policy cut motion - disapproval of the given policy. Symbolically, the members demand that the amount of the demand be reduced to 1 INR. They may also suggest an alternative policy.
#Economy cut motion - it is demanded that the amount of the policy be reduced by a specified amount.
#Token cut motion - used to show specific grievance against the government. Also states that the amount of the demand be reduced by Rs. 100.
#A money bill can only be introduced in parliament with prior permission of the [[President of India]].
#Finance bill is supposed to be enacted within 75 days (including the Parliament voting and the President assenting).
#Money bill cannot be returned by the President to the parliament for its reconsideration, as it is presented in the Lok Sabha with his permission.

The concept of money bills in India came to the forefront during the enactment of the Aadhar Act, 2016. In spite of resistance by the opposition, the Aadhaar Bill was certified as a ‘money bill’ by the Speaker of the Lower House. The Upper House proposed certain amendments, but ultimately the [[Bharatiya Janata Party|BJP]]-dominated Lower House rejected the amendments suggested by the Upper House and unilaterally enacted the Aadhar Act, 2016. Immediately thereafter, [[Jairam Ramesh]], a senior [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] leader, challenged the speaker's decision to treat the Aadhar Bill as a ‘money bill’ before the Supreme Court of India. Article 110(3) of the Constitution of India categorically states that 'if any question arises whether a Bill is a Money Bill or not, the decision of the Speaker of the House of the People thereon shall be final'. Therefore, one of the prime constitutional questions before the Supreme Court is whether it can review the speaker's certificate classifying a bill as a ‘money bill’. In three prior cases, the [[Supreme Court of India]] has refused to review the Speaker's certificate. However, some commentators have argued that the Court's earlier judgements were incorrect and Article 110(3) made the Speaker's decision "final" for the purpose of the two Houses of the Parliament, not for the Supreme Court of India.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Datta|first1=Pratik|last2=Malhotra|first2=Shefali|last3=Tyagi|first3=Shivangi|title=Judicial Review and Money Bills|url=http://www.nipfp.org.in/media/medialibrary/2017/03/WP_2017_192.pdf|publisher=National Institute of Public Finance and Policy|access-date=24 March 2017|ref=Judicial Review and Money Bills}}</ref> This argument is further supported by the fact that in [https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1686885/ Kihoto Hollohan vs Zachillhu (AIR 1993 SC 412)], the "final" decision of the speaker regarding disqualification of members of the House under the Tenth Schedule of the Indian Constitution was held to be a judicial decision subject to judicial review. This suggests that the "final" status given by the Indian constitution does not automatically immune the Indian speaker's decision or certificate from judicial review.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Datta|first1=Pratik|last2=Malhotra|first2=Shefali|last3=Tyagi|first3=Shivangi|title=Judicial Review and Money Bills|url=http://www.nipfp.org.in/media/medialibrary/2017/03/WP_2017_192.pdf|publisher=National Institute of Public Finance and Policy|access-date=24 March 2017|ref=Judicial Review and Money Bills}}</ref> In view of this crucial constitutional question, it has been suggested that the Supreme Court in ''Jairam Ramesh v. Union of India'' should create a constitution bench of at least nine judges to settle the law on this issue.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Arun|first1=T.K.|title=The Money Bill conundrum: Constitution bench should decide|url=http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/cursor/the-money-bill-conundrum-constitution-bench-should-decide/|publisher=The Economic Times|access-date=6 April 2017|ref=The Money Bill conundrum}}</ref> The five judge bench decided that the Aadhar Bill was a Money Bill by a vote of 4–1.

=== Republic of Ireland ===
In the [[Republic of Ireland]], the [[Seanad Éireann|Senate]] may not delay a money bill ({{Lang-ga|bille airgid}})<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.oireachtas.ie/viewdoc.asp?fn=/documents/a-misc/legi.htm|title = Houses of the Oireachtas website}}</ref> more than 21 days. The [[President of Ireland]] may not refuse to sign a money bill and may not refer such a bill to the [[Supreme Court (Ireland)|Supreme Court]] to test its [[constitutionality]]. Procedures exist for resolution of disputes as to whether a Bill is a money bill. Since the 1922 constitution (as amended by the [[Constitution (Amendment No. 12) Act 1930]]) and under the 1937 constitution, such disputes can be resolved by a committee on privileges.

=== United Kingdom ===
In the [[United Kingdom]], section 1(1) of the [[Parliament Act 1911]] provides that the [[House of Lords]] may not delay a money bill more than a month. It is at the discretion of the [[Speaker of the House of Commons (United Kingdom)|Speaker of the House of Commons]] to certify which bills are money bills, and his decision is final and is not subject to challenge. Section 1(2) of the Act states:
<blockquote>A Money Bill means a [[Public Bill]] which in the opinion of the Speaker of the House of Commons contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following subjects, namely, the imposition, repeal, remission, alteration, or regulation of taxation; the imposition for the payment of debt or other financial purposes of charges on the [[Consolidated Fund]], the [[National Loans Fund]] or on money provided by Parliament, or the variation or repeal of any such charges; supply; the appropriation, receipt, custody, issue or audit of accounts of public money; the raising or guarantee of any loan or the repayment thereof; or subordinate matters incidental to those subjects or any of them. In this subsection the expressions "taxation," "public money," and "loan" respectively do not include any taxation, money, or loan raised by local authorities or bodies for local purposes.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Geo5/1-2/13/section/1 |title=Parliament Act 1911 |publisher=Legislation.gov.uk |access-date=2016-02-17}}</ref></blockquote>

The Parliament Act 1911 was the product of the political crisis of 1909. The People's Budget of 1909 proposed by the House of Commons was rejected by the House of Lords. A government whose budget (that is the Finance Bill) is rejected can only resign or dissolve Parliament, because without money it is impossible to govern. The rejection of the Finance Bill in 1909 by the Lords prompted the then British government to initiate steps to curtail the powers of the House of Lords in this regard. This is evident from the Preamble of the 1911 Act which states: "An Act to make provision with respect to the powers of the House of Lords in relation to those of the House of Commons ...".<ref>Datta, Pratik; Malhotra, Shefali; Tyagi, Shivangi. [http://www.nipfp.org.in/media/medialibrary/2017/03/WP_2017_192.pdf "Judicial Review and Money Bills"]. National Institute of Public Finance and Policy Working Paper No. 192. Retrieved 24 March 2017.</ref>

The reference to the National Loans Fund was inserted on 1 April 1968<ref>The National Loans Act 1968, [http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1968/13/section/24 section 24(3)]</ref> by [http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1968/13/section/1 section 1(5)] of the [[National Loans Act 1968]].

For this purpose, the expression "Public Bill" does not include any Bill for confirming a [[Provisional Order]].

Bradley and Ewing said that the statutory definition of Money Bill is "strictly interpreted".<ref>A W Bradley and K D Ewing, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Twelfth Edition, Longman, 1997, p. 213</ref> Most annual [[Finance Act|Finance Bills]] have not been certified to be Money Bills.<ref>A W Bradley and K D Ewing, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Twelfth Edition, Longman, 1997, pp. 213 and 214</ref><ref>Erskine May, Parliamentary Practice, 21st Edition, 1989, pp. 751–753 (editor C Gorden)</ref><ref>Jennings, I. Parliament, Second Edition, 1957</ref>

== Requirements in non-Westminster systems ==

=== United States ===
While the [[United States of America]] is not a [[Parliamentary system|parliamentary democracy]], the [[Origination Clause]] of the U.S. Constitution requires that all bills raising revenue originate in the [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]], consistent with British constitutional practice; by convention, [[appropriation bill]]s (bills that ''spend'' money) also originate in the House. Unlike in most Westminster systems, there are no limits on the [[United States Senate|Senate's]] ability to amend revenue bills or any requirement for the Senate to approve such bills within a certain timeframe. Both appropriations and revenue bills are often referred to as money bills to contrast them with [[authorization bill]]s. The U.S. Supreme Court in ''[[United States v. Munoz-Flores|United States v. Munoz-Flores (1990)]]'' held that: "A law passed in violation of the Origination Clause would thus be no more immune from judicial scrutiny because it was passed by both Houses and signed by the President than would be a law passed in violation of the First Amendment".<ref>Datta, Pratik; Malhotra, Shefali; Tyagi, Shivangi. "Judicial Review and Money Bills"[http://www.nipfp.org.in/media/medialibrary/2017/03/WP_2017_192.pdf]. National Institute of Public Finance and Policy Working Paper No. 192. Retrieved 24 March 2017.</ref>

== See also ==
* [[Appropriation bill]]
* [[Power of the purse]]

==References==
{{Reflist}}
{{notelist}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Money Bill}}
[[Category:Statutory law]]
[[Category:Westminster system]]
[[Category:Government finances]]

Hamza Sufyan

2021-08-05T08:15:15Z

Iamamjadhussain: Created page with "Amjad"

Amjad

User:Iamamjadhussain

2021-08-05T08:06:02Z

Iamamjadhussain:

Hello
[[Hamza Sufyan]]

User:Iamamjadhussain

2021-08-05T08:05:18Z

Iamamjadhussain: Created page with "Hello"

Hello

Sudarshan Kumar

2021-08-05T02:44:54Z

Iamamjadhussain:

{{Orphan|date=April 2021}}

{{short description|Indian politician}}
'''Sudarshan Kumar''' is an Indian politician from [[Bihar]] and a Member of the [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]]. Kumar won the [[Barbigha (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Barbigha Assembly constituency]] on [[Janata Dal (United)|JD(U)]] ticket in the [[2020 Bihar Legislative Assembly election]] for the second time.<ref>https://www.news18.com/bihar-assembly-elections-2020/sudarshan-kumar-barbigha-candidate-s04a170c04/</ref>

==References==
{{reflist}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Kumar, Sudarshan}}
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Members of the Bihar Legislative Assembly]]
[[Category:Bihar MLAs 2020–]]
[[Category:Janata Dal (United) politicians]]
[[Category:Year of birth missing (living people)]]

{{Bihar-politician-stub}}

Qamrul Hoda

2021-08-05T02:40:21Z

Iamamjadhussain: Fixed typo

{{short description|Indian politician}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name = Qamrul Hoda
| image =
| caption =AIMIM
| office1 = [[Kishanganj (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|MLA of Kishanganj]]
| term_start1 = 24 October 2019
| term_end1 = 10 November 2020
| predecessor1 = [[Mohammed Jawed]]
| successor1 = [[Ijaharul Hussain]]
| office2 =
| term_start2 =
| term_end2 =
| predecessor2 =
| party = [[All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen]]
| alma_mater =
| spouse =
| children =
| website =
}}

'''Qamrul Hoda''' is an [[Indian politician]]. Belongs to [[All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen]], He was elected as a member of the [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]] from [[Kishanganj (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Kishanganj]] on 24 October 2019.<ref>{{cite web
| title= In first-ever win in Hindi belt, AIMIM grabs Kishanganj assembly seat
| url= https://indianexpress.com/elections/aimim-bihar-bypoll-result-kishanganj-qamrul-hoda-6085885/
| date= 24 October 2019| access-date= 24 October 2019
| website= The Indian Express}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Asaduddin Owaisi's AIMIM springs surprise in Bihar, wins Kishanganj assembly byelection
|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/asaduddin-owaisis-aimim-springs-surprise-in-bihar-wins-kishanganj-assembly-byelection/articleshow/71738207.cms
|website=The Times of India| date= 24 October 2019| access-date= 24 October 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=AIMIM registers maiden victory from Kishanganj
|url=http://www.uniindia.com/aimim-registers-maiden-victory-from-kishanganj/cae/news/1769073.html
|website=United News of India| date= 24 October 2019| access-date= 24 October 2019}}</ref>

==References==
{{Reflist}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Hoda, Qamrul}}
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Bihar MLAs 2015–2020]]
[[Category:Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen politicians]]
[[Category:Year of birth missing (living people)]]

{{Bihar-politician-stub}}

User talk:Iamamjadhussain

2021-08-05T02:37:22Z

Iamamjadhussain: Created page

{{Template:Welcome|realName=|name=Iamamjadhussain}}

-- [[User:ShoutWiki|ShoutWiki]] ([[User talk:ShoutWiki|talk]]) 03:34, 10 May 2021 (IST)
Hello, iamamjadhussain a bharatpedia user since 3 months

Indian Secular Front

2021-08-05T02:32:41Z

Iamamjadhussain: /* History */ removed links

{{Infobox Indian political party
|name = Indian Secular Front
|eci = Not recognized
|abbreviation = ISF
|party_logo = File:ISF flag.svg
|colorcode = {{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}
|founder = [[Abbas Siddiqui]]
|chairman = [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|secretary = Srimon Soren
|foundation = 21 January 2021
|alliance = Sanjukta Morcha (2021)
| state_seats_name = [[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]]
| state_seats = {{Composition bar|1|294|hex=#000180}}
|ideology =
|position =
| symbol = [[file:Indian Election Symbol Envelope.jpg|100px]]
}}

The '''Indian Secular Front''' (abbr. '''ISF''') is a political party formed in [[West Bengal]] by [[Abbas Siddiqui]], an influential cleric of the shrine of [[Furfura Sharif]] in [[Hooghly district]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=News|first=NDTV|date=Jan 21, 2021|title=Want To Be Kingmaker": Muslim Preacher Announces Party For Bengal Polls|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/pirzada-abbas-siddiqui-announces-indian-secular-front-isf-for-bengal-elections-2356170|url-status=live}}</ref>

==History==

This party was formed ahead of the [[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|West Bengal Assembly election of 2021]]<ref>{{Cite web|last=Wire.in|first=The|date=28 Feb 2021|title=Bengal: As Left and Congress Ally With Muslim Cleric’s Party, Will BJP Be the Winner?|url=https://thewire.in/politics/west-bengal-left-congress-abbas-siddiqui-isf-bjp-elections|url-status=live}}</ref> and has joined the Sanjukta Morcha,<ref name=":0">{{Cite news|last=India|first=Outlook|date=February 28, 2021|title=With Brigade Rally, Left-Congress-ISF’s ‘Sanyukta Morcha’ Kicks Of Bengal Poll Campaign|work=Outlook.India|url=https://www.outlookindia.com/photos/photoessay/with-brigade-rally-left-congress-isfs-sanyukta-morcha-kicks-of-bengal-poll-campaign/2628|url-status=live}}</ref> or Mahajot, led by the [[Left Front (West Bengal)|Left Front]] and the [[Indian National Congress]]<ref name=":0" /> against the [[All India Trinamool Congress|Trinamool Congress]] and the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]].<ref>{{Cite web|title=West Bengal: In Left-Congress Brigade Ground Rally, ISF Emerged as the Biggest Mobiliser|url=https://thewire.in/politics/in-left-congress-brigade-ground-rally-isf-emerged-as-the-biggest-mobiliser|access-date=2021-03-02|website=The Wire}}</ref> The party contested the 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election in 38 seats and won in 1 seat.<ref>{{Cite web|title=30-seat deal with Left: ISF cleric Abbas Siddiqui|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/west-bengal-assembly-elections-2021-30-seat-deal-with-leftsays-indian-secular-front-cleric-abbas-siddiqui/cid/1807955|access-date=2021-03-02|website=www.telegraphindia.com}}</ref> The party fought election under the name of Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party. After the election, the head of Congress, [[Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury]], declared an end to the alliance with Indian Secular Front.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Bengal Congress chief Adhir Chowdhury does not want ISF as an ally in future - Times of India|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/bengal-congress-chief-adhir-chowdhury-does-not-want-isf-as-an-ally-in-future/articleshow/82522108.cms|access-date=2021-05-17|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref>

==Electoral performance==
Indian Secular Front had allied with [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)]] and [[Indian National Congress]] in an alliance named [[Sanjukta Morcha]].

===State Legislative Assembly elections===
{{bar box
|float=right
|title={{color|white|Vote share in consecutive West Bengal Legislative Assembly elections}}
|titlebar=#000180
|width=237px
|barwidth=
|bars=
{{bar percent|2021|{{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}|1.35}}
}}
{| class="sortable" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: 2px #000000 solid; font-size: x-big; font-family: verdana" width="70%" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" border="1"
|+[[West Bengal Legislative Assembly|West Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections]]
|-
!style="width:25%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Election Year
!Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Party leader
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Seats contested
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Seats won
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Change in seats
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Percentage of votes
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Vote swing
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Popular vote
!Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Result
|- style="text-align:center;"
|[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|2021]]
| [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|27
|1
|{{up}} 1
| 1.35%
|N/A
|813,489
|Minority
|}

==References==
{{reflist}}

{{Indian political parties}}
[[Category:Political parties in West Bengal]]
[[Category:Political parties established in 2021]]
[[Category:Islamic political parties in India]]
[[Category:2021 establishments in India]]
[[Category:Politics of West Bengal]]

Indian Secular Front

2021-08-05T02:31:21Z

Iamamjadhussain: Added Links

{{Infobox Indian political party
|name = Indian Secular Front
|eci = Not recognized
|abbreviation = ISF
|party_logo = File:ISF flag.svg
|colorcode = {{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}
|founder = [[Abbas Siddiqui]]
|chairman = [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|secretary = Srimon Soren
|foundation = 21 January 2021
|alliance = Sanjukta Morcha (2021)
| state_seats_name = [[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]]
| state_seats = {{Composition bar|1|294|hex=#000180}}
|ideology =
|position =
| symbol = [[file:Indian Election Symbol Envelope.jpg|100px]]
}}

The '''Indian Secular Front''' (abbr. '''ISF''') is a political party formed in [[West Bengal]] by [[Abbas Siddiqui]], an influential cleric of the shrine of [[Furfura Sharif]] in [[Hooghly district]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=News|first=NDTV|date=Jan 21, 2021|title=Want To Be Kingmaker": Muslim Preacher Announces Party For Bengal Polls|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/pirzada-abbas-siddiqui-announces-indian-secular-front-isf-for-bengal-elections-2356170|url-status=live}}</ref>

==History==

This party was formed ahead of the [[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|West Bengal Assembly election of 2021]]<ref>{{Cite web|last=Wire.in|first=The|date=28 Feb 2021|title=Bengal: As Left and Congress Ally With Muslim Cleric’s Party, Will BJP Be the Winner?|url=https://thewire.in/politics/west-bengal-left-congress-abbas-siddiqui-isf-bjp-elections|url-status=live}}</ref> and has joined the [[Sanjukta Morcha]],<ref name=":0">{{Cite news|last=India|first=Outlook|date=February 28, 2021|title=With Brigade Rally, Left-Congress-ISF’s ‘Sanyukta Morcha’ Kicks Of Bengal Poll Campaign|work=Outlook.India|url=https://www.outlookindia.com/photos/photoessay/with-brigade-rally-left-congress-isfs-sanyukta-morcha-kicks-of-bengal-poll-campaign/2628|url-status=live}}</ref> or Mahajot, led by the [[Left Front (West Bengal)|Left Front]] and the [[Indian National Congress]]<ref name=":0" /> against the [[All India Trinamool Congress|Trinamool Congress]] and the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]].<ref>{{Cite web|title=West Bengal: In Left-Congress Brigade Ground Rally, ISF Emerged as the Biggest Mobiliser|url=https://thewire.in/politics/in-left-congress-brigade-ground-rally-isf-emerged-as-the-biggest-mobiliser|access-date=2021-03-02|website=The Wire}}</ref> The party contested the 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election in 38 seats and won in 1 seat.<ref>{{Cite web|title=30-seat deal with Left: ISF cleric Abbas Siddiqui|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/west-bengal-assembly-elections-2021-30-seat-deal-with-leftsays-indian-secular-front-cleric-abbas-siddiqui/cid/1807955|access-date=2021-03-02|website=www.telegraphindia.com}}</ref> The party fought election under the name of [[Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party]]. After the election, the head of Congress, [[Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury]], declared an end to the alliance with Indian Secular Front.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Bengal Congress chief Adhir Chowdhury does not want ISF as an ally in future - Times of India|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/bengal-congress-chief-adhir-chowdhury-does-not-want-isf-as-an-ally-in-future/articleshow/82522108.cms|access-date=2021-05-17|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref>

==Electoral performance==
Indian Secular Front had allied with [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)]] and [[Indian National Congress]] in an alliance named [[Sanjukta Morcha]].

===State Legislative Assembly elections===
{{bar box
|float=right
|title={{color|white|Vote share in consecutive West Bengal Legislative Assembly elections}}
|titlebar=#000180
|width=237px
|barwidth=
|bars=
{{bar percent|2021|{{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}|1.35}}
}}
{| class="sortable" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: 2px #000000 solid; font-size: x-big; font-family: verdana" width="70%" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" border="1"
|+[[West Bengal Legislative Assembly|West Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections]]
|-
!style="width:25%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Election Year
!Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Party leader
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Seats contested
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Seats won
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Change in seats
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Percentage of votes
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Vote swing
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Popular vote
!Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Result
|- style="text-align:center;"
|[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|2021]]
| [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|27
|1
|{{up}} 1
| 1.35%
|N/A
|813,489
|Minority
|}

==References==
{{reflist}}

{{Indian political parties}}
[[Category:Political parties in West Bengal]]
[[Category:Political parties established in 2021]]
[[Category:Islamic political parties in India]]
[[Category:2021 establishments in India]]
[[Category:Politics of West Bengal]]

Indian Secular Front

2021-08-05T02:29:07Z

Iamamjadhussain: Removed Link

{{Infobox Indian political party
|name = Indian Secular Front
|eci = Not recognized
|abbreviation = ISF
|party_logo = File:ISF flag.svg
|colorcode = {{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}
|founder = [[Abbas Siddiqui]]
|chairman = [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|secretary = Srimon Soren
|foundation = 21 January 2021
|alliance = Sanjukta Morcha (2021)
| state_seats_name = [[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]]
| state_seats = {{Composition bar|1|294|hex=#000180}}
|ideology =
|position =
| symbol = [[file:Indian Election Symbol Envelope.jpg|100px]]
}}

The '''Indian Secular Front''' (abbr. '''ISF''') is a political party formed in [[West Bengal]] by Abbas Siddique, an influential cleric of the shrine of [[Furfura Sharif]] in [[Hooghly district]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=News|first=NDTV|date=Jan 21, 2021|title=Want To Be Kingmaker": Muslim Preacher Announces Party For Bengal Polls|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/pirzada-abbas-siddiqui-announces-indian-secular-front-isf-for-bengal-elections-2356170|url-status=live}}</ref>

==History==

This party was formed ahead of the [[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|West Bengal Assembly election of 2021]]<ref>{{Cite web|last=Wire.in|first=The|date=28 Feb 2021|title=Bengal: As Left and Congress Ally With Muslim Cleric’s Party, Will BJP Be the Winner?|url=https://thewire.in/politics/west-bengal-left-congress-abbas-siddiqui-isf-bjp-elections|url-status=live}}</ref> and has joined the [[Sanjukta Morcha]],<ref name=":0">{{Cite news|last=India|first=Outlook|date=February 28, 2021|title=With Brigade Rally, Left-Congress-ISF’s ‘Sanyukta Morcha’ Kicks Of Bengal Poll Campaign|work=Outlook.India|url=https://www.outlookindia.com/photos/photoessay/with-brigade-rally-left-congress-isfs-sanyukta-morcha-kicks-of-bengal-poll-campaign/2628|url-status=live}}</ref> or Mahajot, led by the [[Left Front (West Bengal)|Left Front]] and the [[Indian National Congress]]<ref name=":0" /> against the [[All India Trinamool Congress|Trinamool Congress]] and the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]].<ref>{{Cite web|title=West Bengal: In Left-Congress Brigade Ground Rally, ISF Emerged as the Biggest Mobiliser|url=https://thewire.in/politics/in-left-congress-brigade-ground-rally-isf-emerged-as-the-biggest-mobiliser|access-date=2021-03-02|website=The Wire}}</ref> The party contested the 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election in 38 seats and won in 1 seat.<ref>{{Cite web|title=30-seat deal with Left: ISF cleric Abbas Siddiqui|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/west-bengal-assembly-elections-2021-30-seat-deal-with-leftsays-indian-secular-front-cleric-abbas-siddiqui/cid/1807955|access-date=2021-03-02|website=www.telegraphindia.com}}</ref> The party fought election under the name of [[Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party]]. After the election, the head of Congress, [[Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury]], declared an end to the alliance with Indian Secular Front.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Bengal Congress chief Adhir Chowdhury does not want ISF as an ally in future - Times of India|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/bengal-congress-chief-adhir-chowdhury-does-not-want-isf-as-an-ally-in-future/articleshow/82522108.cms|access-date=2021-05-17|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref>

==Electoral performance==
Indian Secular Front had allied with [[Communist Party of India (Marxist)]] and [[Indian National Congress]] in an alliance named [[Sanjukta Morcha]].

===State Legislative Assembly elections===
{{bar box
|float=right
|title={{color|white|Vote share in consecutive West Bengal Legislative Assembly elections}}
|titlebar=#000180
|width=237px
|barwidth=
|bars=
{{bar percent|2021|{{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}|1.35}}
}}
{| class="sortable" style="border-collapse: collapse; border: 2px #000000 solid; font-size: x-big; font-family: verdana" width="70%" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="2" border="1"
|+[[West Bengal Legislative Assembly|West Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections]]
|-
!style="width:25%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Election Year
!Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Party leader
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Seats contested
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Seats won
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Change in seats
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Percentage of votes
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Vote swing
!style="width:15%;" Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Popular vote
!Style="background-color:#000180; color:white" | Result
|- style="text-align:center;"
|[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|2021]]
| [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|27
|1
|{{up}} 1
| 1.35%
|N/A
|813,489
|Minority
|}

==References==
{{reflist}}

{{Indian political parties}}
[[Category:Political parties in West Bengal]]
[[Category:Political parties established in 2021]]
[[Category:Islamic political parties in India]]
[[Category:2021 establishments in India]]
[[Category:Politics of West Bengal]]

Indian Secular Front

2021-05-19T19:53:23Z

Iamamjadhussain:

{{short description|Political party in India}}
{{Use Indian English|date=February 2021}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2021}}
{{Infobox Indian political party
|party_name = Indian Secular Front
|logo =
|flag = ISF flag.svg
|abbreviation = ISF
|colorcode = {{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}
|leader = Abbas Siddiqui
|chairman = [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|president =
|secretary_general = Srimon Soren
|ppchairman =
|loksabha_leader =
|rajyasabha_leader =
|foundation = {{Start date and years ago|df=yes|p=y|2021|2|24}}
|founder = Abbas Siddiqui
|headquarters = [[Kolkata]]
|publication =
|youth =
|students =
|women =
|labour =
|peasants =
|eci = [[List of political parties in India#National parties|State Party]]
|slogan =
|colours = {{colour box|{{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}} [[Shades of blue|Blue]]
|alliance = [[Sanyukta Morcha]] (2021-present)
|loksabha_seats = {{Composition bar|0|543|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}}
|rajyasabha_seats = {{Composition bar|0|245|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}}
|state_seats_name = [[State Legislative Assembly (India)|State Legislative Assemblies]]
|state_seats = {{plainlist|
*{{Composition bar|1|294|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}} <small>([[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]])</small>
*{{composition bar|0|60|hex= {{All India Trinamool Congress/meta/color}}}}
}}
|no_states = {{Composition bar|0|31|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}}
|website =
|symbol = Envelope
}}

The '''Indian Secular Front''' ({{small|abbr.}} '''ISF''') is an unregistered political party which contested the West Bengal Legislative Assembly election on "Envelope" symbol and name of Bihar based political party [[Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party]] (RSMP) of [[MD Asharul Haque]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=ঘোষ|first=প্রদীপ্তকান্তি|date=16 March 2021|title=ভোটে লড়ছে না 'আইএসএফ', প্রার্থী দেবে 'অন্য দল'|url=https://tv9bangla.com/elections/indian-secular-front-of-abbas-siddiqui-dont-have-a-own-sign-fighting-with-another-partys-logo-339985.html|url-status=live|access-date=17 March 2021|website=TV9Bangla|language=bn}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=|date=18 March 2021|title=ISF to fight polls on borrowed symbol|url=http://www.millenniumpost.in/kolkata/isf-to-fight-polls-on-borrowed-symbol-434695|url-status=live|access-date=26 March 2021|website=Millennium Post|language=en}}</ref> The party was formed in West Bengal by Abbas Siddique, an influential cleric of the shrine of Furfura Sharif in Hooghly district in January 2021.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/pirzada-abbas-siddiqui-announces-indian-secular-front-isf-for-bengal-elections-2356170|title="Want To Be Kingmaker": Muslim Preacher Announces Party For Bengal Polls|date=21 Jan 2021}}</ref> This party was formed ahead of the West Bengal state election of 2021<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/west-bengal-assembky-elections-2021-indian-secular-front-ups-ante-on-seats/cid/1807005|title=Indian Secular Front ups ante on seats
|date=18 Feb 2021}}</ref> and joined the [[Mahajot]] led by [[Indian National Congress]] and [[Left Front (West Bengal)|Left Front]] for the 2021 Assembly polls<ref>{{cite web|first1=Abhinav|last1=Ranjan|accessdate=2021-02-28|title=Bengal polls 2021: Indian Secular Front's Abbas Siddique ditches Owaisi, joins Congress-Left alliance|url=https://www.indiatvnews.com/elections/news-bengal-polls-2021-abbas-siddique-indian-secular-front-joins-congress-left-alliance-owaisi-bjp-tmc-685501|date=17 February 2021|website=www.indiatvnews.com}}</ref> against the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] and [[All India Trinamool Congress]] as a alternative.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Das|first=Madhuparna|date=2021-02-05|title=Why talks of a 'secular front' against BJP & Trinamool have |url=https://theprint.in/politics/why-talks-of-a-secular-front-against-bjp-trinamool-have-hit-a-wall-in-bengal/599505/|date=2021-03-01|website=ThePrint|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|first1=Abhinav|last1=Ranjan|accessdate=2021-02-28|title=Bengal polls 2021: Indian Secular Front's Abbas Siddique ditches Owaisi, joins Congress-Left alliance|url=https://www.indiatvnews.com/elections/news-bengal-polls-2021-abbas-siddique-indian-secular-front-joins-congress-left-alliance-owaisi-bjp-tmc-685501|date=17 February 2021|website=www.indiatvnews.com}}</ref> However, the leader of [[Indian National Congress]] [[Anand Sharma]] slammed the party's decision and calls it "painful and shameful".<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-02|title=West Bengal polls 2021: Congress' Anand Sharma calls tie-up with Indian Secular Front 'painful and shameful' - India News , Firstpost|url=https://www.firstpost.com/india/west-bengal-polls-2021-congress-anand-sharma-calls-tie-up-with-indian-secular-front-painful-and-shameful-9362811.html|date=1 March 2021|website=Firstpost}}</ref> The party will be contested in West Bengal Legislative Assembly election with 28 seats.<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-01|title=30-seat deal with Left: ISF cleric Abbas Siddiqui|url=https://theprint.in/politics/why-talks-of-a-secular-front-against-bjp-trinamool-have-hit-a-wall-in-bengal/599505/|website=telegraphindia.com}}</ref>

==Controversies==
On March 2, 2021, the West Bengal police recovered a shotgun, bombs and bomb-making equipment from the residence of an ISF activist at Situri followed by the arrest of the accused's father.<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-03|title=Bombs Recovered From Indian Secular Front Worker's Residence In West Bengal: Police|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/bombs-recovered-from-isf-workers-residence-in-wb-2382226|website=NDTV.com}}</ref>

On March 12, the party released its first list of 26 constituencies it contested in the assembly elections in West Bengal. The announcement comes amid an ongoing tussle between the ISF and Congress over seat-sharing. The seats the ISF will be contesting are Mahisadal, Canning Purba, Bhangar, Metiabruz, Panchla, Uluberia Purba, Basirhat Uttar, Ashoknagar, Amdanga, Asansol Uttar, Entally, Madhyamgram and Khanakul.<ref>{{cite web|first1=Super|last1=User|accessdate=2021-03-13|title=Abbas Siddiqui's ISF releases the first list of 26 seats for Bengal polls|url=https://thefederal.com/west-bengal-elections-20201/abbas-siddiquis-isf-releases-first-list-of-26-seats-for-bengal-polls/|date=13 March 2021|website=The Federal}}</ref>

On March 23, Two ISF workers were arrested for attacking the Election Commission convoy during their visit to Haroa to remove objectionable political banners which violate the Moral Code of Conduct (MCC).<ref>{{cite web|first1=Republic|last1=World|accessdate=2021-03-24|title=EC convoy allegedly attacked in West Bengal's Haroa, no injuries; two ISF workers arrested|url=https://www.republicworld.com/india-news/general-news/ec-convoy-allegedly-attacked-in-west-bengals-haroa-no-injuries-two-isf-workers-arrested.html|website=Republic World}}</ref> The party borrowed the symbol from the Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party (RSMP) of Bihar and the nomination papers that ISF candidates have submitted to the Election Commission is also in the name of Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party (RSMP) as the Abbas Siddiqui-led ISF has not yet got its symbol from the Commission.<ref>{{Cite web|date=18 March 2021|title=ISF to fight polls on borrowed symbol|url=http://www.millenniumpost.in/kolkata/isf-to-fight-polls-on-borrowed-symbol-434695?infinitescroll=1|url-status=live|access-date=2021-03-29|website=Millennium Post|language=en}}</ref>

==Elections==
The party won 1 out of 294 assembly seats in the [[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|West Bengal Legislative Assembly election 2021]] from Bhangar with 109237 votes.<ref>{{cite web|access-date=2021-05-02|title=Election Commission of India|url=https://results.eci.gov.in/Result2021/ConstituencywiseS25148.htm?ac=148|website=results.eci.gov.in}}</ref>

===Election Results===
{| class="wikitable sortable"
|-
! Year
|'''Election'''
|'''State'''
|'''Seats Won'''
|'''Total Seats'''
|-
|2021
|[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election]]
|West Bengal
|1
|294
|-
|}

=== West Bengal Legislative Assembly ===

{| class="wikitable sortable"
|+ Electoral performance in the [[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]]
|-
! rowspan=2|Election
! rowspan=2|Leader
! colspan=2|Votes
! colspan=2|Seats
! rowspan=2|Position
! rowspan=2|Resulting government
|-
! #
! %
! #
! ±
|-
![[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|2021]]
| Md. [[Nawsad Siddique]]
| 109237
| 45.1
| {{Composition bar|1|294|hex=#DB7093}}
| {{dash}}
| 4th
|{{no2|{{nowrap|[[All India Trinamool Congress|AITC]] [[majority government|majority]]}}}}
|-
|}

===Candidates===
The party president Simul Soren will contest from Haripal in Hooghly district, while Mohammed Iqbal and Nuruzzaman will be the party's candidates from Entally and Metiabruz. They are yet to announce the names of candidates from Canning Purba, Jangipara, Bhangar, Madhyamgram, Haroa and Mayureshwar.<ref>{{cite web|first1=Press Trust of India|last1=KolkataMarch 15|first2=2021UPDATED:|last2=March 15|first3=2021 04:31|last3=Ist|accessdate=2021-03-16|title=Abbas Siddiqui's ISF releases names of 20 candidates for West Bengal elections|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/west-bengal-assembly-polls-2021/story/abbas-siddiqui-s-isf-releases-names-of-20-candidates-for-west-bengal-elections-1779332-2021-03-15|website=India Today}}</ref>

{| class="wikitable"
|-
! Constituency No. !! Constituency !! Candidate !! Ref.
|-
| 250 || [[Raipur, Bankura (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Raipur]] || Milan Mandi || rowspan="20" |<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-16|title=Facebook|url=https://www.facebook.com/103530761739502/photos/a.103807155045196/119300636829181/|website=www.facebook.com}}</ref>
|-
| 208 || [[Mahisadal (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Mahisadal]]|| Bikram Chatterjee
|-
| 232 || [[Chandrakona (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Chandrakona]] || Goranga Das
|-
| 133 || [[Kulpi (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Kulpi]] || Sirajudin Ghazi
|-
| 135 || [[Mandirbazar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Mandirbazar]] || Sanchay Sarkar
|-
| 183 || [[Jagatballavpur (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Jagatballavpur]] || Sk Shabbir Ahmed
|-
| 196 || [[Haripal (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Haripal]] || Simol Soren
|-
| 202 || [[Khanakul (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Khanakul]] || Faisal Khan
|-
| 157 || [[Metiaburuz (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Metiaburuz]] ||Nuruzzaman
|-
| 175 || [[Panchla (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Panchla]] || Md Jalil
|-
| 176 || [[Uluberia Purba (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Uluberia Purba]]|| Abbasuddin Khan
|-
| 89 || [[Ranaghat Uttar Purba (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Ranaghat Uttar Purba]] || Dinesh Chandra Biswas
|-
| 90 || [[Krishnaganj (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Krishnaganj]] || Anup Mondal
|-
| 125 || [[Basirhat Uttar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Basirhat]] || Baijid Amin
|-
| 123 || [[Sandeshkhali (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Sandeshkhali]] || Barun Mahato
|-
| 82 || [[Chapra (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Chapra]] || Kanchan Maitra
|-
| 101 || [[Ashoknagar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Ashoknagar]] || Tapas Chakraborty
|-
| 102 || [[Amdanga (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Amdanga]] || Jamal Uddin
|-
| 163 || [[Asansol Uttar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Asansol Uttar]] || Md Mustaqim
|-
| 281 || [[Entally (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Entally]] || Md Iqbal Alam
|-
|}

==See also==
*[[Secular Progressive Front]]
*[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election]]
== References ==
{{reflist}}

{{Indian political parties}}

[[Category:Political parties established in 2021]]
[[Category:2021 establishments in India]]
[[Category:Political parties]]
[[Category:Political parties in West Bengal]]

{{stub}}

Indian Secular Front

2021-05-19T19:50:15Z

Iamamjadhussain:

{{short description|Political party in India}}
{{Use Indian English|date=February 2021}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2021}}
{{Infobox Indian political party
|party_name = Indian Secular Front
|logo =
|flag = ISF flag.svg
|abbreviation = ISF
|colorcode = {{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}
|leader = Abbas Siddiqui
|chairman = [[Nawsad Siddique]]
|president =
|secretary_general = Srimon Soren
|ppchairman =
|loksabha_leader =
|rajyasabha_leader =
|foundation = {{Start date and years ago|df=yes|p=y|2021|2|24}}
|founder = Abbas Siddiqui
|headquarters = [[Kolkata]]
|publication =
|youth =
|students =
|women =
|labour =
|peasants =
|eci = [[List of political parties in India#National parties|State Party]]
|slogan =
|colours = {{colour box|{{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}} [[Shades of blue|Blue]]
|alliance = [[Sanyukta Morcha]] (2021-present)
|loksabha_seats = {{Composition bar|0|543|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}}
|rajyasabha_seats = {{Composition bar|0|245|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}}
|state_seats_name = [[State Legislative Assembly (India)|State Legislative Assemblies]]
|state_seats = {{plainlist|
*{{Composition bar|1|294|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}} <small>([[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]])</small>
*{{composition bar|0|60|hex= {{All India Trinamool Congress/meta/color}}}}
}}
|no_states = {{Composition bar|0|31|hex={{Indian Secular Front/meta/color}}}}
|website =
|symbol = Envelope
}}

The '''Indian Secular Front''' ({{small|abbr.}} '''ISF''') is an unregistered political party which contested the West Bengal Legislative Assembly election on "Envelope" symbol and name of Bihar based political party [[Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party]] (RSMP) of [[MD Asharul Haque]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=ঘোষ|first=প্রদীপ্তকান্তি|date=16 March 2021|title=ভোটে লড়ছে না 'আইএসএফ', প্রার্থী দেবে 'অন্য দল'|url=https://tv9bangla.com/elections/indian-secular-front-of-abbas-siddiqui-dont-have-a-own-sign-fighting-with-another-partys-logo-339985.html|url-status=live|access-date=17 March 2021|website=TV9Bangla|language=bn}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=|date=18 March 2021|title=ISF to fight polls on borrowed symbol|url=http://www.millenniumpost.in/kolkata/isf-to-fight-polls-on-borrowed-symbol-434695|url-status=live|access-date=26 March 2021|website=Millennium Post|language=en}}</ref> The party was formed in West Bengal by Abbas Siddique, an influential cleric of the shrine of Furfura Sharif in Hooghly district in January 2021.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/pirzada-abbas-siddiqui-announces-indian-secular-front-isf-for-bengal-elections-2356170|title="Want To Be Kingmaker": Muslim Preacher Announces Party For Bengal Polls|date=21 Jan 2021}}</ref> This party was formed ahead of the West Bengal state election of 2021<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/west-bengal-assembky-elections-2021-indian-secular-front-ups-ante-on-seats/cid/1807005|title=Indian Secular Front ups ante on seats
|date=18 Feb 2021}}</ref> and joined the [[Mahajot]] led by [[Indian National Congress]] and [[Left Front (West Bengal)|Left Front]] for the 2021 Assembly polls<ref>{{cite web|first1=Abhinav|last1=Ranjan|accessdate=2021-02-28|title=Bengal polls 2021: Indian Secular Front's Abbas Siddique ditches Owaisi, joins Congress-Left alliance|url=https://www.indiatvnews.com/elections/news-bengal-polls-2021-abbas-siddique-indian-secular-front-joins-congress-left-alliance-owaisi-bjp-tmc-685501|date=17 February 2021|website=www.indiatvnews.com}}</ref> against the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] and [[All India Trinamool Congress]] as a alternative.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Das|first=Madhuparna|date=2021-02-05|title=Why talks of a 'secular front' against BJP & Trinamool have |url=https://theprint.in/politics/why-talks-of-a-secular-front-against-bjp-trinamool-have-hit-a-wall-in-bengal/599505/|date=2021-03-01|website=ThePrint|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|first1=Abhinav|last1=Ranjan|accessdate=2021-02-28|title=Bengal polls 2021: Indian Secular Front's Abbas Siddique ditches Owaisi, joins Congress-Left alliance|url=https://www.indiatvnews.com/elections/news-bengal-polls-2021-abbas-siddique-indian-secular-front-joins-congress-left-alliance-owaisi-bjp-tmc-685501|date=17 February 2021|website=www.indiatvnews.com}}</ref> However, the Congress leader [[Anand Sharma]] slammed the party's decision and calls it "painful and shameful".<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-02|title=West Bengal polls 2021: Congress' Anand Sharma calls tie-up with Indian Secular Front 'painful and shameful' - India News , Firstpost|url=https://www.firstpost.com/india/west-bengal-polls-2021-congress-anand-sharma-calls-tie-up-with-indian-secular-front-painful-and-shameful-9362811.html|date=1 March 2021|website=Firstpost}}</ref> The party will be contested in West Bengal Legislative Assembly election with 28 seats.<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-01|title=30-seat deal with Left: ISF cleric Abbas Siddiqui|url=https://theprint.in/politics/why-talks-of-a-secular-front-against-bjp-trinamool-have-hit-a-wall-in-bengal/599505/|website=telegraphindia.com}}</ref>

==Controversies==
On March 2, 2021, the West Bengal police recovered a shotgun, bombs and bomb-making equipment from the residence of an ISF activist at Situri followed by the arrest of the accused's father.<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-03|title=Bombs Recovered From Indian Secular Front Worker's Residence In West Bengal: Police|url=https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/bombs-recovered-from-isf-workers-residence-in-wb-2382226|website=NDTV.com}}</ref>

On March 12, the party released its first list of 26 constituencies it contested in the assembly elections in West Bengal. The announcement comes amid an ongoing tussle between the ISF and Congress over seat-sharing. The seats the ISF will be contesting are Mahisadal, Canning Purba, Bhangar, Metiabruz, Panchla, Uluberia Purba, Basirhat Uttar, Ashoknagar, Amdanga, Asansol Uttar, Entally, Madhyamgram and Khanakul.<ref>{{cite web|first1=Super|last1=User|accessdate=2021-03-13|title=Abbas Siddiqui's ISF releases the first list of 26 seats for Bengal polls|url=https://thefederal.com/west-bengal-elections-20201/abbas-siddiquis-isf-releases-first-list-of-26-seats-for-bengal-polls/|date=13 March 2021|website=The Federal}}</ref>

On March 23, Two ISF workers were arrested for attacking the Election Commission convoy during their visit to Haroa to remove objectionable political banners which violate the Moral Code of Conduct (MCC).<ref>{{cite web|first1=Republic|last1=World|accessdate=2021-03-24|title=EC convoy allegedly attacked in West Bengal's Haroa, no injuries; two ISF workers arrested|url=https://www.republicworld.com/india-news/general-news/ec-convoy-allegedly-attacked-in-west-bengals-haroa-no-injuries-two-isf-workers-arrested.html|website=Republic World}}</ref> The party borrowed the symbol from the Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party (RSMP) of Bihar and the nomination papers that ISF candidates have submitted to the Election Commission is also in the name of Rashtriya Secular Majlis Party (RSMP) as the Abbas Siddiqui-led ISF has not yet got its symbol from the Commission.<ref>{{Cite web|date=18 March 2021|title=ISF to fight polls on borrowed symbol|url=http://www.millenniumpost.in/kolkata/isf-to-fight-polls-on-borrowed-symbol-434695?infinitescroll=1|url-status=live|access-date=2021-03-29|website=Millennium Post|language=en}}</ref>

==Elections==
The party won 1 out of 294 assembly seats in the [[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|West Bengal Legislative Assembly election 2021]] from Bhangar with 109237 votes.<ref>{{cite web|access-date=2021-05-02|title=Election Commission of India|url=https://results.eci.gov.in/Result2021/ConstituencywiseS25148.htm?ac=148|website=results.eci.gov.in}}</ref>

===Election Results===
{| class="wikitable sortable"
|-
! Year
|'''Election'''
|'''State'''
|'''Seats Won'''
|'''Total Seats'''
|-
|2021
|[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election]]
|West Bengal
|1
|294
|-
|}

=== West Bengal Legislative Assembly ===

{| class="wikitable sortable"
|+ Electoral performance in the [[West Bengal Legislative Assembly]]
|-
! rowspan=2|Election
! rowspan=2|Leader
! colspan=2|Votes
! colspan=2|Seats
! rowspan=2|Position
! rowspan=2|Resulting government
|-
! #
! %
! #
! ±
|-
![[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election|2021]]
| Md. [[Nawsad Siddique]]
| 109237
| 45.1
| {{Composition bar|1|294|hex=#DB7093}}
| {{dash}}
| 4th
|{{no2|{{nowrap|[[All India Trinamool Congress|AITC]] [[majority government|majority]]}}}}
|-
|}

===Candidates===
The party president Simul Soren will contest from Haripal in Hooghly district, while Mohammed Iqbal and Nuruzzaman will be the party's candidates from Entally and Metiabruz. They are yet to announce the names of candidates from Canning Purba, Jangipara, Bhangar, Madhyamgram, Haroa and Mayureshwar.<ref>{{cite web|first1=Press Trust of India|last1=KolkataMarch 15|first2=2021UPDATED:|last2=March 15|first3=2021 04:31|last3=Ist|accessdate=2021-03-16|title=Abbas Siddiqui's ISF releases names of 20 candidates for West Bengal elections|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/west-bengal-assembly-polls-2021/story/abbas-siddiqui-s-isf-releases-names-of-20-candidates-for-west-bengal-elections-1779332-2021-03-15|website=India Today}}</ref>

{| class="wikitable"
|-
! Constituency No. !! Constituency !! Candidate !! Ref.
|-
| 250 || [[Raipur, Bankura (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Raipur]] || Milan Mandi || rowspan="20" |<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2021-03-16|title=Facebook|url=https://www.facebook.com/103530761739502/photos/a.103807155045196/119300636829181/|website=www.facebook.com}}</ref>
|-
| 208 || [[Mahisadal (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Mahisadal]]|| Bikram Chatterjee
|-
| 232 || [[Chandrakona (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Chandrakona]] || Goranga Das
|-
| 133 || [[Kulpi (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Kulpi]] || Sirajudin Ghazi
|-
| 135 || [[Mandirbazar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Mandirbazar]] || Sanchay Sarkar
|-
| 183 || [[Jagatballavpur (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Jagatballavpur]] || Sk Shabbir Ahmed
|-
| 196 || [[Haripal (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Haripal]] || Simol Soren
|-
| 202 || [[Khanakul (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Khanakul]] || Faisal Khan
|-
| 157 || [[Metiaburuz (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Metiaburuz]] ||Nuruzzaman
|-
| 175 || [[Panchla (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Panchla]] || Md Jalil
|-
| 176 || [[Uluberia Purba (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Uluberia Purba]]|| Abbasuddin Khan
|-
| 89 || [[Ranaghat Uttar Purba (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Ranaghat Uttar Purba]] || Dinesh Chandra Biswas
|-
| 90 || [[Krishnaganj (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Krishnaganj]] || Anup Mondal
|-
| 125 || [[Basirhat Uttar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Basirhat]] || Baijid Amin
|-
| 123 || [[Sandeshkhali (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Sandeshkhali]] || Barun Mahato
|-
| 82 || [[Chapra (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Chapra]] || Kanchan Maitra
|-
| 101 || [[Ashoknagar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Ashoknagar]] || Tapas Chakraborty
|-
| 102 || [[Amdanga (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Amdanga]] || Jamal Uddin
|-
| 163 || [[Asansol Uttar (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Asansol Uttar]] || Md Mustaqim
|-
| 281 || [[Entally (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Entally]] || Md Iqbal Alam
|-
|}

==See also==
*[[Secular Progressive Front]]
*[[2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election]]
== References ==
{{reflist}}

{{Indian political parties}}

[[Category:Political parties established in 2021]]
[[Category:2021 establishments in India]]
[[Category:Political parties]]
[[Category:Political parties in West Bengal]]

{{stub}}

Sudarshan Kumar

2021-05-13T02:59:42Z

Iamamjadhussain:

{{Orphan|date=April 2021}}

{{short description|Indian politician}}
'''Sudarshan Kumar''' is an Indian politician from Bihar and a Member of the [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]]. Kumar won the [[Barbigha (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Barbigha Assembly constituency]] on [[Janata Dal (United)|JD(U)]] ticket in the [[2020 Bihar Legislative Assembly election]] for the second time.<ref>https://www.news18.com/bihar-assembly-elections-2020/sudarshan-kumar-barbigha-candidate-s04a170c04/</ref>

==References==
{{reflist}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Kumar, Sudarshan}}
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Members of the Bihar Legislative Assembly]]
[[Category:Bihar MLAs 2020–]]
[[Category:Janata Dal (United) politicians]]
[[Category:Year of birth missing (living people)]]

{{Bihar-politician-stub}}

Qamrul Hoda

2021-05-13T02:56:37Z

Iamamjadhussain:

{{short description|Indian politician}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name = Qamrul Hoda
| image =
| caption =AIMIM
| office1 = [[Kishanganj (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|MLA of Kishanganj]]
| term_start1 = 24 October 2019
| term_end1 = 10 November 2020
| predecessor1 = [[Mohammad Jawed]]
| successor1 = [[Ijaharul Hussain]]
| office2 =
| term_start2 =
| term_end2 =
| predecessor2 =
| party = [[All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen]]
| alma_mater =
| spouse =
| children =
| website =
}}

'''Qamrul Hoda''' is an [[India]]n politician. Belonging to [[All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen]], he was elected as a member of the [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]] from [[Kishanganj (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Kishanganj]] on 24 October 2019.<ref>{{cite web
| title= In first-ever win in Hindi belt, AIMIM grabs Kishanganj assembly seat
| url= https://indianexpress.com/elections/aimim-bihar-bypoll-result-kishanganj-qamrul-hoda-6085885/
| date= 24 October 2019| access-date= 24 October 2019
| website= The Indian Express}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Asaduddin Owaisi's AIMIM springs surprise in Bihar, wins Kishanganj assembly byelection
|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/asaduddin-owaisis-aimim-springs-surprise-in-bihar-wins-kishanganj-assembly-byelection/articleshow/71738207.cms
|website=The Times of India| date= 24 October 2019| access-date= 24 October 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=AIMIM registers maiden victory from Kishanganj
|url=http://www.uniindia.com/aimim-registers-maiden-victory-from-kishanganj/cae/news/1769073.html
|website=United News of India| date= 24 October 2019| access-date= 24 October 2019}}</ref>

==References==
{{Reflist}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Hoda, Qamrul}}
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Bihar MLAs 2015–2020]]
[[Category:Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen politicians]]
[[Category:Year of birth missing (living people)]]

{{Bihar-politician-stub}}