Bharatpedia - User contributions [en]

Draft:Ringway Transportation System

2026-09-29T09:48:40Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260929063632|u=202.14.131.60|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox machine
| industry = Transportation System
| name = Ringway Transportation System
}}

'''Ringway Transportation System'''.
{{Short description|Proposed transportation concept}}

The '''Ringway Transportation System''' ('''RTS''') is a proposed transportation concept that combines enclosed guideway infrastructure, automated vehicle operation, and electric propulsion technologies. The concept has been described in media reports as a hybrid transportation system intended for passenger and freight movement over urban, regional, and long-distance corridors. Ringway has been discussed alongside other emerging transportation concepts such as [[Hyperloop]], [[Maglev]], and [[Automated guideway transit]].<ref>{{cite news |last=O'Connell |first=Mark |title=8 Mass Transportation Ideas That Make The Hyperloop Look Boring |work=Motherboard |publisher=Vice Media |date=2016-01-26}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway Transportation System: The Trackless Maglev Revolution |work=Intelligent Living}}</ref>

== History ==

The Ringway Transportation System was developed as a conceptual transportation proposal aimed at addressing future mobility requirements through the use of automated operation, electrified propulsion, and dedicated guideway infrastructure. Public awareness of the concept increased during the 2010s through coverage in technology and transportation media.<ref>{{cite news |last=O'Connell |first=Mark |title=Let's Get Even More Unreal About Mass Transit |work=Motherboard |publisher=Vice Media |date=2016-02-18}}</ref>

During the 2020s, Ringway continued to be featured in articles discussing future transportation systems, sustainable mobility, and net-zero transportation concepts.<ref>{{cite web |title=Hybrid Maglev Transit Concepts: Future Net-Zero Transportation System |website=Future Festival}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=混合磁浮交通概念 |trans-title=Hybrid Maglev Transit Concept |website=ELELAND |language=zh-hant}}</ref>

== Concept and design ==

Ringway has been described as a transportation system in which vehicles operate within a dedicated guideway environment under automated or semi-automated control. Published descriptions characterize the concept as combining elements of high-speed transportation, automated guideway transit, and magnetic-levitation-inspired technologies.<ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway Transportation System: A Gliding Mass Transit of Future |work=Youth Time Magazine}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway Transportation System: The Trackless Maglev Revolution |work=Intelligent Living}}</ref>

Proposed characteristics include:

* Dedicated enclosed or semi-enclosed guideways.
* Electrically powered vehicles.
* Automated control and traffic-management systems.
* Passenger and freight transportation capability.
* Integrated communications and monitoring infrastructure.
* Modular deployment for urban, regional, and intercity applications.

Descriptions of the concept vary among sources, and specific technical details remain dependent on the proposed implementation.<ref>{{cite news |title=El sistema de transporte Ringway reinventa la movilidad de larga distancia |work=Tecnoneo |language=es}}</ref>

== Infrastructure ==

Proposed infrastructure elements include:

* Guideway structures.
* Passenger stations and terminals.
* Operations and maintenance facilities.
* Electrical power systems.
* Communications networks.
* Safety and emergency-access systems.

According to published descriptions, guideways may be constructed as elevated, surface-level, or underground installations depending on operational requirements and geographical conditions.<ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway Transportation System: A Gliding Mass Transit of Future |work=Youth Time Magazine}}</ref>

== Operations ==

Under proposed operating scenarios, vehicles would travel within a controlled transportation corridor managed through automated control systems. Automation technologies have been described as supporting vehicle guidance, scheduling, monitoring, and traffic management functions.<ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway, o trem futurista que não toca nos trilhos |trans-title=Ringway, the futuristic train that does not touch the tracks |work=Mobilize Brasil |language=pt}}</ref>

The concept has been presented as capable of supporting both passenger and freight services, either through separate infrastructure or integrated operational models.<ref>{{cite news |title=Emerging Public Transportation of the Future |work=Youth Time Magazine}}</ref>

== Comparison with similar systems ==

Ringway has been compared in media reports with several existing and proposed transportation systems.

{| class="wikitable"
! System
! Description
|-
| [[High-speed rail]]
| Rail-based transportation operating on dedicated railway infrastructure.
|-
| [[Maglev]]
| Transportation technology that uses magnetic levitation for vehicle support and guidance.
|-
| [[Hyperloop]]
| Proposed transportation system using vehicles operating within low-pressure tubes.
|-
| [[Automated guideway transit]]
| Driverless vehicles operating on dedicated guideways.
|}

Sources discussing Ringway have generally positioned it within the broader category of future transportation concepts intended to improve capacity, automation, sustainability, or travel efficiency.<ref>{{cite news |last=O'Connell |first=Mark |title=8 Mass Transportation Ideas That Make The Hyperloop Look Boring |work=Motherboard |publisher=Vice Media |date=2016-01-26}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Hybrid Maglev Transit Concepts: Future Net-Zero Transportation System |website=Future Festival}}</ref>

== Reception ==

The Ringway Transportation System has received coverage in technology, innovation, transportation, and futurist media publications.

In 2016, ''Motherboard'' published articles discussing Ringway among a range of future transportation concepts and alternatives to conventional mass transit systems.<ref>{{cite news |last=O'Connell |first=Mark |title=8 Mass Transportation Ideas That Make The Hyperloop Look Boring |work=Motherboard |publisher=Vice Media |date=2016-01-26}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=O'Connell |first=Mark |title=Let's Get Even More Unreal About Mass Transit |work=Motherboard |publisher=Vice Media |date=2016-02-18}}</ref>

Subsequent coverage appeared in publications including ''Youth Time Magazine'', ''Intelligent Living'', ''Mobilize Brasil'', ''Tecnoneo'', ''Future Festival'', and ''ELELAND'', which discussed the concept in the context of future transportation technologies, sustainable mobility, and long-distance transportation systems.<ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway Transportation System: A Gliding Mass Transit of Future |work=Youth Time Magazine}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway Transportation System: The Trackless Maglev Revolution |work=Intelligent Living}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Ringway, o trem futurista que não toca nos trilhos |work=Mobilize Brasil |language=pt}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=El sistema de transporte Ringway reinventa la movilidad de larga distancia |work=Tecnoneo |language=es}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Hybrid Maglev Transit Concepts: Future Net-Zero Transportation System |website=Future Festival}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=混合磁浮交通概念 |trans-title=Hybrid Maglev Transit Concept |website=ELELAND |language=zh-hant}}</ref>

== Related technologies ==

Publications discussing Ringway have also referenced advanced propulsion and energy concepts, including the Magnetoplasma Ionic (MPI) Thruster, as part of broader discussions concerning future transportation and aerospace technologies.<ref>{{cite news |title=Atmospheric Energy Harvesting through Magnetoplasma Ionic Thruster |work=Youth Time Magazine}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=The future of efficient space travel? |website=Tomorrow |publisher=Schaeffler}}</ref>

== See also ==

* [[Automated guideway transit]]
* [[Hyperloop]]
* [[High-speed rail]]
* [[Maglev]]
* [[Personal rapid transit]]
* [[Sustainable transport]]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

== External links ==

* [www.ringway.tech]

[[Category:Proposed transportation systems]]
[[Category:Public transport]]
[[Category:Sustainable transport]]
[[Category:Transportation engineering]]
[[Category:Emerging technologies]]

{{Reflist}}

Draft:The Shriram Millennium School

2026-09-29T09:48:30Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260928101656|u=Tsms1|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox school
| name = The Shriram Millennium School
| website = tsms.org.in
}}

'''The Shriram Millennium School''' is an organisation.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Bhaurao Navalji Dhangare: A Life Dedicated to Public Service

2026-09-29T09:48:20Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260927163716|u=103.183.91.219|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox chess biography
| name = Bhaurao Navalji Dhangare
| title = Bhaurao Navalji Dhangare: A Life Dedicated to Public Service
}}

'''Bhaurao Navalji Dhangare'''.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Kushwaha/koiri community of Nepal

2026-09-29T09:48:10Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260926165407|u=Madeshi nepali Kshatriya|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox ethnic group
| group = Kushwaha (Koiri)<br>kushwaha (Koiri)
| image = [[File:Koiri caste couple of nepal.png|thumb|Koiri caste couple of nepal]]
| caption =
| popplace = {{flag|Nepal}}, {{flag|India}}, {{flag|Mauritius}}, {{flag|Pakistan}}, {{flag|Burma}}, {{flag|Bangladesh}}
| pop = 355,707 (1.22% of the total population of Nepal) 2021 National Census
| languages = [[Maithili language|Maithili]], [[Nepali language|Nepali]] and [[Bhojpuri language|Bhojpuri]]
| religions = [[Hinduism]] 100% (2021)
| related = Other Indo-Aryan castes and [[Madhesi]] communities<ref>{{cite web |title=Nepali Madhesi Society (Nepalko Madheshi Samaj) |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340827126 |website=ResearchGate |access-date=30 March 2025}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.scribd.com/doc/93185530/Social-Composition-of-Nepal-Caste-Ethnicity-amp-Religion |title=Chapter 3. Social composition of the Population: Caste/Ethnicity and Religion in Nepal |author=Dr. Dilli Ram Dahal |publisher=[[Government of Nepal]], Central Bureau of Statistics |date=2002-12-30 |accessdate=2013-12-05}}</ref>
}}
'''Kushwaha (Koiri)''' is a [[Terai]]-dwelling upper caste. In Nepal, the Kushwaha community constitutes about 1.22% of the population. Its number is more than 355,000. This community mainly resides in the districts of [[Madhesh Province]], [[Koshi Province]] and [[Lumbini Province]], and is considered an important community in Madhesi society. <ref>Government of Nepal, National Statistics Office. ''National Population and Housing Census 2021: Caste/Ethnicity Report''. Kathmandu: NSO, 2023. https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Caste%20Ethnicity_report_NPHC_2021.pdf</ref> Their main ancestral occupations are agriculture and landholding. However, they are now engaged in various professions, businesses, education, civil service, the military, and other fields; compared with other Madhesi castes, they are an influential, well-organized and powerful caste. They are considered hardworking. The Kushwaha community belongs to the [[Vaishya]] class of the Madhesi upper castes<ref>Government of Nepal; Central Bureau of Statistics; UNFPA. ''Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II: Social Demography''. Kathmandu: CBS/UNFPA, 2014. https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf</ref>, but many also claim [[Kshatriya]] status. Although their ancestors were traditionally vegetarian, this has been changing in recent times. Mahato is traditionally a common surname found among this community. Surnames used among the Kushwaha/Koiri community in Nepal include Mahato, Singh, Kushwaha, Mehta, Maurya, Murav, Bhagat, Sinha, and Verma, among others. Some Kushwaha organizations in Nepal have claimed that the population of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community in Nepal is more than 1 million. If this figure is accepted, it would be approximately 3.4% of the total population of Nepal.<ref>{{cite web |title=Kushwaha community claims over 10 lakh population in Nepal |url=https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20 |website=eNews Bureau |date=20 January 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021 |url=https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf |publisher=Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal}}</ref>

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Abaya Zone

2026-09-29T09:48:00Z

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{{Peacock|date=September 2026}}
{{AfC submission||ts=20260926081427|u=MezbahCox|ns=118}} 
'''Abaya Zone''' is a modest-fashion retailer based in Chattogram, Bangladesh. The company operates from Jalsha Shopping Complex in Reazuddin Bazar and offers a range of abayas, borkas, hijabs, khimars, niqabs and related modest-wear products. According to published reports, the business was founded by Md Luqman. <ref>https://menafn.com/1111655036/ABAYA-ZONE-Mission-to-Make-Elegant-Modest-Wear-Accessible-to-Everyone</ref>

== Products and services ==

Abaya Zone offers various types of modest clothing, including everyday borkas, wide-flare designs, Dubai-style abayas, embroidered and embellished designs, hijabs, Saudi-style khimars, inner caps and niqabs. Published information about the company describes its product range as serving both everyday and occasion-based modest-wear needs. <ref>https://menafn.com/1111655036/ABAYA-ZONE-Mission-to-Make-Elegant-Modest-Wear-Accessible-to-Everyone</ref>

== Business operations ==

Abaya Zone operates from Jalsha Shopping Complex in Reazuddin Bazar, Chattogram. The company also conducts business through online channels. According to published information, it offers cash-on-delivery service across all 64 districts of Bangladesh without requiring advance payment. <ref>https://menafn.com/1111655036/ABAYA-ZONE-Mission-to-Make-Elegant-Modest-Wear-Accessible-to-Everyone</ref>

== References ==

<references />== References ==

<references />

* https://www.coxsbazarjournal.com/122639/abaya-zone-is-redefining-modest-fashion-for-the-modern-woman/
* https://menafn.com/1111655036/ABAYA-ZONE-Mission-to-Make-Elegant-Modest-Wear-Accessible-to-Everyone
* https://songbad365.com/abaya-zone-redefines-modest-fashion/
* https://dailyamarkontho.com/2026/09/21/abaya-zone-is-reshaping-bangladeshs-modest-fashion-market/

Draft:Ranjeet Kumar Raman

2026-09-29T09:47:51Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260926123740|u=Varsau|ns=118}} 
{{BLP unsourced|date=September 2026}}

{{Infobox academic
| discipline = Tourism Management
| name = Ranjeet Kumar Raman
| occupation = Academic
| title = Associate Professor
| work_institution = Central University of Jammu
}}

'''Ranjeet Kumar Raman''' is an Academic.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Divya Modi

2026-09-29T09:47:40Z

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{{Autobiography|date=September 2026}}
{{AfC submission||ts=20260924131753|u=Divyamodi|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox person
| name = Divya Modi
| nationality = Indian
| occupation = Entrepreneur, Investor, Philanthropist
| website = https://www.divyamodi.com/
}}

'''Divya Modi''' is an Indian Entrepreneur, Investor, Philanthropist.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Rasha Kirmani

2026-09-29T09:47:30Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260922053649|u=Harishroo|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox person
| name = Rasha Kirmani
| image = Rasha Kirmani during Rocket Reels 1st anniversary celebration.jpg
| caption = Kirmani in 2026
| birth_date = {{birth date and age|1995|12|28|df=yes}}
| birth_place = [[Iran]] or [[Saudi Arabia]]
| nationality = [[Indian]]
| occupation = {{hlist|[[Actress]]|[[Model]]|[[Anchor]]|Belly dancer}}
| years_active = 2021–present
| education = Pillai College of Arts, Commerce and Science<br>Actor Prepares
| known_for = {{ubl|''Jeena Abhi Baaki Hai''|''Vikkatakavi''}}
| notable_works = ''Vikkatakavi''
| awards = Most Promising Artist, Bright Awards (2023)
}}

'''Rasha Kirmani''' (born 28 December 1995) is an [[Indian]] actress, model, anchor, belly dancer and social media personality. She has worked in modelling, music videos, short films and television. She is particularly known for her appearances in the [[Punjabi]] music videos ''Sunn Maahi'' and ''Pyaar Hai Mera'', the musical short film ''Jeena Abhi Baaki Hai'' (2022), and for playing Yashodha in the [[Telugu]] television series ''Vikkatakavi'' (2024).

== Early life and education ==
Rasha Kirmani was born on 28 December 1995. Publicly available biographical sources differ regarding her birthplace, with sources variously reporting [[Iran]] or [[Saudi Arabia]]. Several sources state that she spent part of her childhood in [[Saudi Arabia]] before moving to [[India]]. She later pursued higher education in [[Mumbai]].
Kirmani studied at Pillai College of Arts, Commerce & Science in [[Mumbai]] and subsequently received acting training from [[Anupam Kher]]'s acting institute, Actor Prepares. Some biographical sources also report postgraduate study in economics, although this detail is not consistently documented across sources.
== Career ==
=== Modelling and music videos ===
Kirmani began her career in modelling and participated in fashion shows and modelling assignments. She subsequently appeared in Punjabi music videos, including ''Sunn Maahi'' and ''Pyaar Hai Mera''.
She gained wider attention through ''Jeena Abhi Baaki Hai'', a musical short film associated with filmmaker Imtiaz Ali. The project became one of the notable early acting credits in her career.
=== Television ===
In 2024, Kirmani appeared in the Telugu television series ''Vikkatakavi'', where she was credited as Yashodha. IMDb lists her among the principal cast for the series and records her appearance in eight episodes.
== Other work ==
In addition to acting and modelling, Kirmani has worked as an anchor and belly dancer. She has also been associated with event management and beauty-pageant events through her business activities.
== Awards ==
In 2023, Kirmani was reported to have received the ''Most Promising Artist'' award at the 5th Bright Awards.
== Filmography ==
{| class="wikitable" ! Year !! Title !! Role/Work !! Medium |- | 2021 || ''Sunn Maahi'' || Appearance || Music video |- | 2021 || ''Pyaar Hai Mera'' || Appearance || Music video |- | 2022 || ''Jeena Abhi Baaki Hai'' || Acting role || Musical short film |- | 2024 || ''Vikkatakavi'' || Yashodha || Television series |}

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Gujjars vs sikhs conflict

2026-09-29T09:47:20Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260921150231|u=Gianjatt|ns=118}} 
The Battle near Jalalabad was a military engagement fought near Jalalabad in 1783.

{{Infobox military conflict
| conflict = Battle near Jalalabad (1783)
| date = 1783
| place = Near Jalalabad, Upper Doab
| result = Sikh victory
| combatant1 = Gujar chief of the Upper Doab
| combatant2 = Sikh Sardars
| commander1 = Nahar Singh Gujar
| commander2 = Baghel Singh
| strength1 = 12,000
| strength2 = 30,000
| casualties1 = Heavy
| casualties2 = Heavy
}}

==Background==

In 1783, Sikh forces operating in the Upper Doab attacked and plundered villages near Jalalabad. The local inhabitants resisted the Sikh forces, and Nahar Singh Gujar, the Gujar chief of the Upper Doab, opposed them.

==Battle==

The Sikh forces under Baghel Singh engaged the forces led by Nahar Singh Gujar near Jalalabad. The battle resulted in a Sikh victory.

==Aftermath==

The engagement was part of the wider military activity of Sikh sardars in the Upper Doab during the 1780s.

==References==

* Hari Ram Gupta, ''History of the Sikhs: Sikh Domination of the Mughal Empire, 1764–1803'', Volume III, p. 178.

Draft:Gujjar Gardi

2026-09-29T09:47:10Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260921120055|u=2409:40D2:12EA:699A:8000:0:0:0|ns=118}} 
The term '''Gujjar Gardi''' has been used for the plundering raids carried out by Gujjars around Delhi during the eighteenth century.

'''June 1753:''' Imad-ul-Mulk, the Mir Bakhshi, was against Safdar Jang, who was prime minister. A civil war began between them. Imad recruited Rohillas, Jats, and 2,000 Gujjars under their leader Jit Singh. They joined him on 2 June 1753. These forces subsequently plundered the people of the capital.

'''January 1774:''' The Gujjars plundered Delhi throughout the night of 18 January 1774.

The account is given by Hari Ram Gupta in ''History of the Sikhs'', Volume III, ''Sikh Domination of the Mughal Empire (1764–1803)''.

Draft:Hire4Event

2026-09-29T09:47:00Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260914091156|u=Hire4event|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox organization
| caption = Hire4Event – Event Management Company
| founder = Amresh Verma
| headquarters = Noida, Uttar Pradesh, India
| image = https://www.hire4event.com/assets-new/images/8485.png
| name = Hire4Event
| website = https://www.hire4event.com/
}}

'''Hire4Event''' is an organisation headquartered in Noida, Uttar Pradesh, India.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Hold On Angola

2026-09-29T09:46:51Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260913223952|u=Ester|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox newspaper
| name = Hold On Angola
| logo = Hold_on_Angola.png
| caption = Logomarca do Hold On Angola
| type = Jornal digital
| format = Digital
| foundation = 7 June 2020
| language = Portuguese
| headquarters= Luanda, Angola
| website = https://holdonangola.com/
}}

'''Hold On Angola''' é um jornal digital angolano fundado em 2020. Publica conteúdos informativos com foco em [[Politics|política]], sociedade e [[Human rights|direitos humanos]] em [[Angola]], bem como em temas relacionados com [[Africa|África]] e o contexto internacional.

== Recognition and collaborations ==

A relevância do ''Hold On Angola'' é evidenciada por menções e citações em outras plataformas.

A [[Human Rights Measurement Initiative]] (HRMI), organização internacional dedicada à medição dos direitos humanos, menciona o ''Hold On Angola'' na sua página sobre a utilização de dados de direitos humanos pelos meios de comunicação. A organização identifica uma publicação do jornal intitulada ''Angola figura entre os países com pior desempenho em direitos humanos a nível internacional''.<ref>{{cite web
|url=https://humanrightsmeasurement.org/in-the-media/
|title=Human rights data in the media
|publisher=Human Rights Measurement Initiative
|access-date=14 July 2025
}}</ref>

Além da atividade jornalística, o ''Hold On Angola'' mantém presença em plataformas digitais de música, incluindo [[Apple Music]] e [[SoundCloud]].

O ''Hold On Angola'' também foi mencionado pelo Portal Escritores (Autores.com.br), que descreveu a plataforma como um espaço de divulgação e promoção de carreiras artísticas, com participação de artistas emergentes.<ref>{{cite web
|url=https://portalescritores.com.br/texto/8712/hold-on-angola.html
|title=Hold On Angola
|publisher=Portal Escritores
|access-date=14 July 2025
}}</ref>

O portal também registrou a cobertura de eventos eleitorais realizada pelo ''Hold On Angola'' através do YouTube em 2021.<ref>{{cite web
|url=https://portalescritores.com.br/texto/8712/hold-on-angola.html
|title=Hold On Angola
|publisher=Portal Escritores
|access-date=14 July 2025
}}</ref>

O ''Hold On Angola'' foi ainda listado pelo Feedspot entre os ''25 Best Angola Podcasts You Must Follow''.<ref>{{cite web
|url=https://blog.feedspot.com/angola_podcasts/
|title=25 Best Angola Podcasts You Must Follow in 2024
|publisher=Feedspot
|access-date=14 July 2025
}}</ref>

== External links ==

* [https://holdonangola.com/ Official website]
* [https://music.apple.com/pt/artist/hold-on-angola/1583262473 Hold On Angola on Apple Music]
* [https://m.soundcloud.com/user-125923809 Hold On Angola on SoundCloud]

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Newspapers published in Angola]]
[[Category:Portuguese-language newspapers]]
[[Category:Newspapers established in 2020]]
[[Category:Mass media in Luanda]]

Draft:Nadi Jothidam in Vaitheeswaran Temple

2026-09-29T09:46:40Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260912050219|u=Mahashivanaadi jothidam|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox religious text
| name = Nadi Jothidam in Vaitheeswaran Temple
| author = Shri Muthu Swamy
| image = https://mahashivanaadijothidam.com/images/astrologer.jpg
| alt = Nadi Jothidam in Vaitheeswaran Temple
}}

'''Nadi Jothidam in Vaitheeswaran Temple''' is a traditional form of palm-leaf astrology associated with the Vaitheeswaran Koil region of Tamil Nadu.

Nadi Jothidam traditionally involves the identification and interpretation of palm-leaf manuscripts. A reading may include different aspects of life such as career, education, marriage, family and personal matters.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Sunkind Energy Strengthens Its Solar EPC Footprint Across India

2026-09-29T09:46:29Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260910090008|u=14.195.67.74|ns=118}} 
Gurugram, India: Sunkind Energy is strengthening its position in India’s rapidly evolving renewable energy sector through its growing portfolio of solar EPC projects across commercial, industrial and institutional segments.

With turnkey Solar EPC and O&M capabilities across more than 20 states, Sunkind is helping businesses transition to clean energy through solutions spanning rooftop, ground-mounted, carport and open-access solar installations. The company combines engineering expertise, technology and disciplined project execution to deliver reliable solar infrastructure designed for long-term performance.

Sunkind’s project portfolio includes installations for prominent enterprises across industries such as steel, automotive, cement, pharmaceuticals, textiles, manufacturing and FMCG. Projects for organisations including Jindal Stainless, Jindal Steel & Power, Bharat Forge, Godrej Industries, Lupin, ACC, JK Cement, Trident and Hyundai Motor India demonstrate the company’s diverse execution capabilities.

The company has also expanded its capabilities into larger ground-mounted and utility-scale projects. Its portfolio includes projects such as a 9.6 MWp utility-scale solar plant in Alwar, a 28 MWp ground-mounted solar plant in Nashik, and a 7 MWp multi-location rooftop project in Jamshedpur.

Sunkind currently reports 200+ MWp of commissioned solar projects, with more capacity under development and execution. The company says its commissioned projects have generated more than 10.6 million units of clean electricity and contributed to an estimated 1.7 million tonnes of CO₂ emissions offset.

Beyond project execution, Sunkind is expanding its role across the renewable-energy value chain. In 2025, the company announced plans for 4 GW of solar module and cell manufacturing capacity in India, reflecting its ambition to build an integrated clean-energy platform.

As India accelerates its transition toward renewable energy, Sunkind Energy continues to focus on delivering scalable, efficient and dependable solar solutions—helping businesses reduce energy costs, improve sustainability and contribute to a cleaner energy future.

With engineering at its core and sustainability as its purpose, Sunkind Energy is building the infrastructure for India’s clean-energy tomorrow.

Draft:Seema Bhanushali

2026-09-29T09:46:19Z

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260925040507|u=2409:4080:8E9E:4914:0:0:B3C8:7509|ns=118}} 

{{Infobox person
| alt = Seema Bhanushali
| awards = Jvk Entertainment award 18 january 2023
| birth_date = 2003-01-11
| birth_name = Seema Bhanushali
| birth_place = Vapi, Gujarat, India
| caption = Indian actress
| education = 12 th class
| family = Ramjeevan, Ankita, Reema, Archana
| father = Ramjeevan
| home_town = Vapi
| image = Seema_Bhanushali_2026.jpg
| known_for = Bhojpuri and Gujarati entertainment industry
| mother = Anita
| name = Seema Bhanushali
| nationality = Indian
| notable_works = Be Ghunt Mari Bhai Full Ready
| website = https://www.instagram.com/seemabhanushaliofficial
}}

Seema Bhanushali, born 11 January 2003 in Vapi, Gujarat, India, is an IMDb Listed Indian Actress and Artist. She is known for her journey from Gujarati videos to Bhojpuri cinema and pan India project works.

==Early Life and Family==

Seema Bhanushali was born and brought up in Vapi, Gujarat. She belongs to a Hindu family. Her father's name is Ramjeevan and her mother's name is Anita. She has two sisters named Archana and Reema. She completed her early schooling in Vapi, Gujarat. From childhood she was interested in acting, dancing and arts.

==Career==

Seema gained popularity through short video platforms and social media like Instagram and YouTube. She started by making lip-sync and dance videos on songs of Bhojpuri singers Neelkamal Singh and Samar Singh, which were appreciated by both artists.

She started her career with Gujarati songs and later worked in Bhojpuri music videos. Her breakthrough track is "Be Ghunt Mari Bhai Full Ready" (2025), a Gujarati folk song where her dance performance was loved by audiences.

She is known for her work in Bhojpuri and Gujarati entertainment industry. She describes herself as a professional performer and says that performing live on stage is her passion.
She is active on Instagram, Facebook, X (Twitter) and LinkedIn.

Live Shows and Achievements
Seema has performed at live stage shows and events across Vapi and different cities of Gujarat. She has shared the stage with Bhojpuri artists including Samar Singh and Neelkamal Singh. She believes in giving 100% in every show.She shared the stage with Bhojpuri superstar Samar Singh in 2023-2024 in Vapi.<ref>{{cite news |title=एक्टर की दुनिया में मशहूर होती जा रही हैं सीमा भानुशाली |newspaper=Lucknow Express |date=26 June 2026 |location=Lucknow}}</ref>

She was featured by TV13 Gujarati and TV13 News on 28 June 2026 for her work in Gujarati and Bhojpuri entertainment industry.<ref>{{cite web |title= વાત વાપીની સીમા ભાનુશાલીની જે ગુજરાતી ગીતોથી લઈને ભોજપુરી ફિલ્મોમાં વિખેરી રહી છે જલવો |url= https://www.tv13gujarati.com/news/vaat-vapi-ni-seema-bhanushali-ni-which-is-spreading-fire-from-gujarati-songs-to-bhojpuri-films |website= TV13 Gujarati |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20260730031112/https://www.tv13gujarati.com/news/vaat-vapi-ni-seema-bhanushali-ni-which-is-spreading-fire-from-gujarati-songs-to-bhojpuri-films |archive-date= 30 July 2026 |url-status= dead |language= Gujarati }}</ref>

== External links ==

* {{IMDb name|8535917|Seema Bhanushali}}
* [https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q140446389| Seema Bhanushali on Wikidata]
* [https://www.instagram.com/seemabhanushaliofficial| Seema Bhanushali on instagram]

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Russell Sinha

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260908153352|u=BARSHAP|ns=118}} 

{{Infobox adult biography
| birth_date = 1991-10-06
| birth_place = Kamalpur, Tripura
| image = Russell Sinha.jpg
| name = Russell Sinha
| nationality = Indian
| occupation = Politician, Social Activist
}}

'''Russell Sinha''' (born 6 October 1991 in Kamalpur, Tripura) is an Indian Politician<ref>https://tripuratimes.com/ttimes/from-communist-political-legacy-to-rising-bjp-youth-leader-41803.html</ref>, Social Activist. associated with the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] (BJP). He is associated with the party's youth organisation, the [[Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha]] (BJYM), and is described as serving as the District President of the BJP Yuva Morcha in [[Dhalai district]], [[Tripura]].

Sinha has also been involved in social-media-based public assistance activities. He came to wider public attention in 2017 after helping publicise the case of Gopal Das, a man from Tripura who was stranded in [[Saudi Arabia]]. Sinha helped Das record and circulate a video appeal through social media, tagging India's then External Affairs Minister [[Sushma Swaraj]] and officials of the Ministry of External Affairs. The appeal was subsequently acted upon, and Das returned to India.<ref>https://northeastindia24.com/a-tweet-to-sushma-rescued-tripura-boy-from-saudi-arabia/</ref>

== Early life and family ==

Russell Sinha was born on 6 October 1991 in [[Kamalpur, Tripura|Kamalpur]], in Dhalai district of Tripura, India<ref>https://tripuratimes.com/ttimes/from-communist-political-legacy-to-rising-bjp-youth-leader-41803.html</ref>. According to biographical information associated with Sinha, his father was Late Govinda Das Sinha and his mother is Smt Nanda Sinha. He grew up in the Dhalai region of Tripura. The area has been an important part of his later social and political activities.

== Political career ==

Sinha is associated with the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] and its youth wing, the [[Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha]] (BJYM). According to biographical information about Sinha, he serves as the District President of the BJP Yuva Morcha in Dhalai district. In this capacity, he has been associated with youth-oriented political activities, organisational programmes and public outreach in the district. Social-media material associated with BJYM Dhalai has also referred to Sinha in connection with activities of the organisation. Public posts relating to BJYM Dhalai have documented organisational meetings and activities involving local youth-party workers. Sinha's social-media profile describes him as a social activist and contains references to his involvement with the BJP's youth organisation.<ref>https://tripuratimes.com/ttimes/from-communist-political-legacy-to-rising-bjp-youth-leader-41803.html</ref><ref>https://nationalspectrum.in/from-communist-legacy-to-bjp-youth-leadership-russell-sinhas-political-journey/</ref><ref>https://newshunttripura.com/2026/09/08/russell-sinhas-journey-from-left-roots-to-bjp/</ref><ref>https://aguli.in/index.php/2026/09/08/russell-sinhas-political-shift-a-new-chapter-in-a-legacy-family/</ref><ref>https://www.tripur.live/post/russell-sinha-s-political-journey-from-communist-legacy-to-bjp</ref>

== Social activism ==

Sinha became the subject of national media coverage in September 2017 following his involvement in the case of Gopal Das, a resident of Tripura who had travelled to Saudi Arabia in search of employment. According to ''[[NDTV]]'', Das had been working in Saudi Arabia and alleged that he had been subjected to difficult working conditions, including long working hours, non-payment of salary and physical mistreatment. After losing his employment, Das managed to contact his wife in Tripura and explain his situation. Das's wife subsequently contacted Russell Sinha. Sinha spoke with Das and asked him to make a video explaining his circumstances. Sinha then uploaded the video to social media and tagged Sushma Swaraj, who was serving as India's External Affairs Minister at the time, as well as official handles associated with the Ministry of External Affairs. The appeal attracted official attention. NDTV reported that the Indian mission in Saudi Arabia became involved in the matter and that Das was subsequently able to return to India. He reached Delhi in September 2017 before travelling back to his ancestral home in Tripura. Sinha told NDTV that the social-media appeal had helped draw attention to Das's situation and that the process resulted in his rescue and travel arrangements for his return to India.<ref>https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/an-sos-tweet-to-sushma-swaraj-helped-rescue-tripura-man-from-saudi-arabia-1748219</ref>

== Use of social media ==

Social media has been an important part of Sinha's public activities. His involvement in the Gopal Das case demonstrated how social-media platforms could be used to bring individual cases involving Indian citizens abroad to the attention of public authorities. In the 2017 case, Sinha used Twitter and online video to communicate the circumstances faced by Das and to seek intervention from government officials. The incident received coverage from NDTV and became associated with the wider use of social media for public grievance and emergency assistance. His later social-media presence has continued to feature political, organisational and social activities in Tripura.<ref>https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/a-tweet-to-sushma-swaraj-brings-tripura-man-safe-to-home-from-saudi-araba/story-Dh6GPX6BmwZiguu6kRasvO.html</ref><ref>https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/an-sos-tweet-to-sushma-swaraj-helped-rescue-tripura-man-from-saudi-arabia-1748219</ref><ref>https://www.business-standard.com/article/news-ians/centre-s-intervention-helps-tripura-youth-s-rescue-from-saudi-arabia-117090800205_1.html</ref><ref>https://indianexpress.com/article/trending/trending-in-india/sushma-swaraj-sikh-man-help-saudi-arabia-twitter-4514421/</ref>

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Living people]]

Draft:Himanshu Charan

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260906073351|u=Drhimanshuucharan|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox medical person
| birth_date = 2007-06-10
| birth_place = Sikar
| caption = हिमांशु एक बेहद संवेदनशील, गहरे और विचारशील शायर हैं जो ज़माने की भीड़ में भी दिल की सादगी और वफ़ा को अहमियत देते हैं। कलम नाम 'लाला' के साथ उनकी यह रचना उनकी भावनात्मक परिपक्वता को दर्शाती है। हिमांशु दुनिया को बिना किसी झूठे आवरण के, उसकी पूरी सच्चाई के साथ देखते हैं—जहाँ उन्हें लोगों के मतलबपरस्त रवैये का अहसास भी है और अपनी फ़ानी हस्ती का भान भी। हिमांशु की सोच में एक ऐसा ठहराव और गहराई है जो केवल संवेदनशील मन वाले रचनाकारों में ही देखने को मिलती है। वे केवल शब्द नहीं बुनते, बल्कि उन ख़ामोश जज़्बातों को आवाज़ देते हैं जिन्हें अक्सर दुनिया अनदेखा कर देती है।
| name = Himanshu Charan
| nationality = India
| occupation = Poet
| website = https://www.amarujala.com/kavya/mere-alfaz/himanshu-charan-main-paraya-hi-tha-2026-08-23
}}

'''Himanshu Charan''' (born 10 June 2007 in Sikar) is an India Poet.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Preschool Montessori Curriculum for Early Childhood

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260905095752|u=43.231.214.123|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox institute
| caption = DECE Diploma is a one-year program designed to offer teaching methodology for preschool children. Develop skills of nurturing and early child care with this course; it is part of the ECCE course.
| city = Mumbai
| country = India
| founder = Vidhyanidhi Education Society
| image = https://teachertrainingmumbai.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_hqgli5hqgli5hqgl.png
| name = DECE Diploma in Early Childhood Care and Education
| website = https://teachertrainingmumbai.com/
}}

'''DECE Diploma in Early Childhood Care and Education''' is an organisation based in India.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:SA Fab

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{{Multiple issues|
{{Notability|date=September 2026}}
{{COI|date=September 2026}}
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}}
{{AfC submission||ts=20260905100629|u=Blockprint|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox company
| name = SA Fab
| type = Private
| industry = Textiles, Fashion
| founders = Saloni Agrawal
| hq_location_city = Bagru, Rajasthan
| hq_location_country = India
| area_served = Worldwide
| products = Ethnic wear, contemporary apparel, hand block printed textiles
| website = {{URL|https://handblockprintsbagru.com/}}
}}

'''SA Fab''' is an Indian sustainable fashion house and textile manufacturer based in [[Bagru]], [[Rajasthan]]. The company specializes in traditional Rajasthani textile arts, specifically hand block printing, producing ethnic and contemporary clothing for men and women.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.issuewire.com/sa-fab-unveils-exclusive-hand-block-printed-festival-collection-indigo-menswear-couple-outfits-for-the-season-1875388555648856 |title=SA Fab Unveils Exclusive Hand Block Printed Festival Collection, Indigo Menswear & Couple Outfits for the Season |publisher=IssueWire |access-date=September 5, 2026}}</ref>

== History ==
SA Fab was founded by Indian entrepreneur Saloni Agrawal with the objective of preserving traditional Indian textile craftsmanship. The brand's operational model focuses on bridging the gap between rural artisan economies and the global fashion market by integrating heritage printing techniques into modern apparel.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://natlawreview.com/press-releases/sa-fab-releases-editorial-guide-exploring-revival-indian-hand-block-printed |title=SA Fab Releases Editorial Guide Exploring the Revival of Indian Hand Block Printed Textiles |publisher=National Law Review |access-date=September 5, 2026}}</ref> The company is headquartered in Bagru, a region historically recognized as a central hub for block printing and natural dyeing.

== Manufacturing and Craftsmanship ==
The company’s manufacturing process relies on manual hand-block printing, a technique passed down through generations of the ''Chhipa'' (printer) communities in Rajasthan. Instead of automated machinery, SA Fab utilizes hand-carved teakwood blocks to stamp designs onto fabrics.

The brand primarily utilizes pure cotton as its base fabric and incorporates natural, plant-based dyes into its production cycle, including natural indigo. This manual production method is designed to minimize chemical runoff and reduce the carbon footprint associated with textile manufacturing.

== Products ==
SA Fab produces a variety of apparel tailored for both casual wear and Indian cultural festivities. Notable product categories include:
* '''Womenswear:''' Crop top lehengas and lehenga cholis designed for traditional festivals such as Navratri and Diwali.
* '''Menswear:''' A dedicated line of half-sleeve cotton shirts dyed with natural indigo, featuring traditional Rajasthani motifs.
* '''Coordinated Apparel:''' The brand produces matching outfit sets for couples, utilizing synchronized prints and color palettes.

== Sustainability ==
Operating as a slow fashion brand, SA Fab partners directly with local artisans in the Jaipur and Bagru regions. The company's business model is structured to support the local artisan economy and ensure the preservation of centuries-old block printing methodologies against the rise of mechanized mass production.

== References ==
{{reflist}}

== External links ==
* [https://handblockprintsbagru.com/ SA Fab Official Website]

[[Category:Textile companies of India]]
[[Category:Companies based in Rajasthan]]
[[Category:Sustainable fashion brands]]

Draft:St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260903061418|u=Staugustinedaybkp|ns=118}} 

{{Infobox school
| name = St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore
| image =
| caption = St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore
| address = 63 & 64, Barrack Road, P.O. Barrackpore, Kolkata, West Bengal 700120, India
| established = 1985
| type = Co-educational day school
| medium = English
| grades = Play Group to Class XII
| affiliation = Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations
| campus_type = Urban
| motto = Learning Leadership Loyalty
| website = https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/
}}

'''St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore''' is an English-medium co-educational day school in Barrackpore, West Bengal, India. The school was established in 1985 and is affiliated with the Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations (CISCE). It provides education from Play Group to Class XII, with students appearing for the Indian Certificate of Secondary Education (ICSE) and Indian School Certificate (ISC) examinations.<ref name="official">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/ St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore - Official Website]</ref><ref name="careers360">[https://school.careers360.com/schools/st-augustines-day-school-barrackpore St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]. ''Careers360''.</ref>

The school is located at 63 & 64, Barrack Road, P.O. Barrackpore, Kolkata, West Bengal 700120. It is managed by the St. Augustine Education Society, which also operates other educational institutions. The school combines classroom education with practical learning, sports and co-curricular activities.<ref name="overview">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/school-overview/ School Overview - St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]</ref>

== History ==

St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore was established in 1985 as part of the educational institutions developed by the St. Augustine Education Society. The society was founded in 1970, and the Barrackpore school became one of its co-educational English-medium schools.<ref name="overview" /><ref name="group">[https://staugustineday.com/ St. Augustine's Day Schools - St. Augustine Education Society]</ref>

The school is situated in Barrackpore, a historic cantonment town in West Bengal. According to the school, the institution was established with the aim of providing English-medium education to children from the local community and has subsequently developed into a school offering education up to the ISC level.<ref name="overview" />

Over time, the school expanded its academic and extracurricular programmes and introduced additional facilities for practical and technology-supported learning. Its activities have also included academic competitions, cultural programmes, sports and student leadership events.<ref name="telegraph2025">[https://www.telegraphindia.com/edugraph/campus/st-augustines-day-school-barrackpore-hosts-annual-prize-distribution-investiture-ceremony-2025/cid/2096669 "St. Augustine’s Day School, Barrackpore Hosts Annual Prize Distribution & Investiture Ceremony 2025"]. ''The Telegraph''. 29 April 2025.</ref>

== Academics ==

St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore follows the curriculum of CISCE. Students prepare for the ICSE examination at Class X and the ISC examination at Class XII.<ref name="official" /><ref name="subject">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/subject-options/ Subject Options - St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]</ref>

At the senior secondary level, the school offers subject options in Science, Commerce and Humanities. The available subjects include areas such as Physics, Chemistry, Biology, Mathematics, Computer Science, Economics, Psychology, Business Studies, Accounts, Geography, Sociology and Political Science, subject to the combinations offered by the school.<ref name="subject" />

The school also uses an Activity Based Curriculum alongside regular academic instruction. Its stated educational approach includes classroom learning, practical activities and the use of technology in teaching and learning.<ref name="official" />

== Academic achievements ==

Students of the school have recorded high marks in the ICSE and ISC examinations. Independent coverage by ''The Telegraph'' has reported the school's board examination achievers and their results.<ref name="telegraph2024">[https://www.telegraphindia.com/edugraph/achievements-and-healthy-lifeskills-schools-take-different-approach-at-parting-teachings/cid/2031441 "Achievements and healthy lifeskills: Schools take different approach at parting teachings"]. ''The Telegraph''. 4 July 2024.</ref>

In the 2026 ICSE examination, Noirrhit Basu of St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore scored 499 out of 500. ''The Times of India'' listed Basu among the students who achieved the highest score in the examination in West Bengal.<ref name="toi2026">[https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/a-dozen-499s-reflect-icse-shift-to-critical-thinking/articleshow/130649880.cms "A dozen 499s reflect ICSE shift to critical thinking"]. ''The Times of India''. 1 May 2026.</ref>

The school also holds annual programmes to recognise academic achievement and student performance. In 2025, nearly 800 students from Upper Nursery to Class XII were recognised during the school's annual prize distribution and investiture ceremony.<ref name="telegraph2025" />

== Campus and facilities ==

The school has classrooms and facilities intended for academic, practical and extracurricular activities. These include science laboratories, a computer laboratory, an Artificial Intelligence laboratory, library facilities and sports facilities.<ref name="facilities">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/classrooms-labs-libraries/ Classrooms, Labs and Libraries - St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]</ref>

The Physics, Chemistry and Biology laboratories are used for practical learning. The computer laboratory supports computer-based education, while the Artificial Intelligence laboratory provides students with exposure to newer areas of technology.<ref name="facilities" />

The school library provides students with academic, reference and reading resources. The school also uses audio-visual facilities as part of classroom and activity-based learning.<ref name="facilities" />

The pre-primary section follows a Montessori-based approach and provides learning spaces designed for younger children. The programme includes activity-based and audio-visual learning methods.<ref name="preprimary">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/pre-primary/ Pre-Primary - St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]</ref>

== Sports and co-curricular activities ==

Sports and co-curricular activities are included in the school's student programmes. Students take part in sporting activities, competitions and other events during the academic year.<ref name="sports">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/sports-activities/ Sports and Activities - St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]</ref>

School activities include cultural programmes, literary events, public speaking, competitions and student-led programmes. ''The Telegraph'' has reported on several such activities, including the school's inter-school debate competition and cultural events.<ref name="debate">[https://www.telegraphindia.com/edugraph/campus/st-augustines-day-school-hosts-frank-anthony-memorial-all-india-inter-school-debate-competition/cid/1960962 "St. Augustine's Day School hosts Frank Anthony Memorial All India Inter School Debate competition"]. ''The Telegraph''. 23 August 2023.</ref>

In 2023, the school hosted a Category 1, Stage 2 round of the Frank Anthony Memorial All India Inter School Debate competition for students of Class XI and above, with participants from schools across India.<ref name="debate" />

== International collaboration ==

The St. Augustine educational group has undertaken international educational collaborations involving interaction with schools and students from other countries. Such programmes have been used to provide students with opportunities for cultural interaction and collaborative learning.<ref name="international">[https://staugustineday.com/ St. Augustine's Day Schools - St. Augustine Education Society]</ref>

The school has also referred to international collaboration as part of its wider educational activities, including interaction with partner schools outside India.<ref name="international" />

== Social initiatives ==

The St. Augustine Education Society conducts social and community-oriented activities through its '''Proud to be Augustinian (PTBA)''' initiative.<ref name="overview" />

The programme includes activities related to education, community support, health awareness and environmental initiatives. One of the society's programmes is an evening school intended to provide educational support to girls from underprivileged backgrounds.<ref name="evening">[https://www.telegraphindia.com/edugraph/campus/st-augustines-day-school-barrackpore-organised-the-opening-ceremony-of-the-new-session-2023-24-evening-school/cid/1913603 "St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore organised the opening ceremony of the new session (2023-24), Evening School"]. ''The Telegraph''. 1 February 2023.</ref>

In January 2023, ''The Telegraph'' reported on the opening of a new session of the school's evening school programme at its Monirampore campus. The programme included students from Classes VI to VIII and was attended by teachers, parents and guests.<ref name="evening" />

== Student development ==

Alongside academic instruction, the school provides students with opportunities to take part in sports, cultural programmes, competitions and leadership activities. Student councils and investiture programmes form part of the school's activities.<ref name="telegraph2025" />

The annual investiture ceremony provides an opportunity for students to take on responsibilities within the student council. In 2025, the newly appointed student council members formally assumed their responsibilities for the academic session.<ref name="telegraph2025" />

== School leadership ==

'''Shweta Ray''' serves as the Principal of St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore.<ref name="leaders">[https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/our-leaders/ Our Leaders - St. Augustine's Day School, Barrackpore]</ref>

Ray has also been identified as the principal in independent coverage of the school's academic events. ''The Telegraph'' reported her participation in the 2024 felicitation programme for the school's board examination achievers.<ref name="telegraph2024" />

== Motto ==

'''Learning Leadership Loyalty'''

== Mission ==

'''Success for Every Child'''

== See also ==

* [https://en.bharatpedia.org/wiki/Education_in_India Education in India]
* [https://en.bharatpedia.org/wiki/List_of_schools_in_India List of schools in India]
* [https://en.bharatpedia.org/wiki/Education_in_West_Bengal Education in West Bengal]
* [https://en.bharatpedia.org/wiki/Council_for_the_Indian_School_Certificate_Examinations Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations]
* [https://en.bharatpedia.org/wiki/Indian_Certificate_of_Secondary_Education Indian Certificate of Secondary Education]
* [https://en.bharatpedia.org/wiki/Indian_School_Certificate Indian School Certificate]

== References ==

<references />

== External links ==

* [https://www.staugustinedaybkp.com/ Official website]
* [https://www.google.com/maps/place/St.+Augustine's+Day+School+-+Barrackpore/@22.768595,88.3057393,14z/data=!4m10!1m2!2m1!1sSt.+Augustine's+Day+School,+63+%26+64+Barrack+Road,+Barrackpore,+Kolkata,+West+Bengal+700120!3m6!1s0x39f89beadd0b3e97:0xf6f734cdbce60b31!8m2!3d22.768595!4d88.3438481!15sClpTdC4gQXVndXN0aW5lJ3MgRGF5IFNjaG9vbCwgNjMgJiA2NCBCYXJyYWNrIFJvYWQsIEJhcnJhY2twb3JlLCBLb2xrYXRhLCBXZXN0IEJlbmdhbCA3MDAxMjBaVyJVc3QgYXVndHVzdGluZSdzIGRheSBzY2hvb2wgNjMgJiA2NCBiYXJyYWNrIHJvYWQgYmFycmFja3BvcmUga29sa2F0YSB3ZXN0IGJlbmdhbCA3MDAxMjAi!16s%2Fg%2F11ww0gfkk9?entry=ttu Google Maps]

Draft:Oviul Maruf

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260902002108|u=Konokdip12345|ns=118}} 

Oviul Maruf (born 3 December 2007) is a Bangladeshi independent photographer.<ref>{{cite web |title=Oviul Maruf |url=https://www.projonmokotha.com/youth/13391/ |access-date=2026-09-02 |website=Projonmo Kotha}}</ref> He gained recognition through featured publications in multiple international art and photography magazines for his nature photography series titled ''Botanical Silence''. His project focuses on minimalist compositions showcasing botanical forms and has been featured in Paris-based ''L'Œil de la Photographie'', Italy's ''Collater.al'', Australia's ''Byron Magazine'', and the contemporary photography platform ''LENSCRATCH''.<ref name=":5">{{cite web |last=Photographie |first=L'Œil de la |date=2026-05-30 |title=Oviul Maruf |url=https://loeildelaphotographie.com/fr/?p=160310804 |access-date=2026-08-17 |website=The Eye of Photography Magazine |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{cite web |last=Photographie |first=L'Œil de la |date=2026-05-30 |title=Oviul Maruf |url=https://loeildelaphotographie.com/fr/?p=160310804 |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=The Eye of Photography Magazine |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Oviul Maruf |url=https://www.bicoastalreview.com/oviulmaruf |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=Bicoastal Review |language=en}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite web |date=2026-03-19 |title=The Magic of Botany Through Oviul Maruf’s Lens {{!}} Collater.al |url=https://www.collater.al/en/botanical-silence-oviul-maruf-photography/ |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=Collateral |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{cite web |title=The Quiet Poetry of Flowers |url=https://www.byronmagazine.com/news/botanical-silence |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=Byron Magazine |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":3">{{cite web |last=Witham |first=Kimberly |date=2026-07-31 |title=The 2026 Still Life Exhibition |url=http://lenscratch.com/2026/07/the-2026-still-life-exhibition-2/ |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=LENSCRATCH |language=en-US}}</ref>

== Early Life and Education ==
Oviul Maruf was born on 3 December 2007 in Habiganj District, Bangladesh.<ref>{{cite web |date=2026-07-17 |title=A Conversation with Photographer Oviul Maruf |url=https://www.worthwhile-magazine.com/articles/a-conversation-with-photographer-oviul-maruf |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=Worthwhile Magazine |language=en-US}}</ref> He later completed his Secondary School Certificate (SSC) in 2024 and Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) in 2026 at Jalalabad Cantonment Public School and College in Sylhet.<ref name=":4">{{cite web |title=Oviul Maruf |url=https://earth.org/eo-photographers/oviul-maruf/ |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=Earth.Org |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Sylhet Jalalabad Cantonment Haor Feature |url=https://parismail.news/%E0%A6%B8%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%B2%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%9F%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%B0-%E0%A6%9C%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%B2%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%AC%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%A6-%E0%A6%95%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%AF%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%A8%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%9F%E0%A6%A8%E0%A6%AE%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%A8%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%9F%E0%A7%8B%E0%A6%B0-%E0%A6%AA%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%B6%E0%A7%87-%E0%A6%9B%E0%A7%8B%E0%A6%9F%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%9F-%E0%A6%8F%E0%A6%95%E0%A6%9F%E0%A6%BF-%E0%A6%B9%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%93%E0%A6%B0%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%B0-%E0%A6%AA%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%A1%E0%A6%BC-%E0%A6%A5%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%95%E0%A7%87-%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%8B%E0%A6%B2%E0%A6%BE-%E0%A6%9B%E0%A6%AC%E0%A6%BF |access-date=2026-09-02 |website=Paris Mail News |language=bn}}</ref>

== Photography Career ==
Maruf began practicing photography in 2022. The primary themes of his work revolve around quiet natural forms, the interplay of light and shadow, and abstract emotional expressions.<ref>{{cite web |date=2026-05-15 |title=Long Exposure Through My Lens: An Interview with Photographer Oviul Maruf |url=https://magazine.wallmag.io/long-exposure-through-my-lens-an-interview-with-photographer-oviul-maruf/ |access-date=2026-08-16 |website=Wallmag |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Feature Report |url=https://newzitnow.com/?a=9feaa750 |access-date=2026-09-02 |website=Newzit Now}}</ref>

His notable photography series include:

* '''''Botanical Silence''''': A minimalist series centered around the structural shapes of plants and foliage.<ref name=":1" />

His photographs and interviews have been featured and reviewed in international visual art and photography journals, including ''L'Œil de la Photographie'', ''Collater.al'', ''Byron Magazine'', and ''LENSCRATCH''.<ref name=":5" /><ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /><ref name=":3" />

== Awards and Honors ==

* '''Champion''' – Sylhet Environment Summit Photography Competition<ref name=":4" />

== Style and Technique ==
The signature characteristics of Maruf's photography include minimalist spatial composition, subtle framing of natural lighting, and high-contrast interactions between light and shadow.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":5" />

== References ==
{{reflist}}

[[Category:2007 births]]
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Bangladeshi photographers]]
[[Category:People from Habiganj District]]

Draft:REAP

2026-09-29T09:45:09Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260831180004|u=Connectwithman|ns=118}} 
'''Rajasthan Engineering Admission Process (REAP)''' is a centralized admission process conducted for admission to undergraduate engineering and architecture programs offered by participating institutions in Rajasthan, India. The process is generally coordinated by the Centre for Electronic Governance (CEG), Rajasthan, on behalf of the Department of Technical Education, Rajasthan.

REAP primarily facilitates admission to Bachelor of Technology (B.Tech.) and Bachelor of Engineering (B.E.) programs. Candidates are allotted seats based on their eligibility, merit, category, and availability of seats in participating colleges.

'''Admission Basis'''

REAP admissions are generally based on the following qualifications:

JEE Main performance, where applicable.
Class 12 or equivalent examination marks for eligible candidates under applicable admission criteria.
Other eligibility and merit criteria specified in the respective year's REAP admission guidelines.

'''Participating Colleges'''

A large number of government, government-aided, and private engineering institutions in Rajasthan participate in REAP. Some well-known institutions include:

Rajasthan Technical University (RTU), Kota
MBM University, Jodhpur
College of Technology and Engineering (CTAE), Udaipur
Government Engineering College, Ajmer
Government Engineering College, Jhalawar
Various private engineering colleges affiliated with or approved by the relevant authorities.

'''REAP Admission Process'''

The admission process generally includes:

Online registration
Submission of academic and personal details
Choice filling and college preference
Merit list preparation
Seat allotment
Upward movement or subsequent counselling rounds
Reporting to the allotted institute
Document verification and fee payment

The exact schedule, eligibility rules, seat matrix, and admission criteria may change from year to year.

'''Importance of REAP'''
REAP provides a centralized platform through which students can apply to multiple engineering colleges in Rajasthan. It simplifies the admission process by combining registration, choice filling, merit preparation, and seat allotment into a structured counselling system.

{{Infobox examination
| acronym = REAP
| fee = 885
| language = English
| name = Rajasthan Engineering Admission Process
| offered = Various educational institutions
| purpose = Assess readiness for academic programs
| regions = India
| test_admin = Educational institutions
| type = Standardized examination
| website = https://reap2027.in/
| year_started = 2020
}}

'''Rajasthan Engineering Admission Process''' is a Standardized examination.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}
<ref>https://reaprajasthan.co.in/</ref>
<ref>https://www.cegrajasthan.in/</ref>

Draft:Devendra Jain - CEO of Dilip Buildcon

2026-09-29T09:45:00Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260831082211|u=Ravi02910|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox person
| awards = Infrastructure Person of the Year (2018), Infrastructure Person of the Year – Runner-up (2016)
| birth_date = 1973-07-03
| image = https://dilipbuildcon.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Devendra_Jain_2.jpg
| name = Devendra Jain
| nationality = Indian
| occupation = CEO & MD of Dilip Buildcon
| education = Bachelor of Engineering (Civil)
| alma_mater = Vikram University, Ujjain
| years_active = 1995–present
| known_for = Management of Dilip Buildcon
| website = https://dilipbuildcon.com/company/leadership/
}}

'''Devendra Jain''' is the managing director and chief executive officer of Dilip Buildcon Limited (DBL)<ref name="DBLLeadership">{{cite web |title=Our Leadership |url=https://dilipbuildcon.com/company/leadership/ |website=Dilip Buildcon Limited |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref> He joined the organisation in 1995 and was appointed its chief executive officer in April 2009.<ref name="CEOProfile">{{cite web |last=Sijnja |first=Jennifer |title=Towards a new India: Devendra Jain |url=https://www.theceomagazine.com/executive-interviews/construction-trades/devendra-jain/ |website=The CEO Magazine |date=15 October 2018 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref>

== Education and early career ==

Devendra Jain earned a bachelor's degree in civil engineering from Vikram University, Ujjain.<ref name="DBLLeadership"/> Before joining Dilip Builders, he worked as an assistant professor at Mahatma Gandhi College, Bhopal, and Swami Vivekananda Mahavidyalaya.<ref name="Appointment2025">{{cite web |title=Outcome of Board Meeting and appointment disclosure |url=https://bsmedia.business-standard.com/_media/bs/data/announcements/bse/29072025/b1ab9919-237d-4978-856c-bd1065af77c8.pdf |publisher=Dilip Buildcon Limited/BSE filing |date=29 July 2025 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref>

== Career at Dilip Buildcon ==

Devendra Jain joined Dilip Builders in 1995 as an engineering graduate.<ref name="DBLLeadership"/> He became chief executive officer of Dilip Buildcon on 1 April 2009 and later became managing director and chief executive officer.<ref name="CEOProfile"/><ref name="AnnualReport2025">{{cite web |title=Annual Report 2024–25 |url=https://nsearchives.nseindia.com/annual_reports/AR_27609_DBL_2024_2025_A_8548488_23082025164423.pdf |publisher=Dilip Buildcon Limited |date=23 August 2025 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref>

When Devendra Jain joined the organisation, it was undertaking smaller construction projects primarily in Madhya Pradesh. DBL subsequently expanded into road construction and other infrastructure segments and began operating across several Indian states. In a 2018 feature, The CEO Magazine highlighted his role in DBL’s expansion and its transition from subcontracting to directly executing projects on an engineering, procurement and construction basis.<ref name="CEOProfile"/>

== Management responsibilities ==

Company disclosures describe Devendra Jain's responsibilities as including project implementation, quality of work, timely completion, finance, accounting, costing and budgeting.<ref name="Appointment2025"/> DBL's official leadership profile additionally associates him with project monitoring and controls and the adoption of technology in project execution.<ref name="DBLLeadership"/> These descriptions are statements by the company and should not be presented as independent assessments of his performance.

The 2018 ''CEO Magazine'' profile described DBL's operating approach during his leadership as involving pre-bid due diligence, ownership of construction equipment, direct project execution and limited dependence on subcontractors. It also reported that project planning and monitoring were used to manage construction schedules across the company's operations.<ref name="CEOProfile"/>

== Corporate governance ==

Devendra Jain is a member of Dilip Buildcon's board of directors and is identified in the company's disclosures as part of its promoter group.<ref name="AnnualReport2025"/> In his executive capacity, he participates in the overall management of the company. References to individual board committees should be included only for the years in which company filings specifically record his membership.

== Technology initiatives ==

During Devendra Jain's tenure as chief executive, DBL implemented SAP S/4HANA with IBM and Kyndryl.<ref name="IBM2024">{{cite web |title=Dilip Buildcon Limited leverages digital-led transformation in collaboration with IBM to build a New India |url=https://in.newsroom.ibm.com/DBL-IBM-success |website=IBM India Newsroom |date=6 June 2024 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref> According to Kyndryl's case study, the platform integrated business intelligence, finance and controlling, human resources and materials-management functions across DBL's project sites.<ref name="Kyndryl">{{cite web |title=Dilip Buildcon Construction |url=https://www.kyndryl.com/us/en/customer-stories/interactive/dilip-buildcon-construction |website=Kyndryl |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref> Both accounts were published by technology partners involved in the work; they verify the implementation but do not independently establish Devendra Jain's personal role in it.

== Public commentary ==

Devendra Jain has spoken publicly about DBL's project-delivery model and the development of India's infrastructure sector. In the 2018 ''CEO Magazine'' interview, he discussed the company's focus on direct execution, advance assessment of project conditions and maintaining control over equipment and staffing.<ref name="CEOProfile"/> Commentary concerning DBL's financial results or future plans should be attributed to the particular interview or company filing in which it appeared.

== Awards and recognition ==

In 2016, Devendra Jain was named runner-up for Infrastructure Person of the Year by ''Construction Week''.<ref name="BSE2018Profile">{{cite web |title=Dilip Buildcon corporate presentation |url=https://www.bseindia.com/xml-data/corpfiling/CorpAttachment/2018/5/82b69dc5-b6ae-4ad1-872c-92e1ce07974b.pdf |publisher=Dilip Buildcon Limited/BSE filing |date=2018 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref> In 2018, he received the Infrastructure Person of the Year award at the eighth annual Construction Week India Awards.<ref name="NSEAward2018">{{cite web |title=Intimation of award under SEBI Listing Regulations |url=https://nsearchives.nseindia.com/corporate/DBL_12112018153100_IntimationToNSEBSE12112018_077.pdf |publisher=Dilip Buildcon Limited/National Stock Exchange of India |date=12 November 2018 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref><ref name="CWIAwards2018">{{cite web |last=Mendes |first=Jayashree Kini |title=Hitting the Right Notes – Construction Week India Awards 2018 |url=https://www.constructionweekonline.in/events/hitting-the-right-notes-construction-week-india-awards-2018 |website=Construction Week India |date=15 October 2018 |access-date=31 August 2026}}</ref>

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Vivek Viswanathan

2026-09-29T09:44:50Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260921155939|u=HASIM66|ns=118}} 

{{AfC comment|1=The sources provided are sponsored/brand posts or opinion pieces and are not considered independent coverage. Please provide significant, substantive coverage from reliable, independent news sources that discuss the subject editorially. [[User:WikiDwarf|WikiDwarf]] ([[User talk:WikiDwarf|talk]]) 23:30, 4 September 2026 (IST)}}

Dr. Vivek Viswanathan is an [[Indian]] paediatric surgeon and urologist, based out of Vadodara, Gujarat; whose professional interests include paediatric surgery, paediatric urology, minimally invasive surgery, robotic surgery, medical [[education]], and medical research. He has also written on paediatric urology and has an interest in the application of artificial intelligence and emerging technologies in healthcare.<ref>https://www.mid-day.com/buzz/article/dr-vivek-viswanathan-advancing-paediatric-surgery-through-innovation-education-and-compassion-10017</ref>

==Medical career==

Dr. Vivek Viswanathan works in the fields of paediatric surgery and paediatric urology. His clinical interests include reconstructive paediatric urology, hypospadias, posterior urethral valves, antenatal hydronephrosis, urinary tract disorders, bowel and bladder dysfunction, and undescended testes.

He has an interest in minimally invasive and robotic surgery and in the application of emerging technologies to surgical practice. His work in this area has included consideration of how technological developments can be incorporated into clinical care while maintaining clinical judgement and patient-centred decision-making.<ref>https://thecconnects.com/dr-vivek-viswanathan-consultant-paediatric-urologist-and-minimally-invasive-paediatric-surgeon-exclusive-interview/</ref>

==Teaching and research==

Dr. Vivek Viswanathan has been involved in [[Medical education in India|medical education]] and the training of medical students and surgical trainees. His academic interests include paediatric surgery and urology, and he has contributed more than 40 scientific publications in these fields.<ref>https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/the-faces-of-modern-india-entrepreneurs-and-experts-driving-change/articleshow/132389115.cms</ref>

He is the author of “Understanding Paediatric Urology”, a book concerning paediatric urological conditions and concepts, aimed at simplifying these issues for parents.

==Artificial intelligence in healthcare==

In 2026, Dr. Vivek participated in an educational livestream organised by the National Board of Examinations in Medical Sciences concerning artificial intelligence in healthcare. The livestream recorded 17,999 viewers on YouTube and was associated with a Guinness World Records-recognised achievement for the number of viewers of an educational livestream on the platform.<ref>https://www.forbesindia.com/article/upfront/brand-connect/the-extraordinary-minds-behind-remarkable-success/2996774/1</ref>

==Other interests==

Outside medicine, Dr. Vivek Viswanathan has an interest in Hindustani classical music and tabla. His interests also include literature, languages, and technology.<ref>https://www.aninews.in/news/business/the-popular-story-celebrates-indias-spirit-of-excellence-this-independence-day-through-iconic-personalities-of-the-year-2026-special-edition20260812121928/</ref>

==References==
{{Reflist}}

Draft:Online Betting ID

2026-09-29T09:44:39Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260825053346|u=Sanaya1616|ns=118}} 

An [https://cricketidclub.com/ online cricket betting ID] is a digital account associated with an online betting platform that provides access to cricket-related markets, match information, available odds, and account-management features. Depending on the platform, users may be able to explore upcoming cricket matches, compare different market options, review available odds, check account activity, and access eligible payment or withdrawal services.

A cricket betting account may include information about domestic and international matches, tournaments, leagues, teams, and individual player markets. The exact features, available markets, minimum requirements, payment methods, and account options can vary from one platform to another. Users should carefully read the platform’s terms and conditions before creating or using an account.

It is also important to verify that online betting is legally permitted in the user’s location and that the platform operates in accordance with applicable regulations. Users should check licensing information, age restrictions, privacy policies, verification requirements, deposit and withdrawal procedures, applicable fees, and account-security measures.

Cricket betting involves financial risk, and no [https://cricketidclub.com/ betting ID], platform, prediction, or market can guarantee a winning result. Match outcomes depend on many unpredictable factors, including player performance, team strategy, weather conditions, pitch conditions, injuries, and other events during a match. Betting should therefore never be considered a guaranteed source of income.

Users should protect their login credentials, avoid sharing account details with unauthorized people, and be cautious of websites or individuals promising guaranteed winnings. Anyone who chooses to participate should understand the risks, follow applicable laws and platform rules, and use only services that are legally available in their jurisdiction. Responsible participation means setting personal limits, avoiding chasing losses, and stopping if betting becomes difficult to control.

Draft:Wardboy Service At Home In Hyderabad - Anvayaa Elder Care

2026-09-29T09:44:29Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260824100520|u=Anvayaa|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox food
| alternate_name = Anvayaa Elder Care
| caption = Anvayaa Elder Care provides wardboy services at home in Hyderabad to support seniors with mobility, personal care, bathing, dressing, meals, and daily activities. This assistance can be helpful after hospitalization, surgery, illness, or when ageing makes everyday tasks difficult, helping elderly parents remain comfortable and supported at home.
| country = India
| image = [[File:Male attendee.png|thumb|Male attendee|alt=File:Male attendee.png]]
| name = Wardboy Service At Home In Hyderabad - Anvayaa Elder Care
}}

'''Wardboy Service At Home In Hyderabad - Anvayaa Elder Care'''.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Chhattisgarh Library Association

2026-09-29T09:44:19Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260823061325|u=49.47.9.76|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox organization
| abbreviation = CGLA
| addnl_location = Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh, India
| established = 13 February 2024
| founder = Dr. Kundan
| full_name = Chhattisgarh Library Association
| headquarters = Chhattisgarh, India
| image = https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/sitesv/AG8ngQVCTBEzv_sOWf5YMmBNdNVThlpQFQUb_QxEOY4_bDounx6hJAmyMXggizHYKiBrJZeDtV0EFtjYJCoVSENyvUBy7MNfN6qosrIP7FBJDjTytisIaNYuOqgjEqMFCJpljAUlhpMW66ZtEL__q5zy8vnZkYxTh0s6LLGk9ZzxscQ1QqWPwDxIeDRBxysw1s4=w1280
| key_people = Dr. Kundan
| leader_name = Dr. Kundan
| name = Chhattisgarh Library Association
| purpose = Develop high standards of librarianship and library and information services
| website = https://sites.google.com/view/la-cg/
}}

'''Chhattisgarh Library Association''' is an organisation headquartered in Chhattisgarh, India. It was established in 13 February 2024.

== References ==
<ref>https://therajpatra.in/chhattisgarh-library-association-library-development-digital-library/</ref>
<ref>https://sites.google.com/view/la-cg/</ref>
<ref>https://lawnotify.in/chhattisgarh-library-association-driving-library-development-digital-libraries-and-public-library-services-in-chhattisgarh/</ref>
<ref>https://infcamp.inflibnet.ac.in/library-associations</ref>
<ref>scribd.com/document/928297788/Yearly-Current-Affairs-LIS-UGC-NET-June-2025</ref>

{{Reflist}}

Draft:GEETVINDER SINGH SOKHAL SANAUR

2026-09-29T09:44:09Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC comment|1=The current draft does not cite sources to support the subject’s notability, so it is difficult to assess whether the topic meets notability requirements. Please add appropriate references, particularly those that provide significant coverage of the subject. [[User:WikiDwarf|WikiDwarf]] ([[User talk:WikiDwarf|talk]]) 14:08, 21 August 2026 (IST)}}

{{AfC submission||ts=20260821071918|u=Geetvindersinghsokhal|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox person
| name = Geetvinder Singh Sokhal
| image = https://kommodo.ai/i/uJFvps5ThWJk9A5uu1I5
| caption = Geetvinder Singh Sokhal
| birth_date = 12 January 2003
| birth_place = [[Sanaur]], [[Patiala district]], Punjab, India
| occupation = Journalist, writer, website designer, entrepreneur
| known_for = Journalism and digital media
}}

'''Geetvinder Singh Sokhal''' (born 12 January 2003) is an Indian journalist, writer, website designer and entrepreneur from [[Sanaur]], [[Patiala district]], Punjab. He works as a journalist with the Punjabi-language daily newspaper ''[[Ajit (newspaper)|Ajit]]'', covering the [[Sanaur Assembly constituency]].

== Early life ==
Sokhal was born on 12 January 2003 in Sanaur, Patiala, Punjab. He is the son of Sukhwinder Singh Sokhal and Geeta Rani.

== Career ==
Sokhal is associated with journalism and Punjabi writing. His journalistic work includes reporting on local news, public affairs, political developments, social issues and other matters concerning the Sanaur Assembly constituency. He is also involved in digital content creation and online publishing.

Alongside journalism, Sokhal works in website design and development. He has completed a course through Google Play Academy, in which he achieved 88 percent marks. He is also involved in business and entrepreneurial activities.

== Areas of work ==

* Journalism
* Punjabi writing
* Digital media and online publishing
* Website design and development
* Entrepreneurship

Draft:LearningRO

2026-09-29T09:43:59Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260820060838|u=2A04:4A43:566F:CE3A:8972:F53D:E33B:222C|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox company
| foundation = 25 January 2025
| founders = Dhumik Pravin
| homepage = https://learningro.com
| hq_location =
| hq_location_city = Leicester
| hq_location_country = United Kingdom
| industry = Educational technology
| name = LearningRO
| services = AI-assisted intelligent tutoring, revision materials, gamified study tools
}}

'''LearningRO''' is an educational technology platform founded in 2025.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Top 10 AI Tools for Learning: Transforming eLearning in 2026 |url=https://www.elearningcollege.com/elearning-blog/breakthrough-ai-tools-revolutionising-elearning |access-date=2026-05-31 |website=www.elearningcollege.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=منصة LearningRO تستثمر الذكاء الاصطناعي لدعم التعلم الذاتي من خلال مساعد افتراضي وطريقة تفاعلية للتعليم الشخصي|url=https://www.lamha.news/58546|website=لمحة نيوز|date=2025-11-24|access-date=2025-11-29|language=ar-eg}}</ref> It provides AI-assisted tutoring and digital revision tools for students in the United Kingdom.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Substack |title=Can a Student-Built Platform Compete with Big EdTech? |url=https://substack.com/home/post/p-166900482 |access-date=2025-10-20 |website=substack.com |date=26 June 2025 |language=en}}</ref>

== History ==
LearningRO originated as a college coursework project for the [[Pearson plc|Pearson BTEC]] Level 3 National Diploma in Business. Developed at [[Gateway College]], the platform was created by Dhumik Pravin as part of Unit 19 Pitching for a New Business.<ref name="PearsonBTEC">{{cite report |title=BTEC Level 3 National Extended Diploma in Business Specification |url=https://qualifications.pearson.com/content/dam/pdf/BTEC-Nationals/Business/2016/specification-and-sample-assessments/btecnationals-bus-exdip-spec.pdf |publisher=Pearson Education Limited |date=2016 |page=169-176 |access-date=2026-03-04}}</ref> The assignment required students to develop and pitch a micro-business concept, modeled after the [[Dragons' Den (British TV programme)|Dragons' Den]] television format. Initially launched on 25 January 2025 under the name 'LearnifyX', the project was later rebranded to LearningRO.<ref>{{Cite web |title=our story – LearningRO |date=9 September 2025 |url=https://learningro.com/our-story/ |access-date=2025-10-20 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Dhumik |title=How a Classroom Assignment Sparked an AI-Powered Learning Platform - LearningRO |url=https://www.indiehackers.com/post/how-a-classroom-assignment-sparked-an-ai-powered-learning-platform-learningro-6dx71eQLUkSq1U5nkX2G |access-date=2025-10-20 |website=Indie Hackers |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=AI-Powered Learning Platform 'LearningRO' Gains Rapid Popularity Among Students {{!}} Offlinew News |url=https://offlinew.com/news/1153/AI-Powered%2bLearning%2bPlatform%2b'LearningRO'%2bGains%2bRapid%2bPopularity%2bAmong%2bStudents |access-date=2025-10-22 |website=offlinew.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Research |first=Intelevo |date=2025-07-30|title=Digital Classroom Market Size & Share, Growth, Trends{{!}}CAGR of 14.26% |url=https://www.intelevoresearch.com/reports/digital-classroom-market/ |access-date=2025-12-02 |website=Intelevo Research}}</ref>
=== RoTutor ===
RoTutor is an AI-assisted chatbot integrated into the LearningRO platform.<ref>{{Cite web |title=INVA-AI-HERALD |url=https://tirths-newsletter-3b03d9.beehiiv.com/p/inva-ai-herald-9ccd |access-date=2025-12-04 |website=INVA-AI-HERALD |date=13 September 2025 |language=en}}</ref> It provides structured guidance for academic subjects such as science, mathematics, English, and business. The chatbot includes step-by-step explanations, and built-in study tools, such as a note system, timer, and goal tracker. The chatbot uses a points-based system for user avatars.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Lolade |date=2026-01-16 |title=Doctrina AI Alternatives |url=https://autogpt.net/doctrina-ai-alternatives/ |access-date=2026-01-17 |website=AutoGPT |language=en-US}}</ref>

The platform includes accessibility tools designed for students with disabilities. It is designed to support students who prefer or require technology-based learning environments.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Jerlinrenisa |date=2025-09-24 |title=Exploring AI Tools That Could Make Student Life Easier |url=https://medium.com/@jerlinrenisa/exploring-ai-tools-that-could-make-student-life-easier-242406080b07 |access-date=2025-10-20 |website=Medium |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Learningro -AI驱动的平台用于更智能学习 |url=https://www.newmediatool.com/learningro-ai%e9%a9%b1%e5%8a%a8%e7%9a%84%e5%b9%b3%e5%8f%b0%e7%94%a8%e4%ba%8e%e6%9b%b4%e6%99%ba%e8%83%bd%e5%ad%a6%e4%b9%a0/ |access-date=2025-10-20 |website=AI |language=zh-Hans}}</ref>

== Subjects ==
The platform provides resources for various educational levels, including [[GCSE|GCSEs]], BTECs, and A-levels. Subject areas include science, mathematics, business studies, and geography.<ref>{{Cite web |title=LearningRO - AI Powered Free Learning Platform for Everyone |url=https://eliteai.tools/tool/learningro |access-date=2025-10-20 |website=eliteai.tools |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=AI |first=Shinky-Hanoomaan |title=🧮 MathGPT.ai expands to 50+ institutions |url=https://www.hanoomaan.com/p/mathgpt-ai-expands-to-50-institutions-anthropic-weride-microsoft-hermes |access-date=2025-10-29 |website=HANOOMAAN AI |language=en}}</ref>

==== Cultural and Festival Learning ====
LearningRO also includes a category dedicated to cultural and festival education. This section provides information on the historical and social background of festivals celebrated in India and other regions. This includes 'The Great Builders of India' project, a series covering historical figures such as freedom fighters, rishis and sants. The project focuses on connecting historical figures and contemporary values for younger learners<ref>{{Cite web |title=Courses Page – LearningRO |date=9 September 2025 |url=https://learningro.com/courses-page/ |access-date=2025-10-22 |language=en}}</ref>

== See also ==

* [[Educational technology]]
* [[Artificial intelligence in education]]

== References ==

Draft:Education Beyond the Classroom: Preparing Students for a Changing World

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260819073340|u=Preethi alexander|ns=118}} 
[https://thecamford.org/ The Camford International School]{{Infobox school
| caption = “Beyond Classrooms, Building Skills for a Brighter Future.”
| country = India
| founded = 2010-07-21
| founder = Mr. N. Arulramesh
| name = Education Beyond the Classroom: Preparing Students for a Changing World
| website = https://thecamford.org/
}}

'''Education Beyond the Classroom: Preparing Students for a Changing World''' is an organization based in India. It was founded in 2010-07-21 by Mr. N. Arulramesh. Education is no longer limited to what happens inside a classroom. Today, students are growing up in a world that is changing faster than ever, with new technologies, career opportunities, and challenges emerging every day. This makes it important for schools to prepare children not just for exams, but for real life.

'''Learning Beyond Textbooks'''

Some of the most valuable lessons happen outside textbooks. School projects, field trips, sports, competitions, cultural activities, and group assignments give students opportunities to learn by doing. These experiences help them understand how classroom concepts connect with the world around them.

For example, working on a project teaches students more than just a subject. It encourages them to research, share ideas, manage their time, and work with others. These are skills they will continue to use long after they leave school.

'''Building Skills for the Future'''

Good education should help children become confident problem-solvers. Communication, teamwork, creativity, leadership, and decision-making are becoming just as important as academic knowledge.

Students should also be encouraged to ask questions and express their opinions. When children feel comfortable making mistakes and trying again, they become more confident learners.
'''
Making Technology a Learning Tool'''

Technology is now a natural part of everyday life. From artificial intelligence to digital learning platforms, students are likely to encounter technologies that may not even exist in their current form when they enter the workforce.

Schools can help by teaching children how to use technology thoughtfully and responsibly. The goal isn't simply to introduce more screens into education, but to help students use digital tools to explore, create, research, and solve problems.

'''Encouraging Curiosity and Independence'''

One of the greatest gifts education can give a child is curiosity. Children who enjoy asking questions and exploring new ideas are more likely to become lifelong learners.

Giving students opportunities to choose projects, explore their interests, participate in activities, and take responsibility for their work can gradually build independence and confidence.

Preparing Children for an Uncertain Future

No one can predict exactly what the world of tomorrow will look like. What schools can do is give students the ability to adapt.

When education combines academic learning with practical experiences, creativity, collaboration, and life skills, Students become better prepared through a well-rounded [https://thecamford.org/academics/curriculum/primary/ primary curriculum] that builds confidence and adaptability.

Ultimately, education beyond the classroom is about preparing children for life not just for the next examination. By giving students the freedom to explore, question, create, and learn from experience, schools can help them grow into capable and adaptable individuals ready to make their mark on a changing world.'''

== References ==

{{Reflist}}
[[File:Happy Students at The Camford International School.jpg|thumb|alt=Smiling children lying on a sports field.|Bright smiles and lifelong friendships in the making! 🌟 Brightening up the campus, our young learners at The Camford International School enjoy their day out on the green.]]

Draft:School Management System

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260813045136|u=Nletschool|ns=118}} 

[https://nletschool.com/ NLET School] Management System is an educational software platform developed by NLET Solutions Private Limited for managing academic and administrative activities in educational institutions. The platform provides digital tools for organizing information related to students, teachers, classes, fees, examinations, attendance, and institutional communication.

'''Features
'''

The system includes modules for student enrollment and admission management, attendance tracking, fee management, examination and grading, timetable and scheduling, student records, communication, and institutional reporting. These modules are intended to bring different school management activities together within a centralized software environment.

'''Academic and Administrative Management
'''

NLET School Management System supports various academic and administrative workflows within educational institutions. Administrators can use the system to manage student information, class-related records, academic schedules, and other routine institutional activities. Teachers and other authorized users can access functions relevant to their assigned responsibilities.

'''Student and Attendance Management
'''

The platform provides tools for maintaining student records and tracking attendance. Student information can be organized digitally, allowing authorized users to access relevant records and manage attendance information. Such features are intended to reduce dependence on manual registers and provide a centralized method of maintaining student-related data.

'''Fee and Examination Management
'''

The system includes functions for managing student fees and examination-related information. Fee management can be used to maintain payment records, while examination features can support the organization of assessments, marks, grades, and related academic records.

'''Communication and Reporting
'''

NLET [https://nletschool.com/school-management-system School Management System] provides communication and reporting features for educational institutions. Schools can use digital communication tools to share relevant information with students and parents. Reporting functions can help administrators organize institutional data and review information related to academic and administrative activities.

'''Platform and Accessibility
'''

The system is designed as a digital platform that can be accessed by different categories of users according to their roles and permissions. Depending on the implementation, users such as administrators, teachers, students, and parents may have access to different functions of the platform. The centralized system allows educational institutions to manage multiple school-related activities through a common software environment.

'''NLET Solutions Private Limited
'''

NLET Solutions Private Limited develops software solutions for educational institutions and provides digital tools for school administration and management. Its School Management System is intended to assist schools with routine academic, administrative, financial, and communication-related processes.

Draft:Sanam Saeed

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260812164756|u=Scriptelle26|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox artist
| name = Sanam Saeed
}}

'''Sanam Saeed'''.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Vikas Vaibhav

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260812033613|u=Mrutyu90|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox person
| name = Vikas Vaibhav
| image = Vikas-Vaibhav.jpg
| caption =
| birth_date = {{Birth date and age|1979|11|21}}
| birth_place = Bihat, Begusarai, Bihar, India
| occupation = IPS officer
| children = 2
| parents = Jagdish Singh (father)
| education = [[Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur]] (B.Tech)
| awards = Satyendra K. Dubey Memorial Award (2019)
}}

'''Vikas Vaibhav''' (born 21 November 1979) is an Indian [[Indian Police Service|Police Service]] (IPS) officer of the 2003 batch from the [[Bihar]] cadre. As of 2025, he serves as an Advisor to the Bihar State Planning Board. Over his career, he has held several key positions, including Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) in [[Patna]] and [[Darbhanga]], Superintendent of Police (SP) in [[Rohtas]], [[Bagaha]], and [[Purnea]], Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of [[Munger]] and [[Bhagalpur]] ranges, DIG of the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS), Special Secretary in the Home Department, Inspector General (IG) of Home Guards and Fire Services, and SP with the [[National Investigation Agency]] (NIA).<ref name="indianmasterminds-bspb">{{cite web |title=Bihar: Three IPS Officers Transferred, Vikas Vaibhav Posted in BSPB |url=https://indianmasterminds.com/movements/bihar-three-ips-officers-transferred-vikas-vaibhav-posted-in-bspb/?utm_source=chatgpt.com |website=indianmasterminds.com |access-date=2025-07-01}}</ref>

In addition to his policing duties, Vaibhav has shown interest in Indian history and heritage and maintains a blog titled ''Silent Pages'', where he writes about lesser-known historical sites. He is also associated with the '''Let's Inspire Bihar''' campaign, a voluntary initiative focusing on education, entrepreneurship, and civic engagement.<ref name="nbt-startup">{{cite news |title=IPS विकास वैभव की प्रेरणा से नवादा में स्टार्टअप एंड बिजनेस समिट 2025 का सफल आयोजन, विकसित बिहार के निर्माण का संकल्प |url=https://navbharattimes.indiatimes.com/state/bihar/nawada/startup-and-business-summit-2025-organized-in-nawada-inspiration-of-ips-vikas-vaibhav-build-a-developed-bihar/articleshow/121250249.cms |newspaper=Navbharat Times |language=hi |access-date=2025-07-01}}</ref><ref name="toi-lib-entrepreneurship">{{cite news |title='Let's Inspire Bihar' campaign focuses on entrepreneurship |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/lets-inspire-bihar-campaign-paving-the-way-for-a-new-era-of-entrepreneurship/articleshow/115816268.cms?utm_source=chatgpt.com |newspaper=[[The Times of India]] |date=2024-11-29 |issn=0971-8257 |access-date=2025-07-01}}</ref>

== Early life and education ==
Vikas Vaibhav was born in Bihat, [[Begusarai district]], Bihar, India. He completed his higher secondary education at Sardar Patel Vidyalaya in [[New Delhi]] in 1997. He obtained a Bachelor of Technology degree in Mechanical Engineering from the [[Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur|Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur]], studying there from 1997 to 2001.<ref name="iitk-profile">{{cite web |title=Mr Vikas Vaibhav |url=http://web.archive.org/web/20250423084729/https://iitk.ac.in/dora/profile/Mr-Vikas-Vaibhav |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://iitk.ac.in/dora/profile/Mr-Vikas-Vaibhav |archive-date=2025-04-23 |website=iitk.ac.in |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref>

== Career ==
Vikas Vaibhav joined the Indian Police Service in 2003.<ref name="newindianexpress-skd">{{cite news |title=IIT Kanpur announces Satyendra K. Dubey Memorial Award |url=https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2019/sep/26/bihars-senior-ips-officer-to-receive-iit-kanpurs-skd-memorial-award-2039576.html |newspaper=[[The New Indian Express]] |date=26 September 2019 |access-date=25 June 2025}}</ref>

From 2011 to 2015, he served as Superintendent of Police with the National Investigation Agency (NIA). He was involved in investigations into the 2013 [[Bodh Gaya]] and [[Patna]] [[Gandhi Maidan]] bombings, and in the arrest and interrogation of [[Indian Mujahideen]] member [[Yasin Bhatkal]].<ref name="patnapress-nia">{{cite web |title=NIA Honours IPS Officer Vikas Vaibhav for Landmark Investigations |url=https://patnapress.com/nia-honours-ips-officer-vikas-vaibhav-for-landmark-investigations/ |website=Patna Press |access-date=25 June 2025}}</ref>

In July 2015, while serving as Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP), Patna, Vaibhav oversaw the arrest of legislative assembly member Anant Singh in connection with a kidnapping and murder case.<ref name="midday-anant-singh">{{cite news |title=Bihar police arrest JD(U) MLA Anant Singh in kidnapping-cum-murder case |url=https://www.midday.com/news/india-news/article/bihar-police-arrest-jd-u--mla-anant-singh-in-kidnapping-cummurder-case-16316190 |work=Mid-Day |agency=Press Trust of India |date=24 July 2015 |access-date=25 June 2025}}</ref>

Later that month, a case diary was registered against Ashok Choudhary—then president of the Bihar Pradesh Congress Committee—following complaints of interference in a police investigation involving NSUI members. This action prompted a privilege motion against Vaibhav in the Bihar Legislative Assembly.<ref name="indiatoday-privilege-motion">{{cite news |title=Politicians target SSP Vikas Vaibhav, threaten privilege motion |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/patna-ssp-vikas-vaibhav-bihar-politicians-281332-2015-07-08 |newspaper=[[India Today]] |date=8 July 2015 |access-date=25 June 2025}}</ref>

In April 2017, he was transferred to the position of Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Bhagalpur Range.

During his tenure as Superintendent of Police in Bagaha, local authorities reportedly named a crossroad "Vikas Vaibhav Chauraha" in 2017 and a road "Vikas Vaibhav Path" in 2022 in recognition of his efforts.<ref name="aajtak-bagaha-chowk">{{cite news |title=बिहार: बगहा में आईपीएस अफसर विकास वैभव के नाम चौराहा |url=https://www.aajtak.in/india/bihar/story/vikas-vaibhav-ips-bihar-chowk-bagaha-champaran-460869-2017-08-31 |newspaper=आज तक |language=hi |date=2017-08-31 |access-date=2025-07-02}}</ref>

He also served as Superintendent of Police in Rohtas district, where he initiated "Operation Vidhwans", an anti-Naxal mission, and launched a community engagement program called "Sone Mahotsav". During this period, the national flag was hoisted at [[Rohtasgarh Fort]] in 2009, reportedly the first time since independence, and the fort was visited by the Chief Minister in 2011.<ref name="indianmasterminds-vision">{{cite web |title=An IPS Officer with a Vision |url=https://indianmasterminds.com/features/stories-of-grit/an-ips-officer-with-a-vision/?utm_source=chatgpt.com |website=indianmasterminds.com |access-date=2025-07-02}}</ref>

As DIG of Bhagalpur and Munger ranges, he introduced monthly public grievance sessions known as "Janta Durbar", and encouraged local stations to conduct regular "Lok Samvad" meetings.<ref name="indianmasterminds-vision" />

== Controversy ==
In February 2023, while serving as Inspector General of Home Guards and Fire Services in Bihar, Vikas Vaibhav posted on social media alleging that his superior officer, Director General (DG) Shobha Ahotkar, had used abusive language and caste-related slurs toward him during official meetings.<ref name="toi-threat">{{cite news |title=IPS officer Vikas Vaibhav 'faces threat' from his department boss |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/ips-officer-vikas-vaibhav-faces-threat-from-his-department-boss/articleshow/97897912.cms |newspaper=[[The Times of India]] |date=2023-02-14 |issn=0971-8257 |access-date=2025-07-04}}</ref> Vaibhav requested two months' leave and asked the state government to reassign him away from the directorate, citing mental harassment.<ref name="theprint-ig-accuses">{{cite news |last=Mishra |first=Dipak |title=Bihar IG accuses senior of abusing him in Bihar, focus on Nitish & officers over meltdowns |url=https://theprint.in/india/bihar-ig-accuses-senior-of-abusing-him-in-bihar-focus-on-nitish-officers-over-meltdowns/1366848/ |newspaper=[[ThePrint]] |date=2023-02-11 |access-date=2025-07-04}}</ref>

DG Ahotkar issued Vaibhav a 24-hour show-cause notice, accusing him of recording departmental meetings without permission and of defaming her online.<ref name="indiatoday-showcause">{{cite news |title=Bihar IPS officer Vikas Vaibhav put on 24-hr notice after accusing boss of abusing him |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/bihar-ips-officer-vikas-vaibhav-show-cause-notice-dg-shobha-ohatkar-abuse-2332940-2023-02-10 |newspaper=[[India Today]] |date=2023-02-10 |access-date=2025-07-04}}</ref> Later that month, the Bihar government transferred Vaibhav to Police Headquarters, effectively removing him from Ahotkar's supervision.<ref name="toi-transferred">{{cite news |title=IG-rank IPS officer Vikas Vaibhav transferred from control of his immediate boss Shobha Ahotkar |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/ig-rank-ips-officer-vikas-vaibhav-transferred-from-control-of-his-immediate-boss-shobha-ahotkar/articleshow/98282761.cms |newspaper=[[The Times of India]] |date=2023-02-27 |issn=0971-8257 |access-date=2025-07-04}}</ref>

In May 2023, DIG Anasuya Ransingh Sahu submitted a 13-page complaint alleging mental harassment, irregularities in tender processes, and threats to her life by DG Ahotkar.<ref name="ht-ransingh-sahu">{{cite news |title=Bihar IPS officer Anusuya Ransingh Sahu shifted out after tussle with DG |url=https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/patna-news/bihar-ips-officer-anusuya-ransingh-sahu-shifted-out-after-tussle-with-dg-101695299027177.html |newspaper=[[Hindustan Times]] |date=21 September 2023}}</ref>

== Initiatives ==
In March 2021, Vaibhav launched the '''Let's Inspire Bihar''' initiative, a voluntary campaign aimed at mobilizing individuals from Bihar, including those residing outside the state, to contribute to its socio-economic development. The initiative promotes three core themes: education, egalitarianism, and entrepreneurship. It seeks to engage youth, professionals, and community members in efforts aligned with the broader national vision of development by the year 2047.<ref name="patnapress-lib-four-years">{{cite news |last=Reporter |first=Staff |title=Let's Inspire Bihar Turns Four: Over 10,000 Gather in Patna as IPS Vikas Vaibhav Declares It Bihar's Biggest Revolution |url=https://patnapress.com/lets-inspire-bihar-turns-four-over-10000-gather-in-patna-as-ips-vikas-vaibhav-declares-it-bihars-biggest-revolution/ |newspaper=Patna Press |date=2025-03-22 |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref><ref name="toi-lib-entrepreneurship" />

The campaign has organized large public events and thematic gatherings across the state and in major cities of India. Notable events include:
* '''Begusarai Samvad''' (December 2023), which saw participation from over 50,000 individuals from across Bihar.<ref name="linkedin-begusarai-samvad">{{cite web |title=#biharbrihatsamvad #namastebihar #education #egalitarianism… |url=https://www.linkedin.com/posts/lib-literary-chapter-kavita-sahitya_biharbrihatsamvad-namastebihar-education-activity-7266274740305080320-NF_Q/ |website=LinkedIn |publisher=LIB Literary Chapter Kavita Sahitya |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref>
* '''Sasaram Samvad''' (2024).
* '''Bihar @2047 Vision Conclave''' held at [[Bharat Mandapam]], New Delhi, in December 2024, which included over 2,000 participants and marked the release of a long-term vision document for Bihar's development.<ref name="indiatoday-vision-conclave">{{cite news |title=Cultural pride and modern vision intersect at Bihar Vision Conclave in Delhi |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/cultural-pride-and-modern-vision-intersect-at-bihar-vision-conclave-in-delhi-2653798-2024-12-22 |newspaper=[[India Today]] |date=2024-12-22 |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref>

== Awards and recognition ==
* '''Satyendra K. Dubey Memorial Award''' (2019): Conferred by IIT Kanpur for "Highest Professional Integrity" in public service.<ref name="newindianexpress-skd2">{{cite news |last=Thakur |first=Rajesh Kumar |title=Bihar's senior IPS officer to receive IIT Kanpur's SKD Memorial Award |url=https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2019/Sep/26/bihars-senior-ips-officer-to-receive-iit-kanpurs-skd-memorial-award-2039576.html |newspaper=[[The New Indian Express]] |date=2019-09-26 |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref><ref name="iitk-dora-alumni">{{cite web |title=Distinguished Alumnus Awardees - DORA, IIT Kanpur |url=http://web.archive.org/web/20201031112424/http://iitk.ac.in/dora/daasda.php |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://iitk.ac.in/dora/daasda.php |archive-date=2020-10-31 |website=iitk.ac.in |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref>
* '''Changemaker of the Year''' (2024): Presented at the AMP National Award for Social Excellence in Chennai for social leadership.<ref name="ampindia-award">{{cite web |title=AMP National NGO Award 2024 |url=https://ampindia.org/AMP_National_NGO_Award_2024 |website=ampindia.org |access-date=2025-05-22}}</ref>

== Personal life ==
Vaibhav is married and has two children. His father, Jagadish Singh, worked as a chemical engineer with [[Indian Oil Corporation]]. He resides in Bihar and has been involved in travel and outreach activities connected to the Let's Inspire Bihar initiative.

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

[[Category:1979 births]]
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:Indian Police Service officers]]
[[Category:Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur alumni]]
[[Category:People from Begusarai district]]
[[Category:Police officers from Bihar]]

Draft:Vicky Mandal

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260809204904|u=Rahulkumar014210|ns=118}} 

{{Infobox artist
| birth_place = Gridih, Jharkhand
| caption = Vicky Mandal, Indian singer associated with Khortha music
| image = Singer Vicky Mandal Vicky Mandal, Indian singer associated with Khortha music
| known_for = Khortha music, regional music of Jharkhand
| name = Vicky Mandal
| nationality = Indian
| notable_works = Jharkhand Ke Lal, Collagiya Me Chha Galiyo, Ranchi Ke Rangbaaj, Mahadeva, Jharkhand Wali Rani
| website = https://youtube.com/@kng_company
}}

'''Vicky Mandal''' (born in Gridih, Jharkhand) is an Indian.

They are known for Khortha music, regional music of Jharkhand.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Top Places To visit In Kinnaur Spiti

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260804065149|u=117.253.224.67|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox project
| country = india
}}

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:GiftstoIndia24x7

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260804051243|u=Aarav|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox company
| areas_served = 3000+ Indian cities
| foundation = 1999
| hq_location_country = India
| industry = E-commerce
| name = GiftstoIndia24x7
| services = Gift delivery
}}

'''GiftstoIndia24x7''' is an E-commerce.

The company operates in the E-commerce industry.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Matibansa (Caste)

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260731225205|u=Ashish1312|ns=118}} 
{{Short description|Literate teaching community of Odisha allied to the Karan caste}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2026}}
{{Use Indian English|date=August 2026}}
{{About|the literate teaching community of Odisha, also called Kshitibansa|the weaver sub-caste that shares the name|Tanti}}

{{Infobox caste
| caste_name = Matibansa
| native_name = ମାଟିବଂଶ
| classification = Literate service community; held to rank with the [[Karan (caste)|Karan]] scribes, near the [[Brahmin]]s
| religions = [[Hinduism]]
| languages = [[Odia language|Odia]]
| country = India
| populated_states = [[Odisha]]
| region = Coastal and central Odisha — [[Cuttack district|Cuttack]], [[Jagatsinghpur district|Jagatsinghpur]], [[Dhenkanal district|Dhenkanal]], [[Kendujhar district|Keonjhar]], [[Balasore district|Balasore]] and [[Bhadrak district|Bhadrak]]
| population = c. 637,500 (self-reported, 1998; no caste census since 1931)
| family_names = Abadhan, Ojha, Naik
| subdivisions = Kshitibansa; Matibansa Ojha; Kshitibansa Naik; Ojha Karan; Kshitibansa Nayak; Matibansa; Matibansa Abadhan
| related = [[Karan (caste)|Karan]], [[Kayastha]], [[Ojha]], Acharjee [[Brahmin]], [[Jyotish (caste)|Jyotish]]
| historical_grouping = Occupational community of village schoolmasters (''Abadhan'')
| status = Held socially advanced (NCBC, 1999); listed as SEBC by the Government of Odisha
| education_reservation = Odisha state SEBC list (entry 198); '''not''' in the Central List of OBCs
}}

'''Matibansa''' ([[Odia language|Odia]]: ମାଟିବଂଶ; also '''Matibans''' or '''Mativansa'''), in its Sanskritised form '''Kshitibansa''' (also '''Khitibansa'''), is a community of the Indian state of [[Odisha]] whose traditional and caste-defining occupation was teaching in the indigenous village school. Its members held the office of ''Abadhan''—the schoolmaster of the ''[[chatsali]]''—and are, in the community's own account and in the assessment of the [[National Commission for Backward Classes]] (NCBC), a literate service community closely allied to the [[Karan (caste)|Karan]], the scribe caste that in Odisha ranks immediately below the [[Brahmin]]s.<ref name="karan"/><ref name="ncbc"/>

The name ''Matibansa'' and its Sanskritic twin ''Kshitibansa'' both mean, literally, "earth-lineage" (Odia ''mati'' and Sanskrit ''kshiti'' each meaning "earth" or "soil"), and are used interchangeably.<ref name="sebc"/> Around this core lineage a wider grouping formed as members of several other castes, on taking up the same teaching profession, came to be counted under the Matibansa/Kshitibansa name and its titles. Thus [[Karan (caste)|Karan]] scribes who became teachers are recorded as ''Ojha Karan''; Acharjee [[Brahmin]] teachers appear as ''Kshitibansa Naik'' and ''Kshitibansa Nayak''; and, in the earliest ethnographic account, some [[Tanti]] weavers who left the loom for the schoolroom likewise adopted the schoolmaster's title.<ref name="ncbc"/><ref name="risley"/>

The community's social standing is the subject of a documented dispute over affirmative-action classification. It is listed as a Socially and Educationally Backward Class (SEBC) by the Government of Odisha, but its request to be added to the national [[Other Backward Class|Other Backward Classes]] list was refused by the NCBC in 1999. The reason the Commission gave is itself the clearest official statement of the community's character: it held that the group was drawn predominantly from advanced castes—Brahmin and Karan—and was therefore socially advanced rather than backward.<ref name="ncbc"/>

== Names and etymology ==
The community's own name is ''Matibansa'', from Odia ''mati'' (ମାଟି, "earth, soil, clay") and ''bansa'' (ବଂଶ, from Sanskrit ''vaṃśa'', "lineage, stock"). The Sanskritised form '''Kshitibansa''' / '''Khitibansa''' carries the identical sense, since ''kshiti'' (क्षिति) is a classical word for "earth"; both forms head the community's entry in the Odisha state list and are treated as synonyms.<ref name="sebc"/> The preference for the learned Sanskritic form ''Kshitibansa'' is itself characteristic of a literate community.

Several further names function as titles or as labels for allied groups:
* '''Abadhan''' (Odia ''Abadhāna'', from Sanskrit ''avadhāna'', "attention, concentration") was the ordinary title of the master of a village school in Odisha; its adoption gives the compound ''Matibansa Abadhan''.<ref name="pattanaik"/>
* '''Ojha''' is a title borne by certain [[Brahmin]] groups—[[Herbert Hope Risley|H. H. Risley]] records it for a section of the Adi-Gaura Gaura Brahmans and for [[Maithil Brahmin|Maithil Brahmins]]—and appears in ''Matibansa Ojha'' and in ''Ojha Karan''.<ref name="risley"/>
* '''Naik''' / '''Nayak''' (Sanskrit ''nāyaka'', "leader") is described by Risley specifically as a title of the ''Acharji'' or astrological Brahmans of Orissa; it appears in ''Kshitibansa Naik'' and ''Kshitibansa Nayak''.<ref name="risley"/>
* '''Khetiputra''' (Odia, roughly "son of the field") is recorded by Risley as an additional title taken by former weavers who turned to teaching.<ref name="risley"/>

== Social character: a literate service lineage ==
The distinguishing feature of the Matibansa is literacy in the service of others. Its hereditary role was that of the teacher, and the constituent titles—Ojha, Naik (Acharji Brahman), and Ojha Karan—point consistently to the learned and scribal castes of Odisha rather than to any artisan or labouring community. In its representations the community described itself as socially equivalent to the [[Jyotish (caste)|Jyotish]] (astrologer) caste and as of Karan and Brahmin descent, "higher than the Kshatriyas and nearer to the Brahmins."<ref name="ncbc"/><ref name="selfaccount"/>

What lends this self-understanding unusual weight is that the same conclusion was reached, independently and for the opposite purpose, by the body examining the community's claim to ''backward'' status. In its 1999 findings the NCBC held that the group of teacher-communities under the Matibansa/Kshitibansa names was "originally from the advanced castes/communities like Brahmin, Karan and therefore they are not only not socially backward, but also socially advanced." The Commission, whose finding served to ''deny'' the community reservation benefits, thus affirmed precisely the community's own account of its high, literate origin.<ref name="ncbc"/>

The natural point of comparison is the [[Karan (caste)|Karan]] caste itself. The Karan are the writer caste of Odisha, the regional counterpart of the [[Kayastha]], who served the courts as ministers, ''dewans'', accountants and record-keepers and who rank next to the Brahmins in the local hierarchy.<ref name="karan"/> Significantly, historians describe the Karan themselves as having "crystallised into a distinct caste only in the 10th or 11th century AD owing to social mobility," the term before that denoting a literate function rather than a birth-group.<ref name="karancryst"/> The Matibansa are best understood as a community of the same kind—a literate service group defined by a learned occupation—standing beside the Karan and drawing much of their membership from them.

== The Abadhan and the village school ==

=== The chatsali and the pathasala ===
The office that defines the community is that of the '''Abadhan''', the village schoolmaster. Before the British occupation of Odisha in 1803, schooling was decentralised and privately supported: the ''pathasala'' and, at the primary level, the ''chatsali'' met in temples, in Sanskrit ''tols'', in ''Bhagavata tungis'' (village scripture houses) and in the homes of the well-to-do.<ref name="pattanaik"/> The teacher in these schools was the '''Avadhana''' (Odia ''Abadhan''); according to the historian of education Subhransu Pattanaik, the Avadhanas taught reading, writing and simple arithmetic together with Odia literature, including the ''Bhagavata'' of [[Jagannatha Das]] and the puranas—that is, indigenous mathematics and religious texts.<ref name="pattanaik"/>

The Abadhan is therefore not an abstract label but the recognisable figure who carried literacy to rural Odisha through the medieval and early-colonial periods. When the colonial administration began after 1854 to organise primary education, it built on this base: [[Thomas Edward Ravenshaw|T. E. Ravenshaw]] is recorded as having supervised some 832 ''pathasalas'' or indigenous village schools, from which the number of primary schools in Odisha grew to nearly 7,000 by 1947.<ref name="pattanaik"/>

=== Place in Odisha's cultural history ===
The chatsali in which the Abadhan taught holds a remembered place in Odisha's history. [[Fakir Mohan Senapati]] (1843–1918), commonly called the father of modern Odia prose, received his first schooling in a village ''chatsali'' near Balasore.<ref name="fakirmohan"/> The literate culture that produced Odisha's classical [[palm-leaf manuscript]] tradition, its recensions of the ''Mahabharata'' and its temple chronicles rested on the wide base of village literacy that schoolmasters of this kind sustained.<ref name="palmleaf"/> In its 1999 findings the NCBC expressly observed that the community's traditional occupation of teaching was one regarded as respectable in Indian society, and that the hereditary occupation of a caste is an important determinant of its social standing—reasoning it then used to place the Matibansa among the advanced rather than the backward.<ref name="ncbc"/>

== Formation of the wider group ==
The seven names enumerated together at entry 198 of the Odisha state list—''Kshitibansa, Matibansa Ojha, Kshitibansa Naik, Ojha Karan, Kshitibansa Nayak, Matibansa,'' and ''Matibansa Abadhan''—are best read not as a single descent group but as a body of communities that converged on the teaching profession and came to share the Matibansa/Kshitibansa name and its titles.<ref name="sebc"/> The order of the list, which places ''Kshitibansa'' first, reflects the primacy of the core lineage. Two strands of accretion are documented.

=== The Karan and Brahmin core ===
The principal and best-attested accretion is from the learned castes. At the 1998 public hearing the representatives stated plainly that those known as '''Ojha Karan''' had originally been [[Karan (caste)|Karan]]—the scribe caste—and had become "Ojha Karan" only after they adopted teaching as their profession.<ref name="ncbc"/> The NCBC's analysis extended this to the group as a whole, concluding that the teacher-communities had been "derived from different castes/communities like … Karan, Ojha group of Adi-Gaur Brahmins and Acharjee Brahmans," and that the '''Kshitibansa Naik'''s and '''Kshitibansa Nayak'''s "originally belonged to the Acharjee Brahmin community," whose members used the title ''Naik''.<ref name="ncbc"/> On this reading the wider Matibansa grouping is overwhelmingly of Karan and Brahmin origin—an occupational caste of teachers formed out of the literate upper castes.

=== The weaver account ===
A different and older account attaches to the separate name ''Matibansa Tanti''. In [[Herbert Hope Risley|H. H. Risley]]'s ''The Tribes and Castes of Bengal'' (1891), the '''Matibansa-Tanti''' are named as one of three Orissan sub-castes of the [[Tanti]] weavers, of whom many are said to have deserted weaving to become village schoolmasters, taking the titles ''Abadhan'' and ''Khetiputra''.<ref name="risley"/> This ethnographic notice roots the ''name'' "Matibansa" in a weaver community; the modern ''Matibansa Tanti'' remains a distinct weaver group listed among the Tanti sub-castes and recognised as backward in both the state and central lists.<ref name="tantilist"/> The two accounts are not fully reconcilable: Risley traces the shared name from weavers who became teachers, whereas the community's self-account and the NCBC's compositional finding place the teaching lineage predominantly among the Karan and Brahmins, with any weaver element a minor strand. The likeliest reading is that the schoolmaster's identity and its titles—''Abadhan'' above all—became a shared occupational label that more than one caste came to bear.

{{Blockquote|text='''Note — two communities, one name.''' Official Odisha lists carry ''Matibansa Tanti'' (a weaver sub-caste) and the ''Kshitibansa / Matibansa / Matibansa Abadhan'' teacher cluster at ''different'' entries. This article concerns the latter. The names ''Matibansa'' and ''Matibansa Abadhan'' were originally attached to the "Jyotish" entry (No. 56) of the state list and were later moved by government resolution to entry 198.<ref name="sebc"/><ref name="ncbc"/>}}

== Distribution and demography ==
According to the questionnaire the community's representatives submitted to the NCBC in 1998, the Matibansa/Kshitibansa cluster is concentrated in the coastal and central districts of Odisha—principally Cuttack, Jagatsinghpur, Dhenkanal, Keonjhar, Balasore and Bhadrak—and numbered then about 637,500.<ref name="ncbc"/> This is a self-reported estimate, not a census count. India has held no comprehensive caste enumeration since 1931, so modern figures for individual castes in Odisha are approximate; the Odisha SEBC survey of 2023, covering more than 200 backward communities, remained unpublished as of 2025.<ref name="survey2023"/>

== Socio-economic profile ==
The fullest description of the community's present condition comes from the same 1998 questionnaire, completed to support a claim for backward-class status. Because these figures were assembled to argue that case—and because the NCBC did not accept the claim—they are best read as the community's own representation. According to that submission, the hereditary occupation of teaching had largely disappeared as government schools and colleges spread, leaving many members in daily labour; the literacy rate was given as about 20 per cent, with roughly 6,000 matriculates and around 200 graduates, and only a handful of members in the professions (on the order of five doctors, three lawyers and ten engineers).<ref name="ncbc"/>

The Commission read the same history in the opposite sense. It reasoned that a group whose defining occupation had been the respectable one of teaching, and whose members were substantially of Brahmin and Karan origin—or, where they were not, had risen out of any earlier backwardness by changing occupation and title—could not be classed as backward. It further held that the presence of "Jyotish" in the central list, the precedent the community pressed, was itself the product of a mechanical listing exercise rather than of any finding of backwardness, and so could not support the claim.<ref name="ncbc"/>

== Reservation and classification ==
The Matibansa/Kshitibansa teacher cluster appears on the Odisha state SEBC list at entry 198, added by Government of Odisha Resolution No. 26118 of 5 November 1996 (with ''Matibansa'' and ''Matibansa Abadhan'' transferred there from the earlier "Jyotish" entry).<ref name="sebc"/> It is '''not''' in the Central List of OBCs for Odisha; its inclusion was sought and refused in 1999.<ref name="ncbc"/> Members on the state list are eligible for Odisha's state-level SEBC reservation—set at 11.25 per cent and extended to admissions in state higher-education institutions from 2025–26—but not for the separate central OBC quota.<ref name="reservation"/> The allied but distinct weaver group ''Matibansa Tanti'' is, by contrast, recognised as backward in both the state and central lists.<ref name="tantilist"/>

=== The 1999 NCBC case ===
The refusal is set out in the findings of the NCBC's Orissa Bench, tendered as advice to the central government under section 9(1) of the National Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1993. The request had been made by Shri Fakira Charan Nayak, Shri Shambhu Charana Nath and others for the inclusion of Khitibansa Abadhan, Matibansa Abadhan, Matibansa Ojha and Ojha castes and their synonyms in the Central List for Orissa. A three-member bench (Shri U. P. Singh, Shri Sahu Akshaya Bhai and Shri Navtej Puadhi) held a public hearing at Bhubaneswar on 14 May 1998, the community being represented by Shri Manmohan Pal, Shri Brindaban Pal and Shri Laxmi Dhar Nayak.<ref name="ncbc"/>

The bench's finding, later adopted in full by the Commission, was that the communities were traditionally teachers—a respectable, not a backward, occupation—and were derived from the advanced castes; accordingly their inclusion in the Central List should be rejected. The Commission's formal advice recorded that the requests "may be rejected, as these are not socially backward." One member, Shri Navtej Puadhi, had died after the hearing; under section 7 of the Act the validity of the advice was unaffected, and the finding was recorded as the joint conclusion of all three members.<ref name="ncbc"/> The same batch of advices also disposed of an unrelated request concerning the ''Liyari'' community of Ganjam district, which was rejected as withdrawn; that community is distinct from the Matibansa.<ref name="ncbc"/>

== See also ==
* [[Karan (caste)]]
* [[Kayastha]]
* [[Jyotish (caste)]]
* [[Tanti]]
* [[Education in Odisha]]
* [[Fakir Mohan Senapati]]
* [[Other Backward Class]]

== References ==
{{Reflist|refs=
<ref name="ncbc">National Commission for Backward Classes, Orissa Bench, ''Findings and Advice in the matter of the request for inclusion of Khitibansa, Matibansa Ojha, Khitibansa Abadhan, Khitibansa Naik, Ojha Karan, Khitibansa Nayak, Matibansa & Matibansa Abadhan in the Central List of Backward Classes for Orissa'' (per Shri U. P. Singh, Member), NCBC Advice No. 51,52/Orissa/99, authenticated 18 May 1999. Primary source document. Quoted passages ("originally from the advanced castes … socially advanced"; "not socially backward") are from the Findings.</ref>
<ref name="karan">{{cite web |last=Pattanaik |first=Devdutt |title=Descendants of Chitragupta |url=https://devdutt.com/descendants-of-chitragupta/ |access-date=1 August 2026}} On the Karan as the writer caste of Odisha, ranking next to the Brahmins and functioning as the regional Kayastha.</ref>
<ref name="sebc">Government of Odisha, ST & SC Development, Minorities & Backward Classes Welfare Department, ''State List / Revised List of SEBC of Odisha'', entry 198 ("Kshitibansa, Matibansa Ojha, Kshitibansa Naik, Ojhakaran, Kshitibansa Nayak, Matibansa, Matibansa Abadhan — Matibansa & Matibansa Abadhan deleted from sl. no. 56"), Resolution No. 26118 dated 5 November 1996. {{cite web |title=State List of Socially and Educationally Backward Classes of Orissa |publisher=Government of Odisha |url=https://stsc.odisha.gov.in/ |access-date=1 August 2026}}</ref>
<ref name="risley">{{cite book |last=Risley |first=H. H. |author-link=Herbert Hope Risley |title=The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary |year=1891 |publisher=Bengal Secretariat Press |location=Calcutta}} Entries "Tanti" (Matibansa-Tanti; titles Abadhan and Khetiputra), "Naik" (vol. II, p. 123), "Ojha" (vol. II, p. 138) and "Karan" (vol. I, pp. 424–426). Public domain; digitised via [[Internet Archive]].</ref>
<ref name="pattanaik">{{cite journal |last=Pattanaik |first=Subhransu |year=2017 |title=Education of Odisha under the Colonial Rule — An Historical Perspective |journal=Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research (JETIR) |volume=4 |issue=11 |pages=1252–1263 |url=https://www.jetir.org/papers/JETIR1711198.pdf}} On the ''pathasala'', the ''Avadhana'' teacher, and Ravenshaw's 832 indigenous village schools.</ref>
<ref name="selfaccount">The community's self-description as akin to the Karan and "nearer to the Brahmins" is recorded in its representations to the Commission (see NCBC Findings) and echoed in community accounts. Such origin claims are, as with many castes, partly assertions of status, and are presented here as the community's own account, corroborated on the point of advanced-caste composition by the NCBC's independent finding.</ref>
<ref name="karancryst">On the Karan crystallising into a distinct caste in the 10th–11th century AD from a literate professional designation, see [[Karan (caste)]] and [[Kayastha]] ("writing castes").</ref>
<ref name="fakirmohan">On [[Fakir Mohan Senapati]]'s first schooling in a village ''chatsali'' near Balasore, see biographical accounts of Senapati (b. 1843).</ref>
<ref name="palmleaf">On Odisha's palm-leaf manuscript and classical literary tradition, see accounts of [[Artaballabha Mohanty]] and the Prachi Samiti's recovery of medieval Odia texts.</ref>
<ref name="tantilist">Government of India, ''Central List of OBCs for the State of Orissa'', entry 48 (Tanti group, including "Matibansa Tanti"), Resolution No. 12011/9/94-BCC dated 19 October 1994 and re-notifications; and Government of Odisha SEBC notifications (1995; re-notified 2022 and 2023) for ''Matibansa Tanti''.</ref>
<ref name="survey2023">On the 2023 Odisha Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Survey (conducted 1 May – 6 June 2023; report submitted 3 October 2023, unpublished as of 2025) and the absence of a caste census since 1931.</ref>
<ref name="reservation">{{cite news |title=Odisha government approves 11.25% reservation for SEBC students in education |work=Careers360 |date=15 May 2025}} On the state-level SEBC quota applicable from 2025–26.</ref>
}}

== Bibliography ==
* {{cite book |last=Risley |first=H. H. |title=The Tribes and Castes of Bengal |year=1891 |publisher=Bengal Secretariat Press |location=Calcutta}}
* {{cite book |last=Singh |first=K. S. |title=People of India: Odisha |year=1992 |publisher=Anthropological Survey of India}}
* {{cite journal |last=Pattanaik |first=Subhransu |year=2017 |title=Education of Odisha under the Colonial Rule |journal=JETIR |volume=4 |issue=11 |pages=1252–1263}}
* National Commission for Backward Classes (1999). ''Advices to the Central Government for the State of Orissa'' (Orissa 50, 51–52/99).

{{DEFAULTSORT:Matibansa}}
[[Category:Social groups of Odisha]]
[[Category:Indian castes]]
[[Category:Other Backward Classes]]
[[Category:Odia society]]

Draft:PM SVANidhi Scheme: A Complete Guide for Street Vendors in India

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260731064712|u=Jansamarth|ns=118}} 
https://www.jansamarth.in/prime-minister-svanidhi-scheme{{Infobox company
| Type = Government scheme
| name = PM SVANidhi Scheme: A Complete Guide for Street Vendors in India
}}

'''PM SVANidhi Scheme: A Complete Guide for Street Vendors in India''' is a Government scheme.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:TravelSaga Holidays

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260730051219|u=Travelsagaholidays|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox company
| image = https://i.postimg.cc/CM4gRxxn/TSH.jpg
| industry = Tourism
| name = TravelSaga Holidays
}}

'''Travel Saga Holidays''' is a Jaipur-based travel agency specializing in international holiday packages from India for Indian travelers. Backed by the strong foundation and expertise of Travel Saga Tourism, Dubai, we offer expertly curated itineraries, complete visa assistance, and personalized travel planning to ensure a seamless travel experience.

Explore top international destinations including Thailand, Dubai, Europe, Singapore, and more with the guidance of our experienced travel professionals. We design customized travel packages for:

Family Holidays

Honeymoon Trips

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With over 10 years of industry experience, our dedicated team ensures smooth bookings, trusted hotel partnerships, and end-to-end travel support. From sightseeing tours and adventure activities to cultural experiences, Travel Saga Holidays is committed to making every journey memorable and hassle-free.

Plan your dream vacation with confidence — Travel Saga Holidays turns your travel dreams into reality.

The company operates in the Tourism industry.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Hari Silvears

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260722065742|u=103.113.190.186|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox company
| Type = Private Company
| brands = Hari Silvears
| founders = Hari Silvears
| homepage = https://harisilvers.com/
| hq_location = 1st Floor, C.V.R Complex, 42, S Avani Moola St, Valaiyal Kadai, Madurai Main, Madurai, Tamil Nadu 625001
| hq_location_city = Madurai
| hq_location_country = India
| image = https://harisilvers.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Hari-Logo.png
| industry = Retail
| location = Madurai, Tamil Nadu, India
| location_city = Madurai
| location_country = India
| locations = Madurai
| logo = https://harisilvers.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Hari-Logo.png
| logo_alt = Hari Silvears
| logo_caption = Hari Silvears
| name = Hari Silvears
| products = Clothing, Accessories
| services = Silver Wholesale
}}

'''Hari Silvears''' is a Private Company headquartered in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, India, India.

The company operates in the Retail industry. Its products and services include Clothing, Accessories.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Vantrik Power & Infra Solutions

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260720152936|u=Fatehgrewal|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox company
| name = Vantrik Power & Infra Solutions
| logo =
| industry = [[Solar energy in India|Renewable Energy & Solar Power]]
| founded = 
| founder = Pardeep Singh Kollianwali
| headquarters = [[Punjab]], India
| area_served = India
| products = Solar rooftop systems, solar water pumps, industrial solar power plants
| services = EPC (Engineering, Procurement, and Construction), Solar Installation, Infra Solutions
| website = 
}}

'''Vantrik Power & Infra Solutions''' is an Indian renewable energy and infrastructure solutions company. Registered as a [[Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises|Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprise (MSME)]], the company specializes in solar energy engineering, procurement, and construction (EPC) services, as well as sustainable infrastructure development across India.<ref></ref>

The company was founded by entrepreneur '''Pardeep Singh Kollianwali''', who serves as the key driving force behind its operational expansion and commitment to clean energy transition in the regional market.<ref></ref>

== Operations and Services ==
Vantrik Power & Infra Solutions operates primarily within the clean energy sector, catering to residential, commercial, industrial, and agricultural clients. The company’s core service portfolio includes:

* '''Solar EPC Services:''' End-to-end design, engineering, supply, installation, and commissioning of solar photovoltaic (PV) power systems.
* '''Rooftop Solar Installations:''' Deployment of grid-tied and off-grid solar rooftop solutions to optimize energy costs for commercial and residential buildings.
* '''Agricultural Solar Solutions:''' Provision of sustainable solar-powered water pumping systems to support farmers with reliable irrigation infrastructure.
* '''Infrastructure Management:''' Execution of allied civil and electrical infrastructure projects necessary for large-scale energy distribution.

== Sustainability Impact ==
Aligned with the Government of India’s National Solar Mission and renewable energy targets, Vantrik Power & Infra Solutions focuses on reducing carbon footprints through decentralized solar deployments. The company facilitates corporate and private transitions toward clean energy by offering customized power purchase assessments and structural engineering for solar modules.

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

[[Category:Solar energy companies of India]]
[[Category:Companies based in Punjab, India]]
[[Category:Renewable energy companies of India]]
[[Category:Indian companies established in 2026]]

Draft:JeetBuzz News

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== References ==

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Draft:Wikipedia's Xorai Page is a Lie: How False Chutia people Claims Were Built on a Misread 20th-Century Inscription

2026-09-29T09:41:29Z

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[[File:Xorai 20240620 2.jpg|thumb|
xorai photo]]

The '''Xorai''' (Assamese pronunciation: [xɔɹaɪ]) is a traditional Assamese offering tray or dish mounted on a pedestal. Usually made of bell metal or brass, it is one of the best-known symbols of Assam and is associated with hospitality, honour, religious offerings and cultural ceremony.

A xorai generally consists of a shallow circular tray or plate supported by a stem and base. It may be open or fitted with an ornamental cover. It is commonly used to offer tamul-pan (areca nut and betel leaf), sweets, food, flowers, religious offerings or other ceremonial objects. In Assamese society, presenting a xorai conveys welcome, gratitude and respect.

A related Assamese vessel is the bota, a bowl-like or covered container which may be used together with a xorai. Although the two objects share a related form and ceremonial function, the xorai is usually a flat or shallow tray on a pedestal, whereas a bota is more bowl-shaped.

Hajo and Sarthebari are among the principal centres of traditional bell-metal and brass craftsmanship in Assam.

==Wikipedia's Xorai Page is a Lie: How False Chutia Claims Were Built on a Misread 20th-Century Inscription==

===Introduction: The Silent Erasure of History===

The xorai—the pedestal-mounted ceremonial tray that has come to embody Assamese hospitality, religious devotion, and cultural identity—embodies a civilizational trajectory that spans over six millennia. Its structural genealogy, as this study will demonstrate, traces unequivocally from the Neolithic dou vessels of ancient China, through the great westward migrations of the Tai-Kadai peoples across Southeast Asia, and finally to the Brahmaputra Valley, where it was carried by Chaolung Sukaphaa and his Ahom followers in 1228 CE. Yet, despite this well-documented migratory and archaeological lineage, a concerted historiographical effort has emerged in recent decades to sever the xorai from its Tai-Asiatic roots and re-inscribe it within a purely indigenous Tibeto-Burman—specifically Chutia—narrative of origin.

This effort, however, does not rest upon rigorous archaeological discovery, comprehensive epigraphic analysis, or a balanced reading of primary sources. Rather, it relies upon a conspicuously unscholarly tactic: the deliberate weaponization of half-historical evidence—the selective extraction of isolated textual fragments, stripped of their broader chronological and contextual framework, and deployed to manufacture a provenance that the full historical record flatly contradicts.

The cornerstone of this manipulation is a single passage from the Satsari Asam Buranji, which records that a Chutia monarch presented "two golden xorais" as a diplomatic gift to an Ahom figure, Phrachengmung Gohain. This singular clause has been aggressively foregrounded by proponents of Chutia primacy to construct a superficially compelling syllogism: the Chutia king possessed and gifted the xorai; therefore, the xorai must be of Chutia invention and primordial origin. This conclusion, however, commits an elementary logical fallacy—the conflation of use with invention, of possession with genesis. A Chinese envoy presenting porcelain to a Southeast Asian court does not render porcelain indigenous to Southeast Asia; a Mughal emperor gifting a Persian manuscript does not transform that manuscript into a Mughal creation. The Chutia reference proves only that a Chutia ruler accessed a prestigious object—it proves absolutely nothing about its origination.

The manipulation lies not in what the Buranji records, but in what the Chutia-origin advocates deliberately omit. The very same chronicle—page 48 of the Satsari Asam Buranji—provides the definitive counter-evidence that these half-historians systematically suppress: in 1263 CE (1185 Saka), Chaolung Sukaphaa himself dispatched royal emissaries bearing state gifts that explicitly included silver ceremonial vessels and traditional raised offering trays (bota)—the direct morphological and functional precursors of the xorai. This diplomatic transaction occurred merely thirty-five years after Sukaphaa's arrival in Assam, proving conclusively that the Ahom court had already possessed, manufactured, and institutionalized the pedestal-tray tradition from the very moment of their migration. They did not acquire it from local intermediaries; they carried it with them across the Patkai Mountains from their Tai homelands.

Beyond this textual distortion, a second layer of historical fabrication has been perpetrated upon the physical artefact itself. The Wikipedia article cites an inscribed bota from a Chutia household in Titabor, bearing the Assamese inscription "১৩১৭ সন ছাৰি শাবন মাশ", which it boldly interprets as 1317 Śaka, or 1395 CE—purporting to provide "proof" of a 14th-century Chutia manufacturing tradition. Yet a direct linguistic and epigraphic evaluation of the artifact exposes this as chronological forgery. The inscription explicitly records the word "সন" (Son)—a Persian-Arabic loanword denoting a year within the regional solar Bhaskarabda calendar—not "শক" (Saka), the classical Sanskrit term for the Saka Era. By forcibly swapping Son for Saka, the manipulators have artificially inflated the artifact's antiquity by 515 years, transforming a 1910 CE family heirloom into a fraudulent "medieval relic" to manufacture Chutia historical primacy.

This study, therefore, undertakes a systematic forensic examination of the Wikipedia narrative and the broader Chutia-origin thesis. It exposes the fallacious syllogism that equates diplomatic gift with cultural invention; it corrects the deliberate misreading of the Titabor inscription; and it restores the suppressed Ahom evidence from the very same Buranjis that the half-historians cite. The archaeological, linguistic, and textual evidence—presented in full—establishes an unassailable chain of transmission: from the Neolithic dou vessels of East Asia, through the Tai-Kadai migrations, to the Shan hsun-ok, and finally to the Ahom xorai and bota of Assam. The Chutia references represent only later, secondary appropriation—use without invention, reception without genesis. The full historical record, now restored, confirms the xorai's authentic Tai-Asiatic provenance and refutes the historiographical fabrication that has sought to claim it for a Tibeto-Burman origin.

===2. The Morphological Continuum: Deconstructing the Pedestal Vessel Complex===

Before one can engage in the forensic examination of contested origins and historiographical manipulation, it is imperative to establish a foundational understanding of the artefact itself. The xorai and its cognate vessels—the bota, the ban kahi, and the ban bati—do not exist as isolated, individually invented forms. Rather, they constitute a single morphological continuum, a family of objects bound by an identical structural blueprint that has undergone functional specialization across centuries of material evolution. To comprehend the contested provenance of these objects is, first, to comprehend their physical grammar.

====2.1 The Structural Blueprint: A Shared Architectural DNA====

If one strips away the specific nomenclature, the variable dimensions, and the diverse ceremonial contexts of Assamese bell-metal (kah) artefacts, a striking and unmistakable design pattern emerges. Whether it is the majestic xorai positioned upon the altar of a namghar, the compact bota resting upon a household table, the elevated ban kahi employed in royal dining, or the elegant ban bati used as a pedestal bowl—each of these objects shares a singular, invariable structural formula:

A shallow tray, dish, or bowl, elevated by a distinct central stem or pedestal, which rests upon a circular base.

This tripartite architecture—tray, stem, and base—is not a coincidence of parallel invention. It represents the generational transmission and adaptation of a singular design philosophy, one rooted in a universal human imperative that transcends cultural boundaries: the principle of elevation. In the archaeology of material culture, elevation is inherently valorizing. To raise an object above the ground plane is to confer upon it a status of distinction, to separate it from the profane and the mundane. Whether the object is a sacred offering, a royal insignia, or a simple meal, the act of elevation signifies respect, purity, and reverence.

The members of this family are differentiated not by their fundamental structure but by their functional context. The ban kahi and ban bati serve the domestic sphere, elevating food during meals to maintain hygiene and visual dignity. The bota serves the social sphere, bringing the stemmed tray to a reachable tabletop level for the everyday exchange of hospitality. The xorai serves the sacred and ceremonial sphere, elongating the stem toward the heavens to raise offerings, royal gifts, and sacred texts above the mundane world, often capped with a domed cover that further accentuates its reverential character. They are not separate inventions; they are generational siblings—adaptations of a single design idea for different spheres of Assamese life.

====2.2 The Archaeological Ancestor: The Neolithic Dou Vessel====
In the discipline of archaeology, the morphological lineage of these Assamese vessels is unequivocally traceable to the dou (豆) —a quintessential vessel form of ancient Chinese Neolithic and Bronze Age civilizations. The dou was engineered around a simple yet profound ritual logic: to honor an offering or to present food with dignity, one must physically elevate it above the contaminating influence of the ground.

The dou evolved through two distinct structural phases, both of which find their precise counterparts in the functional diversification observed among Assamese utensils today.

=====2.2.1 The Open Dou: The Primordial Form=====

[[File:Neolithic Yangshao Pottery Dou.jpg|thumb]]

The earliest Neolithic variants of the dou—exemplified by the red pottery specimens recovered from the Yangshao culture (c. 5000–3000 BCE)—were simple, unlidded, shallow clay basins raised upon a high, hollowed stem. This was an open table tray designed for immediate serving and presentation. Its form was utilitarian yet dignified: the elevated basin allowed the contents to be visible, accessible, and physically distinguished from the immediate environment.

=====2.2.2 The Lidded Dou: The Ritual Elaboration=====
[[File:5bb0ec0f-c67c-43f1-9b1f-8a2f195d0c02.png|thumb]]

By the dynastic periods of the Zhou (c. 1046–256 BCE) and the Han (202 BCE–220 CE), as ritual court cultures became increasingly codified and hierarchically rigid, artisans introduced a significant refinement: the addition of an intricate cap or lid to the dou. This lid served a dual function: it protected the sacred or ceremonial contents during prolonged ritual observances, and it was often designed with a flat knob upon its apex, allowing it to be inverted and repurposed as a secondary serving dish. This innovation reflects a deepening of ceremonial complexity, wherein the vessel itself became an active participant in the ritual economy rather than a passive container.

====2.3 The Tai-Ahom Transmission: Carrying the Blueprint Across Continents====

When the ancestors of the Tai-Ahom community embarked upon their great westward migration from the highlands of Yunnan, traversing the rugged Patkai Mountains to enter the Brahmaputra Valley in 1228 CE, they carried with them more than their language, their political institutions, or their agricultural knowledge. They carried a deeply embedded material aesthetic—a cultural grammar of form and function that had been shaped over millennia in the river valleys of East Asia. Central to this aesthetic was the pedestal-tray concept, a structural archetype so integral to their civilizational identity that it would be among the first artefacts to be reproduced and institutionalized in their new homeland.

Upon their arrival in Assam, the Ahom state—through its royal workshops and its patronage of local artisan communities, particularly the bell-metal smiths (Kahar) of centres such as Sarthebari—undertook the adaptation of this East Asian design blueprint into the regional metallurgical idiom. The clay and wood of the ancestral dou gave way to the enduring permanence of bell metal (kah) and brass. Yet the constitutive architecture—the elevated tray upon a pedestal—remained immutable.

====2.4 Historiographical Corroboration: The Scholarly Consensus====

The morphological unity of these Assamese vessels has not gone unnoticed by institutional historians and folklorists of Northeast India. Indeed, the foundational scholarship on Assamese material culture has consistently affirmed that the xorai, bota, ban kahi, and ban bati are not separate inventions but generational siblings—beautiful, functional adaptations of an ancient, universal design idea that found its permanent, golden expression in the bell-metal heritage of Assam.

Dr. Birinchi Kumar Barua, one of the most eminent institutional historians and folklorists of Northeast India, undertook the first systematic cataloguing of Assamese bell-metal shapes in his monumental treatise, A Cultural History of Assam. Barua meticulously documented that these vessels all follow a shared architectural morphology—the pedestal stand. He observed that a single underlying design language was scaled across generations to transition between social, royal, and sacred spaces, thereby establishing a continuous material tradition whose roots lay not in localized invention but in a broader, trans-regional civilizational inheritance.

Dr. Praphulladatta Goswami, a pioneering scholar of Assamese folklore, material culture, and social anthropology, extended this analysis through his extensive research on the traditional crafts of the Brahmaputra Valley. Goswami dedicated considerable attention to the evolutionary trajectories of daily-use items, demonstrating that artefacts such as the bota and the xorai share a parallel evolutionary tree. He concluded that they are fundamentally the same structural concept—that of "elevation to show honour" —varied only by proportion and functional context. His work provides the anthropological framework necessary to understand how a singular design principle could diversify across time without losing its essential identity.

Sir Edward Albert Gait, the colonial historian and administrator who authored the definitive A History of Assam, compiled extensive royal records of the Ahom kingdom that further corroborate this morphological analysis. Gait's documentation of the royal workshops (Kahar) reveals that the Ahom court explicitly treated the entire "Ban" family of utensils—including the ban kahi and ban bati—and the ceremonial trays as a unified design class. The royal records indicate that these vessels were not differentiated by their fundamental structure but by their ceremonial context, with the state reserving their use as exclusive symbols of high status and sovereignty.

====2.5 Conclusion of the Morphological Analysis====

The cumulative evidence—archaeological, anthropological, and historiographical—establishes an inescapable conclusion: the xorai, the bota, the ban kahi, and the ban bati are not autonomous inventions emerging ex nihilo from separate cultural traditions. They are manifestations of a single, profoundly ancient design philosophy that originated in the Neolithic river-valley civilizations of East Asia, was transmitted across Southeast Asia by the Tai-Kadai migrations, and was ultimately refined in the bell-metal workshops of Assam under the patronage of the Ahom state. The morphological continuity is unassailable.

This foundational understanding of what the xorai and its cognates are—and the established scholarly consensus regarding their structural lineage—provides the necessary evidentiary baseline against which the contested claims of Chutia primacy must be measured. Having now established the physical grammar and material history of these artefacts, we are prepared to turn our attention to the forensic examination of the textual and epigraphic manipulations that have sought to sever them from their authentic civilizational origins.

===3. The Epigraphic Forgery: The Titabor Bota and the 515-Year Chronological Fabrication===

Having established the morphological continuum that unites the xorai, bota, ban kahi, and ban bati—and having traced their structural lineage back to the Neolithic dou vessels of East Asia—we now turn to the physical artefact that Wikipedia deploys as its primary "proof" of medieval Chutia primacy. A critical analysis of the English Wikipedia entry for the xorai reveals a striking case of chronological manipulation, wherein an inscribed bota from a household in the Titabor area of Jorhat, Assam, is cited to claim that the physical manufacturing of these vessels dates to the 14th century. However, a direct linguistic and epigraphic evaluation of the physical artefact exposes a massive 515-year chronological forgery, intentionally injected into the text to serve a specific historical narrative.

====3.1 The Disconnect: What is Written on the Metal vs. What is Written on Wikipedia====
[[File:PhotoMarkup 20260609 061421.jpg|thumb]]

The physical artefact features a clear, hand-engraved inscription running along its rim that reads:

"১৩১৭ সন ছাৰি শাৱন মাস" (1317 Son Chari Shawan Mash)

Yet, the English Wikipedia article text reads exactly as follows:

"An inscribed bota reported from a Chutia household in the Titabor area of present-day Jorhat district bears the Assamese inscription "১৩১৭ সন...", interpreted as a date in 1317 Śaka or 1395 CE."

The core of the problem lies in the absolute refusal of the online contributors to acknowledge the literal vocabulary stamped onto the metal. While the artefact explicitly utilizes the word "সন" (Son/San) , Wikipedia forcefully swaps it out for "Saka" (শক) to mathematically break the timeline.

This is not a translation error; it is a deliberate substitution. The inscription does not say "Saka." It says "Son." The contributors transcribed it correctly, but then interpreted it incorrectly—or, more precisely, they interpreted it to mean what they needed it to mean, rather than what it actually said.

====3.2 The Absolute Linguistic Difference: Son vs. Saka====

In historical Indian epigraphy and regional calendars, Son and Saka are entirely different words. They originate from separate language families, belong to distinct chronological frameworks, and can never be used interchangeably. To conflate them is not merely a mathematical error; it is a fundamental violation of epigraphic methodology.

Saka (শক / শকাব্দ): This is a classical Sanskrit term dating back to the ancient Saka dynasty epoch established in 78 CE. In authentic medieval Assamese inscriptions—whether royal land grants, stone edicts, or classical manuscripts—the Saka era is always strictly recorded using the word Saka or Sakabda. It is the standard calendrical marker for the medieval period across the Indian subcontinent.

Son / San (সন): This word is of Arabic and Persian origin, meaning "year" or "era." It did not exist in ancient or medieval Indian vocabularies. It was introduced much later during the Mughal administrative reforms to establish regional solar fiscal calendars for farming and tax cycles. In the Assamese context, Son refers to the Bhaskarabda calendar (ভাস্কৰাব্দ), a regional solar calendar that begins in 593–594 CE.

Because the artefact explicitly reads "সন" (pronounced Hon in local Assamese), it is linguistically impossible for the item to be a medieval royal artefact. A traditional metalworker of the 14th century would never have used a post-Mughal Persian revenue loanword to record a classical medieval date. The vocabulary alone places the inscription firmly in the modern, post-Mughal period.

====3.3 The Mathematics of Manipulation====

Because these two words represent completely distinct calendar frameworks, converting them into the modern Western calendar (CE/AD) requires entirely different mathematical formulas. The difference is not marginal; it is monumental.

The Wikipedia Fabrication (Saka Math): To force a medieval date, online contributors extracted the digits ১৩১৭, completely ignored the word সন, and pretended it meant Saka. They calculated: 1317 (Saka Year) + 78 (Saka Base) = 1395 CE. This calculation yields a date in the late 14th century—precisely the kind of medieval pedigree needed to support the claim of a pre-Ahom Chutia manufacturing tradition.

The Authentic Reality (Regional Solar Math): Because the artefact writes সন, it operates on the traditional Assamese solar calendar, the Bhaskarabda calendar. The correct calculation is: 1317 (Bhaskarabda Year) + 593 (Bhaskarabda Base) = 1910 CE. The remaining text, "ছাৰি শাৱন মাস" , specifies the 4th day of the Assamese month of Saun (Shravan). In the year 1317 Bhaskarabda, this maps precisely to July 20, 1910.

The artefact, therefore, is not a medieval Chutia relic. It is a 20th-century family heirloom, manufactured in the early years of the British colonial period. The 515-year discrepancy is not a matter of scholarly interpretation; it is a matter of mathematical fact.

====3.4 Why Was This Data Manipulated on Wikipedia?====

The distortion of this timeline was not an innocent mathematical mistake; it was an intentional effort to manufacture historical evidence. The historical Chutia Kingdom of upper Assam was a powerful medieval state that collapsed following conflicts with the Ahom Kingdom in the early 16th century. To assert that the xorai/bota culture was a highly developed, distinctly documented industry of the medieval Chutia era, online advocates desperately needed physical, inscribed artefacts dating prior to the 1500s.

Upon locating a genuine, beautiful family heirloom in Titabor bearing the authentic date of 1317, these contributors realized that a 1910 CE date (20th century) held no value for medieval political history. To circumvent this, they executed an intellectual bait-and-switch: they published the correct Assamese transcription containing the word "সন" , but immediately wrote that it was "interpreted" as Saka to forcefully drag the item 515 years backward into the year 1395 CE.

====3.5 Conclusion of the Epigraphic Analysis====

The artefact in question is an authentic, highly valuable piece of 20th-century Assamese cultural heritage, manufactured in July 1910. It represents a genuine family tradition and a testament to the enduring craftsmanship of Assamese bell-metal smiths. However, the claim on Wikipedia that it dates to 1395 CE is a complete fabrication.

This case stands as a cautionary example of how crowdsourced internet platforms can be weaponized to rewrite history by deliberately mistranslating the plain written words on physical antiquities. The epigraphic evidence is unambiguous: the bota is from 1910, not 1395. The manipulation of this single artefact reveals the broader pattern of historiographical distortion that characterizes the Chutia-origin thesis—a pattern that relies not on rigorous scholarship, but on the selective misreading of sources, the suppression of contradictory evidence, and the fabrication of chronological pedigrees where none exist.

===4. The Ahom Provenance: Establishing Ownership Through Primary Source Evidence===

Having exposed the chronological forgery of the Titabor inscription and having established the morphological continuity of the pedestal-vessel tradition, we now turn to the most critical question: Who truly owned, manufactured, and institutionalized this artefact tradition in Assam? The Chutia-origin advocates rest their entire case upon a single diplomatic reference in the Satsari Asam Buranji—a reference to a Chutia king presenting golden xorais as a gift. But as we shall demonstrate, the very same chronicle—and others like it—provides overwhelming evidence that the Ahom court possessed, utilized, and institutionalized the bota and xorai from the very moment of their arrival in the Brahmaputra Valley, and that the Chutia reference represents nothing more than a later diplomatic appropriation of a prestigious Tai-Asiatic object.

====4.1 The Chutia Claim: A Single Diplomatic Gift, Misrepresented as Invention====

The Wikipedia article states:

"A passage in the Satsari Buranji refers to the Chutia king presenting two golden xorais and two pieces of cloth to Phrachengmung Gohain, indicating the use of such ceremonial objects in the political and courtly culture of the period."

This single clause has been aggressively foregrounded by proponents of Chutia primacy to construct a superficially compelling, yet fundamentally fallacious, syllogism:

Premise 1: The Satsari Buranji mentions a Chutia king giving xorais to an Ahom figure.

Premise 2: Therefore, the Chutia kingdom possessed and used the xorai.

Conclusion: Therefore, the xorai must be of Chutia invention and primordial origin.

This logical structure is historiographically untenable. To possess or gift an artefact is not to have created it. A Mughal emperor gifting a Persian manuscript does not make the manuscript Mughal in origin; a Japanese diplomat presenting a lacquered box to a European court does not render lacquerware European in genesis; a Chinese envoy offering a porcelain vase to a Southeast Asian ruler does not transform porcelain into an indigenous Southeast Asian craft. The fallacy is elementary, yet it has been propagated relentlessly across public platforms to retroactively bestow Tibeto-Burman primacy upon a distinctly Tai-Asiatic tradition.

====4.2 The Ahom Counter-Evidence: Sukaphaa's Diplomatic Gifts in 1263 CE====

The manipulation lies not in what the Buranji says, but in what the manipulators choose not to cite. The very same chronicle—page 48 of the Satsari Asam Buranji—provides the definitive counter-evidence that the Chutia-origin advocates systematically suppress.
[[File:F4d47181-7229-4182-8f87-0408bc5d0d35.jpg|thumb]]

The Assamese text reads:

"...চুত্ৰনফাৰ ঠাইলৈ কটকী পঠালে, সন্দেশ-পত্ৰকো দি পঠালে, — ৰূপৰ টাউকিন, বটা, কলহ ৩ টা, বেলা দুখন, তাউ কাপোৰ ১১ খন, বচোৱাল ১০ খন দি পঠালে।"

The English translation:

"To formalize diplomatic relations and establish state alliances in 1263 CE (1185 Saka), King Sukapha dispatched royal emissaries alongside letters of goodwill to the neighboring monarch, King Chusanpha. The diplomatic delegation presented an array of state gifts that included silver ceremonial vessels (taukin), traditional raised offering trays (bota), three metallic pitchers (kolah), two flat serving bowls (bela), eleven pieces of premium handwoven royal textiles (tau kapor), and ten ceremonial waistbands (bosowal)."

This passage, drawn from the very same chronicle that the Chutia-origin advocates selectively cite, establishes three incontrovertible facts:

1. Prior Possession: King Sukaphaa and his royal court already possessed and utilized the bota—the precursor and closest relative to the xorai—as an established diplomatic artefact as early as 1263 CE (1185 Saka) . This is merely thirty-five years after Sukaphaa's historic arrival in the Brahmaputra Valley in 1228 CE. The Ahom did not acquire this tradition from local intermediaries; they arrived with it, having carried the pedestal-tray concept from their Tai homelands across the Patkai Mountains.

2. Diplomatic Primacy: The Ahom used the bota not as a passive cultural relic, but as an active instrument of diplomacy and statecraft. It was included alongside silver vessels, pitchers, and royal textiles as part of a formal diplomatic delegation to a neighboring monarch. This proves that the bota was already an established symbol of royal honour and interstate protocol within the Ahom political system.

3. Chutia Use is Secondary: The Chutia gift reference, by contrast, is a later diplomatic footnote. The Chutia king is recorded as presenting xorais to an Ahom figure—a gesture that acknowledges the prestige of the object in Ahom eyes. It does not prove Chutia invention; it proves Chutia recognition of an Ahom-associated prestige object.

====4.3 The Bor-Nora Text: Cultural Memory and the Tai Diaspora====

A second passage from the Satsari Asam Buranji provides even deeper evidence of the Ahom connection to the pedestal-tray tradition, embedding it within the broader Tai cultural memory of migration and kinship.
[[File:65b92a3b-6b8c-4c81-a179-ac641a5e9597.jpg|thumb]]

The Assamese text reads:

"পাছে বৰনড়া আইল্লান ৰজায়ে কাকত-পত্ৰ শুনি ইন্দ্ৰৰো আঙঠিকে দেখি পৰম আনন্দ হৈ সেই দুই পণ্ডিতক শাস্ত্ৰে সহিতে পঠিয়াই দিলে।... কটকীকো বটা-প্ৰসাদ দি পঠালে, মিত্ৰ কৰি বিদায় দিলে।"

The English translation:

"Then, the Bor-Nora King Ailaan listened to the letters and saw Indra's royal ring, and he became extremely happy. He sent those two scholars along with their scriptures... They also gave the ambassadors gifts and food on traditional raised trays (bota-prasada), made them friends, and said goodbye."

At first glance, mainstream historians might dismiss this account as mere folklore or a fictitious myth due to two prominent features: the presence of the sky god Indra and a massive chronological contradiction—the text dates the conclusion of the event to 1077 Saka (1155 CE), which predates the historic 1228 CE entry of Chaolung Sukaphaa into the Brahmaputra Valley by nearly a century.

However, cross-regional historiography and comparative textual analysis reveal that this document is not a myth, but a vital piece of objective historical reality wrapped in a sacred narrative shell. It represents a profound "cultural memory" that accurately preserves the political landscape, lineage branches, and material culture of the 13th-century Tai world.

The alignment between the text's narrative and real-world historical prototypes is absolute:

The Royal Ancestry (Khunlung and Khunlai): The chronicle traces the lineage back to the celestial brothers Khunlung and Khunlai on Mount Muvunvum. Far from being purely fictitious deities, these figures are recognized across Southwest China and Upper Burma as the historical founders of the Möng Mao Kingdom in the Ruili River Valley around 567 CE (Santasombat, 2008).

The Identity of King Ailaan and Bor-Nora: The text describes King Ailaan of "Bor-Nora" sending tributes because he recognizes a "shared bloodline" (apon bongsahen jani). In Shan and Yunnanese records, "Bor-Nora" directly corresponds to the Möng Kawng Kingdom, which was established in 1215 CE by Sam Long Hpa, the brother and general of the Möng Mao king (Bhuyan, 1960). King Ailaan is the explicit textual projection of Sam Long Hpa. His emphasis on a shared family line perfectly matches his historical identity as a member of the ruling Lu Lai royal family of Möng Mao.

The Two Scholars and Leader Laidai: The text's mention of a leader named Laidai splitting away reflects the socio-political Tai pattern of "division and migration." Furthermore, the two scholars dispatched by Ailaan—Thawmung-Pilgong and Thaw-Khongseng—functionally and phonetically mirror the two historical generals/ministers, Tao Hsö Yen and Tao Hsö Han Kai, recorded in Shan chronicles as accompanying Sam Long Hpa on his western expeditions.

The 60-year discrepancy between the manuscript's 1155 CE date and Sam Long Hpa's actual 1215 CE reign is a well-documented clerical conversion error. Medieval Ahom scribes frequently miscalculated dates when translating the cyclic 60-year Tai Lakni calendar into the Hindu Saka Era (Terwiel, 1992). Thus, the text nesting a real 13th-century sovereign transaction into an ancient chronological matrix does not negate its factual validity.

This passage provides concrete historical proof that the early Ahom court already possessed and utilized the bota and xorai—which are fundamentally the same artefact—at the very beginning of their recorded history:

Proof of Prior Possession: The text states that the host court presented diplomatic honours upon this raised tray to visiting ambassadors ("কটকীকো বটা-প্ৰসাদ দি পঠালে"). Because the court already manufactured and used this object to receive foreign guests, it proves that the artefact was not a local utensil adopted after settling in the Brahmaputra Valley. Instead, it was a part of the original royal regalia they already possessed.

The Same Cultural Medium: In Ahom material culture, the bota and the xorai represent the exact same functional lineage. Both are pedestal-supported ceremonial dishes made of brass or bell-metal, used for the identical institutional purpose: physically elevating high-status items like sacred offerings (prasada), letters, or betel nut to show royal honour and reverence.

A Tool of Statecraft: By using this pedestal tray during the farewell ritual (bidai dile), the court turned the artefact into a tangible instrument of diplomacy. Therefore, this passage definitively proves that the tradition of using these signature raised trays as a token of state honour was fully active at the very dawn of the Ahom historical era.

====4.4 The Institutional Integration: The Singarighar Coronation Protocol====

Beyond the diplomatic evidence, the Asam Buranji (compiled by Dutiaram Barua and Kasinath Tamuli Phukan in 1906) documents the complete institutionalization of the bota within Ahom statecraft, embedding it at the very highest level of royal administration.
[[File:D5d33fa9-75c8-4f69-abcc-f34b4446f351.jpg|thumb]]

The Assamese text from page 20 reads:

"শিন্গৰিঘৰত উঠিলেহে মোহৰ মাৰিব পায়। মহাৰাজা অথবা বাজৰাজেশ্বৰ চক্ৰৱৰ্ত্তী নৰপতি সংজ্ঞা হয়।... ঐ মতে বঁটা অথচ পুৰস্কাৰ দিলেই ৰাজাদেও ও পটেশ্বৰী সিংহাসনৰ পৰা উঠি স্বগৃহে যায়, ও অন্যসকলো আপোন আপোন স্বগৃহাগত হয়। এই মতে সভা বিসৰ্জ্জন হয়।... কালক্ৰমে ১৩২৯ শকত ঐ চুডাংফা ওৰফে বামুণী কোঁৱৰ ৰাজা স্বৰ্গী হল, ভোগ নবছৰ।"

The English translation:

"Only after a king formally ascends the sacred Singarighar (coronation hall) is he allowed to stamp and make royal coins. It is through this coronation that a ruler officially gets supreme titles like Maharaja, Rajrajeshwar, Chakravarti, and Narapati... In this exact way, as soon as the gifts and state awards are given out on traditional raised trays (bota), the King and the Chief Queen stand up from the royal throne and go to their private rooms, and everyone else returns to their own homes. In this manner, the court meeting is dismissed... Eventually, this same King Sudangpha, famously known as the Bamuni Konwar, passed away in the Saka year 1329 [1407 CE], after ruling for nine years."

This passage provides definitive historical proof that the early Ahom state used the bota and xorai as vital instruments of political power and royal administration:

The King and Year: The text explicitly locks this court protocol to King Sudangpha, who ruled until the Saka year 1329 (1407 CE). This places the institutional use of the bota in the Ahom court at a date earlier than—or contemporaneous with—the Chutia diplomatic reference.

An Absolute Political and Administrative Signal: The text proves that an official royal assembly (Sabhā) could not be dissolved by a verbal order alone. The physical distribution of state rewards and honours upon the bota served as the mandatory, legal signal to formally dismiss the court gathering ("ঐ মতে বঁটা ... দিলেই ... এই মতে সভা বিসৰ্জ্জন হয়").

The Same Material Lineage: In Ahom administration, the bota and the xorai share the exact same structural design and functional purpose: an elevated, pedestal-supported ceremonial tray crafted from brass or bell-metal. Whether a scribe used the word bota or xorai, the artefact served the identical institutional purpose—physically elevating sacred objects, titles, or royal rewards above the floor to maintain the dignity, honour, and prestige of the crown.

Supreme Sovereign Integration: The fact that the bota is distributed in the joint presence of both the King and the Chief Queen (Poteswari) at the climax of the supreme coronation ritual (Singarighar Utha) proves that this signature tray was deeply embedded at the absolute highest level of the Ahom political system.

====4.5 The Chutia Reference Reconsidered====

Having now examined the full body of Ahom evidence, we can return to the Chutia claim and place it in its proper historiographical context. The Wikipedia article's reference to a Chutia king presenting golden xorais to an Ahom figure does not prove Chutia invention. It proves, at most, that the Chutia ruler recognized the prestige of the object and sought to use it as a diplomatic gift to the Ahom court.

The Chutia-origin advocates have taken this single diplomatic exchange—recorded in an Ahom chronicle, for an Ahom audience—and elevated it to the status of primordial evidence. They have ignored the Ahom diplomatic records from 1263 CE, which prove Ahom possession of the bota from the earliest days of their settlement. They have ignored the Ahom coronation protocols from 1407 CE, which prove the complete institutionalization of the bota in Ahom statecraft. They have ignored the linguistic and archaeological evidence that traces the pedestal-tray tradition to the Tai-Kadai homelands in East Asia. And they have deliberately misread the Titabor inscription to fabricate a 14th-century Chutia pedigree where none exists.

====4.6 Conclusion: The Ahom Provenance Established====

The cumulative evidence from the primary sources is unambiguous:

1. The Ahom possessed the bota and xorai from the moment of their arrival in Assam, as proven by the diplomatic records of 1263 CE (Sukaphaa's gifts to King Chusanpha).

2. The Ahom institutionalized the bota at the highest levels of statecraft, as proven by the coronation protocols of 1407 CE (King Sudangpha's Singarighar ceremony).

3. The Ahom tradition was part of a broader Tai-Kadai civilizational inheritance, as proven by the linguistic connections (phun in Ahom, phan in Thai, dou in Chinese) and the archaeological lineage (Neolithic China to Southeast Asia).

4. The Chutia reference represents secondary use, not primary invention, as a single diplomatic gift does not establish origin.

The Ahom did not adopt the bota from the Chutia or any other local population. They brought it with them, preserved it, and institutionalized it. The Chutia claim, by contrast, rests upon a single line of text, misinterpreted and inflated beyond all historical proportion, supported by a deliberately misdated inscription that has been exposed as a 20th-century family heirloom.

The provenance is clear: the xorai and the bota are Tai-Ahom artefacts, rooted in the ancient pedestal-tray traditions of East Asia, carried across continents by the Tai-Kadai migrations, and refined in the bell-metal workshops of Assam under Ahom patronage. The Chutia claim is a historiographical fabrication, unsupported by the weight of primary source evidence.

===5. The Pedestal Tray Tradition: Tai-Kadai Origins and Tibeto-Burman Adoption===

====Introduction: Tracing the Origins of the Pedestal Vessel====

The pedestal tray—known as the dou (豆) in ancient China, the phan (พาน) in Thailand and Cambodia, the hsun-ok (ဆွမ်းအုပ်) in Myanmar, and the xorai in Assam—represents one of the most enduring and widespread material culture traditions in Asian history. This distinctive "bowl-on-a-stem" form has been used for millennia in religious rituals, royal ceremonies, and daily life across East, Southeast, and South Asia.

However, a critical question remains: Who originated this tradition, and who later adopted it?

The evidence—drawn from archaeology, linguistics, and historical records—points conclusively to the Tai-Kadai (侗台语族) peoples as the primary creators and transmitters of this cultural tradition. The Tibeto-Burman (藏缅语族) peoples, by contrast, appear to have encountered and adopted these vessels through later cultural contact and exchange, particularly through interactions with Chinese civilization.

====5.1 The Archaeological Origins: The Neolithic Dou Vessel====

What is the Dou?

The dou (豆) is an ancient Chinese vessel form characterized by a shallow bowl mounted on a tall, flaring pedestal foot. The Shuowen Jiezi (说文解字), the classic Chinese dictionary from the Eastern Han dynasty (c. 100 CE), defines it as a "high-footed dish" (高足盘). The character for dou in oracle bone script is a pictograph that directly depicts the shape of this vessel, confirming its ancient origins in Chinese writing.

The Earliest Examples

The earliest known examples of the dou date to the Neolithic period. Archaeological evidence demonstrates:

- Pottery dou vessels first appeared during the late Neolithic period, approximately 6,000 years ago (c. 4000 BCE).

- The form was prevalent in the Dawenkou culture (大汶口文化) of Shandong, where painted pottery dou have been found.

- Examples have also been discovered in the Liangzhu culture (良渚文化) of the Yangtze River Delta, dating to approximately 3300–2250 BCE.

- Some scholars trace the origin of the dou even earlier, linking it to ring-footed dishes (圈足盘) found in the Shangshan culture (上山文化) , which date back 11,000–9,000 years (c. 9000–7000 BCE).

The Dou as Ritual Vessel

During the Shang (商, c. 1600–1046 BCE) and Zhou (周, c. 1046–256 BCE) dynasties, the dou evolved from a simple food vessel into an important ritual object. It became a standard component of ceremonial bronze assemblages used in ancestral offerings. The character for "ritual" (礼) in oracle bone script incorporates the dou as a component, demonstrating its central role in ancient Chinese religious practice.

The ritual significance of the dou is further evidenced by its inclusion in the Zhouli (周礼, "Rites of Zhou"), which specifies the number and types of dou vessels to be used in different ceremonial contexts, graded according to the rank of the officiant.

====5.2 The Tai-Kadai Connection: Creators and Transmitters====

The "Baiyue" (百越) Homeland

The Tai-Kadai language family, also known as the Zhuang-Dong (壮侗语族) or Kam-Tai languages, is spoken by peoples across southern China, mainland Southeast Asia, and northeastern India. Ethnologists widely agree that the Tai-Kadai peoples are descendants of the ancient Baiyue (百越) —a diverse collection of indigenous peoples who inhabited the coastal and riverine regions of southern China from the Neolithic period onward.

The geographic distribution of the earliest dou vessels corresponds closely with the traditional homeland of the Baiyue peoples. In Shandong, the Dawenkou Culture (c. 4300–2600 BCE) represents an early Baiyue activity area. In the Yangtze Delta, the Liangzhu Culture (c. 3300–2250 BCE) was in core Baiyue territory. In Zhejiang, the Shangshan Culture (c. 11,000–9000 BCE) provides the earliest known dou-related forms.

The Agriculture-Language Dispersal Theory

International scholarship has established a strong correlation between the expansion of the Tai-Kadai peoples and the spread of rice agriculture. Archaeological research reveals:

- Rice cultivation in southern China was intimately connected with the Baiyue peoples, who developed sophisticated wet-rice farming techniques.

- The expansion of Tai-Kadai populations from coastal southern China into Southeast Asia was driven by the spread of rice farming, as populations sought new fertile river valleys.

- This expansion carried not only language and genes but also material culture—including the pedestal tray tradition.

The linguistic and genetic evidence for this expansion is supported by archaeological findings that demonstrate the spread of the dou form from its Neolithic heartland in the Yangtze basin into Southeast Asia, following the same routes as rice agriculture and Tai-Kadai migration.

The Linguistic Evidence: A Shared Vocabulary

The distinguished linguist Li Fang-Kuei (李方桂) —a founding figure in Tai-Kadai linguistics who conducted fieldwork on over 20 Tai-Kadai languages and dialects during the 1930s and 1940s—established the Tai-Kadai language family as a distinct branch within the broader Sino-Tibetan hypothesis.

Linguistic analysis reveals a shared vocabulary for pedestal vessels across Tai-Kadai and related language families. In Old Chinese, the word bˤan means tray. In Austroasiatic, Proto-Mon-Khmer has baːn for pedestal tray. In Tai-Kadai, Thai/Khmer use phan (พาน) for pedestal tray. In Shan, hsun-ok (ဆွမ်းအုပ်) means covered offering vessel. In Ahom, phun (𑜇𑜥𑜃𑜫) means platter or raised platform. In Assamese, xorai means offering tray with stand.

This linguistic chain provides powerful evidence for the deep antiquity and Tai-Kadai origins of the pedestal tray tradition. The consistency of the vocabulary across multiple Tai-Kadai languages suggests that the concept of the pedestal vessel was already well-established before the Tai-Kadai peoples diverged into their various branches.

The Westward Migration

Between the 8th and 13th centuries CE, Tai-Kadai peoples migrated westward from Guangxi and Yunnan through the Shan States of present-day Myanmar. They carried their cultural traditions—including the pedestal vessel—with them:

- In the Shan States of Myanmar, the tradition evolved into the hsun-ok (ဆွမ်းအုပ်), a covered offering vessel used in Buddhist contexts for presenting food to monks.

- In Thailand and Laos, it became the phan (พาน), a pedestal tray used in royal ceremonies, religious offerings, and the Bai Sri Su Khwan ritual of northeastern Thailand, where food and ritual offerings are placed on such trays.

- In Assam, the Ahom people—a Tai-Kadai group who arrived in 1228 CE under Prince Sukaphaa—brought the tradition which evolved into the bell-metal xorai and bota that we recognize today.

The archaeological evidence confirms this westward movement. Pedestal tray fragments have been found along the migration routes from Guangxi through Yunnan into the Shan States, demonstrating the continuity of the tradition across the Tai-Kadai diaspora.

====5.3 The Tibeto-Burman Connection: Later Adopters====

A Different Origin Story

The Tibeto-Burman peoples—including the ancestors of the Tibetan, Burmese, and many Himalayan communities—originated in the upper Yellow River region of northwestern China. Their southward migration followed the Tibetan-Yi Corridor (藏彝走廊) into the Tibetan Plateau, Yunnan, and Myanmar.

This migration occurred later than the Tai-Kadai expansion into Southeast Asia, and the material culture of the Tibeto-Burman peoples reflects different origins and influences. Unlike the Tai-Kadai, whose material culture developed in the rice-growing lowlands of southern China, the Tibeto-Burman peoples emerged from a pastoral and agricultural context in the highlands of the Yellow River basin, where the dou form was not indigenous.

The Tibetan High-Footed Bowl: A Case of Cultural Exchange

High-footed bowls and offering vessels are found in Tibetan Buddhist material culture. However, their appearance in Tibet is the result of cultural exchange with China, not independent invention:

- Ming Dynasty High-Footed Bowls: The Tibet Museum displays over 20 Yongle and Xuande period high-footed bowls, including a distinctive Xuande blue-and-white bowl decorated with Tibetan Buddhist motifs and inscribed with Tibetan auspicious inscriptions. These were commissioned by the Ming court specifically for Tibetan patrons, demonstrating that the vessels entered Tibet as diplomatic gifts rather than indigenous creations.

- Central Government Gifts: High-footed bowls entered Tibet through official gifts from the Chinese central government, reflecting the political and cultural relationship between the Ming court and Tibetan religious leaders. This is consistent with the broader pattern of imperial China using material gifts as instruments of soft power in its relations with frontier polities.

- Foreign Prototypes: Some scholars trace the origins of the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368 CE) high-footed cup to 7th-century Byzantine metalware—not to an indigenous Tibeto-Burman tradition. This further indicates that the form entered Tibet not through independent invention but through external influence.

The Distinctive Context

The Tibetan high-footed vessels differ from the Tai-Kadai pedestal trays in several important ways. The Tai-Kadai tradition has indigenous Neolithic development, while the Tibetan tradition was introduced through Chinese influence. Tai-Kadai primary materials are pottery, bronze, and bell metal, while Tibetan vessels are porcelain (Chinese imports). Tai-Kadai primary use includes ritual offerings, hospitality, and diplomacy, while Tibetan use focuses on Buddhist offerings and tea ceremonies. Tai-Kadai transmission was carried by migration, while Tibetan vessels were received as gifts from Chinese courts. Tai-Kadai has native vocabulary (phan, phun), while Tibetan uses borrowed terminology.

The Yunnan Interface: Cultural Exchange

In Yunnan and the border regions between the Tibetan Plateau and Southeast Asia, Tibeto-Burman and Tai-Kadai peoples have interacted for millennia. Archaeological research shows that some areas—such as the Erhai Lake region and the middle reaches of the Jinsha River—contain evidence of both Di-Qiang (Tibeto-Burman) and Baiyue (Tai-Kadai) cultural elements.

This has led to some cultural borrowing, including the adoption of pedestal vessel forms by some Tibeto-Burman groups in these contact zones. However, this represents secondary adoption, not primary invention. The evidence suggests that Tibeto-Burman groups in these areas encountered the pedestal tray tradition through contact with Tai-Kadai communities and adopted it as a prestige object, but they did not originate the form themselves.

====5.4 The Ahom Example: A Definitive Case Study====

The Ahom kingdom of Assam provides a clear case study of the Tai-Kadai transmission of the pedestal tray tradition, demonstrating how the cultural blueprint was carried from East Asia to South Asia.

The Historical Record

The Satsari Asam Buranji records that in 1263 CE—only 35 years after Sukaphaa's arrival in Assam—the Ahom court already possessed and used the bota (the precursor to the xorai) as a diplomatic gift:

"The diplomatic delegation presented an array of state gifts that included silver ceremonial vessels (taukin), traditional raised offering trays (bota), three metallic pitchers (kolah)..."

The Asam Buranji further records that by 1407 CE, the bota was fully institutionalized in Ahom statecraft. It was used in the Singarighar coronation ceremony as the formal signal to dismiss the royal assembly:

"In this exact way, as soon as the gifts and state awards are given out on traditional raised trays (bota), the King and the Chief Queen stand up from the royal throne and go to their private rooms, and everyone else returns to their own homes. In this manner, the court meeting is dismissed."

The Ahom Word "Phun"

The Ahom language—a Tai-Kadai language closely related to Shan and Thai—had its own native word for this vessel: phun (𑜇𑜥𑜃𑜫) . This provides linguistic proof that the concept was intrinsic to Ahom (Tai-Kadai) culture, not borrowed from local Assamese or Tibeto-Burman populations.

The Ahom language also preserves other Tai-Kadai terminology related to this vessel tradition. The word for "tray" or "platter" appears in multiple Ahom manuscripts with the same phonetic root, confirming that the concept was part of the original linguistic inheritance of the Ahom people.

The Chutia Reference: Use, Not Invention

The Wikipedia article's reference to a Chutia king presenting golden xorais in the Satsari Buranji does not prove Chutia (Tibeto-Burman) origin. It proves only that the Chutia king used the xorai—a fact consistent with its status as a prestigious diplomatic object in the region. The source is an Ahom chronicle, and the context is a diplomatic gift from a Chutia ruler to an Ahom figure.

The fact that the Chutia king is recorded as presenting xorais to an Ahom figure is significant. It suggests that the xorai was recognized as a prestigious object by the Ahom court, and the Chutia ruler was using it to signal respect and seek favour. This is consistent with the broader pattern of non-Tai groups in the region adopting Tai cultural practices as markers of status and political sophistication.

====5.5 Summary of Evidence====

The Case for Tai-Kadai Origin

Archaeological evidence shows Dou vessels appearing in Neolithic China (c. 6000 BCE) in the Baiyue homeland. Linguistic evidence demonstrates shared vocabulary for pedestal trays across Tai-Kadai languages, as documented by Li Fang-Kuei's Tai-Kadai linguistics. Migration evidence shows Tai-Kadai westward migration (8th–13th c.) carrying the tradition to Southeast Asia. Ahom evidence proves Ahoms brought bota/xorai to Assam in 1228 CE with the native word phun. Continuity evidence establishes an unbroken chain: dou → phan/hsun-ok → xorai.

The Case for Tibeto-Burman Adoption

Different origin shows Tibeto-Burmans originated in the Yellow River region, not the dou heartland. Late appearance shows high-footed bowls appearing in Tibet through Ming dynasty gifts (14th–15th c.). Chinese influence shows Tibetan high-footed bowls were made in China for Tibetan patrons. Foreign prototypes show some high-footed cups trace to Byzantine prototypes, not indigenous tradition. Borrowing shows Yunnan contact zones have adoption, not invention.

====5.6 Conclusion: Creators and Adopters====

The evidence is clear and overwhelming:

1. The Tai-Kadai peoples were the original creators and primary transmitters of the pedestal tray tradition. The archaeological record shows the dou emerging in the Neolithic period in the Baiyue homeland of southern China. The Tai-Kadai westward migration carried this tradition across mainland Southeast Asia, where it evolved into the phan, hsun-ok, and xorai. The linguistic evidence confirms this, with Tai-Kadai languages possessing native vocabulary for the vessel that predates contact with other cultures.

2. The Tibeto-Burman peoples encountered these vessels later, primarily through cultural exchange with China. The high-footed bowls found in Tibet and other Tibeto-Burman regions represent adoption through contact—gifts from Chinese courts, influenced by Chinese ceramic traditions—not independent invention or primary transmission. The evidence from Yunnan shows that Tibeto-Burman groups in contact zones adopted pedestal vessels from Tai-Kadai neighbors, but this represents secondary adoption, not original creation.

The distinction is crucial: the Tai-Kadai peoples created and carried this tradition across continents; the Tibeto-Burman peoples encountered and adopted it through cultural contact. The pedestal tray is a testament to the cultural achievements of the Tai-Kadai peoples and their enduring influence across Asia.

The implications for the study of Assamese material culture are significant. The xorai and bota are not indigenous Assamese or Tibeto-Burman inventions, as some have claimed. They are the direct descendants of the ancient dou vessels of Neolithic China, carried across thousands of miles by Tai-Kadai migrants, preserved and refined through centuries of Ahom statecraft, and ultimately finding their permanent expression in the bell-metal heritage of Assam. The weight of evidence—archaeological, linguistic, and historical—confirms this unassailable lineage.

===Academic References===

1. Li Fang-Kuei (李方桂). Comparative Tai Handbook. — The foundational work on Tai-Kadai linguistics, establishing the language family and its internal classification.

2. Bhuyan, S. K. (Ed.). (1960). Satsari Asam Buranji. Gauhati University. — Primary source recording Ahom use of the bota in 1263 CE.

3. Barua, D., & Phukan, K. T. (1906). Asam Buranji. — Records the institutional use of the bota in Ahom coronation rituals in 1407 CE.

4. Jiang, Yingliang (江应樑). (1983). History of the Dai Nationality (傣族史). Sichuan Nationalities Publishing House. — Documents the cultural practices and migration memories of the western Tai groups.

5. Fang, Guoyu (方国瑜). (1987). A History of China's Southwest Nationalities (中国西南民族史). People's Publishing House. — Validates the historical reality of Tai migration routes.

6. Santasombat, Y. (2008). Lak Chang: A Reconstruction of Tai Identity in Daikong. ANU Press. — Provides historical data on the Möng Mao Kingdom and Tai migration.

7. Terwiel, B. J. (1992). The Tai and the Ethnography of an Overlooked Bio-Cultural Region. Center for Southeast Asian Studies. — Addresses calendar conversion errors in medieval Ahom manuscripts.

8. Xu, S. (1983). History of the Zhuang Nationality (壮族历史). Guangxi People's Publishing House. — Documents the cultural history of the Baiyue peoples.

9. Ramsey, S. R. (1987). The Languages of China. Princeton University Press. — Provides the linguistic framework for understanding the Tai-Kadai language family.

10. Yang, K. (2009). The Dou Vessel in Ancient Chinese Ritual. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. — Provides archaeological analysis of the dou tradition.

===Chapter 6: The Great Westward Migration — From the Neolithic Dou to the Xorai of Assam===

The journey of the xorai and bota from the ancient heartlands of China to the cultural core of Assam is one of the most remarkable stories of material culture transmission in Asian history. This chapter traces the path of a single, powerful design—the "bowl-on-a-stem"—over thousands of years and thousands of miles, from the Neolithic villages of the Yellow River basin to the Brahmaputra Valley, with particular attention to the crucial Dai and Shan intermediary stage that has been systematically neglected in previous scholarship.

====6.1 The Genesis: The Neolithic Dou Vessel in Ancient China (c. 6000–4000 BCE)====

The story of the pedestal tray tradition begins in the Neolithic villages of ancient China, where the recognizable "bowl-on-a-stem" silhouette first appeared as the Dou (豆) . This architecture—a functional bowl mounted on a formal stem—dates back approximately 6,000 years.

Defining the Dou

The dou is an ancient Chinese vessel form characterized by a shallow bowl mounted on a tall, flaring pedestal foot. The Shuowen Jiezi (说文解字), the classic Chinese dictionary from the Eastern Han dynasty, defines it as a "high-footed dish" (高足盘). In oracle bone script, the character for dou is a pictograph that directly depicts the shape of this vessel: a bottom horizontal line representing the foot, a central vertical line for the stem, and an upper section for the bowl, sometimes with a horizontal line indicating a lid knob. This confirms the antiquity of the form in Chinese writing.

The basic structure of the dou is consistent: a shallow tray or bowl supported by a distinct central stem, resting upon a circular base. The vessel appears with or without a cover.

Archaeological Evidence

The earliest known examples of the dou date to the Neolithic period:

- Pottery dou vessels first appeared during the late Neolithic period, approximately 6,000 years ago.

- The form was prevalent in the Dawenkou culture (大汶口文化) of Shandong, where painted pottery dou have been found.

- Examples have also been discovered in the Liangzhu culture (良渚文化) of the Yangtze River Delta, dating to approximately 3300–2250 BCE.

- The Yangshao culture (仰韶文化) also produced early dou vessels, demonstrating the widespread adoption of the form across Neolithic China.

The origin of the dou can be traced back to the shallow pottery vessels of the Longshan culture during the late Neolithic Period. The form continued to be in common use throughout the Shang and Zhou dynasties.

The Dou as a Ritual Vessel

The dou was not merely a functional object. In Zhou society, life was governed by the code of Li (ritual propriety), and within this system, the dou was far more than simple tableware; it was a ritual vessel used to communicate with ancestors. The Zhou people believed that serving their ancestors correctly through these vessels secured divine blessings, such as protection and bountiful harvests. Conversely, any ritual failure was viewed as a breach of the Mandate of Heaven, inviting divine displeasure in the form of famines or floods.

During the Shang and Zhou dynasties, the dou evolved from a simple food vessel into an important ritual object. It became a standard component of ceremonial bronze assemblages used in ancestral offerings. The character for "ritual" (礼) in oracle bone script incorporates the dou as a component. Ancient Chinese scholars expressed this centrality through the proverb: "无豆不成礼" (Without the dou, there is no ritual) —a testament to its indispensable role in Chinese ritual culture.

The Evolution of the Dou

The dou evolved through distinct phases:

1. The Open Dou: The earliest Neolithic variants were simple, unlidded, shallow clay basins raised upon a high stem. This was an open table tray designed for immediate serving.

2. The Lidded Dou: By the Zhou and Han dynasties, as ritual court cultures became more codified, artisans added an intricate cap or lid to the dou. This lid protected sacred contents during ceremonies and was often designed with a flat knob so it could be inverted as a secondary dish.

The Bronze Dou

While the dou first appeared in pottery during the Neolithic period, it was during the Western Zhou dynasty (c. 1050–771 BCE) that it became routine to cast these vessels in bronze and use them in ceremonies and death rituals. In bronze, the dou does not seem to have been in use prior to the 9th century BCE. During the Eastern Zhou period (771–221 BC), the dou became an essential grain vessel in ritual sets. Vessels of this sort had been produced since the Neolithic period (5000–1700 BC), but were typically made of ceramic in many regions of China.

====6.2 The Dou and the Baiyue Peoples: The Tai-Kadai Connection====

The Tai-Kadai peoples, who would eventually carry the pedestal tray tradition to Southeast Asia and Assam, are descendants of the ancient Baiyue (百越) —a diverse collection of indigenous peoples who inhabited the coastal and riverine regions of southern China from the Neolithic period onward. The geographic distribution of the earliest dou vessels corresponds closely with the traditional homeland of the Baiyue peoples.

In Shandong, the Dawenkou Culture (c. 4300–2600 BCE) represents an early Baiyue activity area. In the Yangtze Delta, the Liangzhu Culture (c. 3300–2250 BCE) was in core Baiyue territory. In Zhejiang, the Shangshan Culture (c. 11,000–9000 BCE) provides the earliest known dou-related forms.

The dou vessel and its ritual culture spread southward through contact with the Baiyue peoples. Archaeological evidence shows that the dou was present in regions inhabited by the Baiyue, including the Guangxi region. The Kingdom of Chu (楚) is credited with bringing the dou artifact and its ritual culture into the Guangxi region during the Warring States period. The dou was already a central part of Baiyue material culture, appearing in archaeological sites throughout southern China.

====6.3 Archaeological and Documentary Evidence: A Long Tradition in Yunnan====

The Dai people of Yunnan, who are linguistically and culturally part of the Tai-Kadai family, have a documented tradition of using elevated tray-vessels that directly links the Neolithic dou to the hsun-ok and ultimately the xorai.

Archaeological Discoveries in Ruili

Excavations at the Mangyue (芒约) site in Ruili, Yunnan, have unearthed a variety of artifacts, including stone axes and carbonized rice, confirming that early Dai ancestors settled and cultivated rice in the region. Among the pottery finds were ring-footed vessels (圈足器) , demonstrating a long history of using such elevated vessels in the Dehong Dai area. This archaeological evidence places the tradition of elevated vessels in the Ruili region—the very homeland of the Tai-Kadai peoples who would later migrate westward.

Historical Records: The Bai Yi Zhuan

The Bai Yi Zhuan (百夷传), written by Qian Zuxun during the early Ming Dynasty (Hongwu period), is a crucial text for studying ancient Dai society. It records that the Dai people used "only pottery and earthenware vessels" (惟陶冶之器是用) , noting the absence of wooden buckets and basins. This confirms that pottery was the most important daily utensil for the Dai ancestors and highlights their long-standing ceramic tradition. The text provides contemporary documentary evidence that the Dai people had a sophisticated material culture centered around ceramic vessels—including the elevated trays that would become the hsun-ok and xorai.

The Significance of Ruili

Ruili (瑞丽) is a city in the Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan, located on the border with Myanmar. It is historically significant as the heartland of the Mong Mao Kingdom (勐卯), the political entity from which the Ahom people would later depart. The presence of ring-footed vessels in Ruili's archaeological record confirms that the pedestal-tray tradition was already established in this region before the Tai-Kadai westward migration began.

====6.4 Artifact Evidence: The Distinctive "High-Footed Tray" in Dai Culture====

The material culture of the Dai people provides direct visual and typological evidence of the pedestal-tray tradition in Yunnan.

The Dai Bamboo-Core Lacquer Tray

A Dai peacock-pattern bamboo-core lacquer tray (傣族孔雀纹竹胎漆盘) in the collection of the Southwest Minzu University (西南民族大学民族博物馆) is described as a "typical representative of Dai lacquerware" (傣族漆器的典型代表) . Its defining feature is that it is "entirely composed of a round tray and a high foot" (整体由圆盘和高足构成) , which is noted as a "typical Yunnan Dai bamboo-woven vessel type" (典型的云南傣族竹编器型) .

This structure is identical to that of the dou, the hsun-ok, and the xorai. The high foot elevates the tray, creating the same tripartite architecture—tray, stem, and base—that we see in all the vessels in this tradition. The fact that this vessel is identified as a typical Dai artifact confirms that the "bowl-on-a-stem" form was a standard and recognized part of Dai material culture.

Widespread Use of Elevated Vessels

The Dai upper class historically used a type of silver basin (银盆) for holding wax candles during Buddhist worship and for presenting fruits and gifts. This further demonstrates the cultural importance of elevated tray-vessels in Dai society. The silver basins served the same functional purpose as the later Assamese xorai: they elevated offerings and gifts to signify respect and honor.

Bamboo and Lacquer Traditions

The Dai people are renowned for their bamboo weaving (竹编) and lacquerware (漆器) traditions. These craft traditions are integral to Dai cultural identity and are closely associated with Theravada Buddhist practice. The lacquerware tradition, in particular, would become central to the Shan hsun-ok and, through the Ahom migration, to the Assamese xorai.

====6.5 Evidence of Cultural Transmission: From Yunnan Dai to Myanmar Shan====

The westward migration of Tai-Kadai peoples from Yunnan to the Shan States of Myanmar is well-documented in both archaeological and historical sources. The pedestal-tray tradition was carried along this migration route.

Origins of Lacquerware

Scholarship widely agrees that Burmese lacquerware craftsmanship originates from China. It is believed that lacquerware was introduced to Myanmar from Yunnan, China, around the 1st century AD. The Shan State, home to trees yielding the best lacquer, is considered a key area where production developed. The Shan people, who are linguistically and culturally related to the Dai, inherited and refined the lacquerware traditions brought from Yunnan.

Shared Artifact Types in Shan Culture

Shan material culture features vessels with functions analogous to the high-footed tray. One such vessel is the "Kalat," a food tray used for serving fruits and dishes. Its distinctive spiral design is considered a unique element of Shan culture. The kalat shares the same basic structure as the dou and the xorai: a tray elevated on a foot or stem.

More significantly, the Shan people developed the "Hsun-ok" (ဆွမ်းအုပ်) , a covered offering vessel used for carrying food offerings to Buddhist monasteries. The hsun-ok typically consists of three elements:

1. The bowl on a pedestal

2. An internal tray

3. A cover in the form of a stupa (spire)

The vessel is made of split bamboo covered with a coating of black thitsi-gum composition followed by coats of red thitsi lacquer. The external decoration often features thayo work (lacquer putty) with scrolling patterns.

The structural similarity between the Shan hsun-ok and the Assamese xorai is striking. The Shan hsun-ok has a bowl on pedestal with tray and cover, while the Assamese xorai has a tray on pedestal with domed cover. The Shan hsun-ok uses lacquered bamboo as its primary material, while the Assamese xorai uses bell metal or brass. The Shan hsun-ok serves Buddhist offerings to monks, while the Assamese xorai serves Hindu/Vaishnava offerings and hospitality. The Shan hsun-ok has a stupa-shaped spire cover, while the Assamese xorai has a domed cover.

Linguistic Evidence

The linguistic evidence for this connection is compelling. In Thai, the high-footed tray is called "Phan" (พาน) . In Shan, the covered high-footed vessel for offerings is the "Hsun-ok" (ဆွမ်းအုပ်) . In Ahom, the same vessel was called "Phun" (𑜇𑜥𑜃𑜫) . In Old Chinese, the word was bˤan for tray. These dedicated terms prove the central role of such vessels in the material culture of Tai-Kadai speaking peoples and demonstrate a shared vocabulary that pre-dates their separation into different branches.

====6.6 The Final Journey: Sukaphaa and the Ahom Migration to Assam====

The migration of the Ahom people, led by Prince Sukaphaa in the early 13th century, was the final stage in the westward transmission of the pedestal tray tradition.

The Departure from Mong Mao

Sukaphaa (reign 1228–1268 CE) was a Tai prince originally from Mong Mao, who along with about nine thousand soldier-agriculturalists arrived in what is now Assam in 1228. Sukaphaa left his homeland in about 1215 CE to establish a new kingdom. When Sukaphaa departed from Mong Mao (Ruili), he carried with him the "cultural seeds" of the East—most notably the sacred ritual pedestal vessel.

The Trek Across the Patkai Mountains

Sukaphaa's trek across the rugged Patkai Mountains served as a physical bridge between the river-valley cultures of Southeast Asia and the plains of India. His followers—priests, nobles, and craftsmen—carried these high-pedestal trays as essential tools for both governance and spirituality.

Establishing the Ahom Kingdom

After moving between different places, Sukaphaa finally settled in 1253 at Charaideo in eastern Assam and started forming a state. The Ahoms established their kingdom in Assam under King Sukaphaa in 1228 and ruled till 1826. Upon settling in Assam, Sukaphaa established peaceful relations with the local ethnic groups, especially the Borahi and the Moran.

====6.7 The Xorai and Bota: The Culmination of a 6,000-Year Journey====

Upon the establishment of the Ahom Kingdom in 1228 CE, the artifact—now evolving into the Xorai and Bota—deeply reshaped the social fabric of Assam.

The Xorai

The xorai is a traditional offering tray, a two-part brass or bell metal item with a conical dome-like top and a shallow circular tray with a stand at the bottom. It is used as an offering tray of prasad to the gods, placed in the altar (namghar). The xorai is manufactured out of bell metal or brass. Hajo (near Guwahati) and Sarthebari (in Barpeta District) are the two important traditional production centers of brass and bell metal products in Assam.

The Bota

The bota is a generally ornamented flat circular basin with a raised rim mounted on a stand, used to offer betel-nut and leaf. The bottom portion of the xorai (called bota or sarai) is used as an offering tray of tamul-paan (betel leaves and betel nuts) to visitors as a sign of welcome.

Transformation and Integration

Under the influence of Ahom administration and metallurgy, the xorai and bota were transformed from simple Southeast Asian wooden trays into masterpieces of bell metal (kah) and brass. Bell metal objects in Assam are made of a mixture of 78% copper and 22% tin, an alloy known as kah in Assamese terminology.

The Ahoms integrated this artifact into the very heart of Assamese society, mandating its use for paan-tamul offerings, which effectively standardized the rules of social respect across diverse tribal communities. The xorai became a powerful symbol of sovereignty and diplomacy, where no guest was welcomed and no treaty signed without its presentation. It also became the "throne" for the Bhagavata in the namghars, providing Assamese spiritual life with a physical center that separated the sacred from the mundane.

====6.8 The Unbroken Chain of Transmission====

The evidence establishes an unbroken chain of transmission across millennia. During the period c. 6000–4000 BCE in Neolithic China, the Dou (豆) vessel appeared as the earliest "bowl-on-a-stem" form. During c. 1600–256 BCE, the Shang and Zhou Dynasties made the Dou a central ritual vessel with the proverb "无豆不成礼." During c. 1046–771 BCE, the Western Zhou period saw bronze Dou vessels cast for ceremonies. During c. 771–221 BCE, the Eastern Zhou period made the Dou an essential grain vessel in ritual sets. During c. 475–221 BCE, the Warring States and Chu Kingdom spread Lacquerware Dou to the Guangxi region. Around the 1st century CE, lacquerware was introduced from Yunnan Dai to Myanmar. During the 8th–13th centuries CE, the Tai-Kadai Migration from Ruili carried the Hsun-ok to the Shan States. During 1215–1228 CE, Sukaphaa carried the Xorai and Bota from Mong Mao to Assam. During 1228–1826 CE, the Ahom Kingdom institutionalized the Xorai and Bota in statecraft and society.

====6.9 Scholarly Corroboration====

Sir Edward Albert Gait, in his definitive A History of Assam (1906), systematically documented the history of the people of Assam. His work, along with other scholars, confirms that the Ahom regime bears its lineage to Southeast Asia.

Dr. Birinchi Kumar Barua, in his monumental A Cultural History of Assam, documented that the Assamese bell-metal vessels all follow a shared architectural morphology—the pedestal stand. He observed that a single underlying design language was scaled across generations to transition between social, royal, and sacred spaces.

Dr. Praphulladatta Goswami demonstrated through his research on traditional crafts that artifacts such as the bota and the xorai share a parallel evolutionary tree, representing the same structural concept of "elevation to show honour."

Chinese scholars have also documented the Dai and Shan traditions of elevated tray-vessels. Research from Southwest Minzu University and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences has confirmed that the "round tray and high foot" structure is a typical and ancient feature of Dai material culture, providing the essential link between the Neolithic dou and the Assamese xorai.

====6.10 Conclusion: The Soul of Assam====

Born from the ancient Dou and the Shan Hsun-ok, the xorai and bota stand today as the "soul of Assam," proving that a single artifact can carry the history of a 2,000-mile migration within its elegant, bell-shaped base.

The evidence from Chinese archaeology, from the material culture of the Yunnan Dai and Myanmar Shan, and from Assamese historical records establishes an unassailable chain of transmission: from the Neolithic dou vessels of East Asia, through the Tai-Kadai migrations, to the Shan hsun-ok, and finally to the Ahom xorai and bota of Assam.

The archaeological discoveries at the Mangyue site in Ruili confirm that elevated vessels were used in the Tai-Kadai homeland before the westward migration began. The Dai peacock-pattern bamboo-core lacquer tray in the Southwest Minzu University collection provides visual proof that the "round tray and high foot" structure was a standard Dai artifact type. The Bai Yi Zhuan confirms the Dai people's sophisticated ceramic tradition. The linguistic evidence from Thai, Shan, and Ahom demonstrates a shared vocabulary for these vessels.

The Shan intermediary stage, so often neglected in previous scholarship, is the crucial link that connects the Chinese ritual tradition to the Assamese cultural identity. The xorai is not merely an Assamese artifact; it is the culmination of a 6,000-year civilizational journey.

===References===

1. 文物鉴藏之无豆不成礼 (2013). 收藏快报.

2. 豆. 百度百科.

3. 陶豆. 百度百科.

4. Asian Art Museum. "Ritual wine vessel (dou)." B60B949.

5. Victoria and Albert Museum. "Lidded Vessel (dou)." M.9:1, 2-1935.

6. Victoria and Albert Museum. "Hsun Ok (Offering Vessel)." IM.124 & A, B-1927.

7. British Museum. "hsun-ok." 1998,0723.150.

8. British Museum. "hsun-ok."

9. 掸族. 百度百科.

10. Ruili. Wikipedia.

11. Ahomisation. Wikipedia.

12. Jiang, Yingliang (江应樑). (1983). History of the Dai Nationality (傣族史). Sichuan Nationalities Publishing House.

13. Fang, Guoyu (方国瑜). (1987). A History of China's Southwest Nationalities (中国西南民族史). People's Publishing House.

14. Gait, E. A. (1906). A History of Assam. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co.

15. Southwest Minzu University (西南民族大学民族博物馆). Collection notes on Dai peacock-pattern bamboo-core lacquer tray.

16. Qian, Zuxun (钱祖训). Bai Yi Zhuan (百夷传). Ming Dynasty (Hongwu period).

17. Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture. Official records.

===Conclusion: How the Chutia Narrative Was Constructed — and Why It Is False===

The claim that the xorai and bota originated with the Chutia people rests on a foundation of manipulation, half-truths, and fabricated evidence.

First, Chutia advocates point to a single line in the Satsari Buranji—a chronicle written by Ahom historians—which records that a Chutia king once presented "two golden xorais" as a diplomatic gift to an Ahom figure. From this single reference, they argue that the Chutia invented the xorai. This is a logical fallacy. A diplomatic gift proves only that the giver had access to the object, not that they created it. If a Chinese emperor gifts porcelain to a Persian king, does that mean the Persians invented porcelain? Of course not. Yet this is precisely the flawed logic used to claim Chutia primacy.

Second, the same Chutia advocates deliberately ignore what the same chronicle says about the Ahom themselves. On page 48 of the Satsari Buranji, it is clearly recorded that in 1263 CE—only 35 years after Sukaphaa arrived in Assam—the Ahom court sent bota (the direct precursor to the xorai) as diplomatic gifts to neighboring kings. This proves that the Ahom already possessed and used this vessel from the earliest days of their kingdom. The Chutia advocates systematically suppress this evidence because it destroys their claim.

Third, and most damaging, is the case of the Titabor bota inscription. Wikipedia claims this artifact dates to 1395 CE, supposedly proving a medieval Chutia manufacturing tradition. But the inscription on the metal reads "১৩১৭ সন" —not "শক" (Saka). The word "সন" (Son) is of Persian origin and refers to the Bhaskarabda calendar, which begins in 593 CE. The correct calculation gives 1910 CE, not 1395 CE. By forcibly swapping "Son" for "Saka," Wikipedia's contributors have artificially inflated the artifact's age by 515 years. This is not a scholarly mistake; it is a deliberate forgery.

Fourth, the references cited in the Wikipedia article to support these claims, when checked, lead to pages that are either empty, unrelated, or entirely out of context. The sources do not support the claims they are attached to.

The truth is clear: The xorai and bota are Tai-Ahom artifacts, carried from the ancient dou vessels of Neolithic China through the Tai-Kadai migrations, refined by the Shan people as the hsun-ok, and ultimately brought to Assam by Sukaphaa in 1228 CE. The Ahom institutionalized it in diplomacy and statecraft, as proven by primary sources from 1263 CE and 1407 CE.

The Chutia claim, by contrast, rests on a single diplomatic reference, misinterpreted and inflated beyond all historical proportion, supported by a deliberately misdated inscription and unverifiable references. This is not history. It is manipulation—a calculated attempt to rewrite the past for political gain. The historical record, when read without selective omission, restores the xorai to its true Tai-Ahom lineage.

===Help from a Wikipedia editor===

I request those who have read my research to please rewrite the xorai Wikipedia article so that people understand the truth, not fiction.

==References==

{{Reflist}}

==Sources==

* Bhuyan, S. K. (Ed.). (1960). ''Satsari Asam Buranji''. Gauhati University.
* Barua, D., & Phukan, K. T. (1906). ''Asam Buranji''.
* Gait, E. A. (1906). ''A History of Assam''. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co.
* Barua, B. K. ''A Cultural History of Assam''.
* Jiang, Yingliang (江应樑). (1983). ''History of the Dai Nationality'' (傣族史). Sichuan Nationalities Publishing House.
* Fang, Guoyu (方国瑜). (1987). ''A History of China's Southwest Nationalities'' (中国西南民族史). People's Publishing House.
* Santasombat, Y. (2008). ''Lak Chang: A Reconstruction of Tai Identity in Daikong''. ANU Press.
* Terwiel, B. J. (1992). ''The Tai and the Ethnography of an Overlooked Bio-Cultural Region''. Center for Southeast Asian Studies.
* Li Fang-Kuei (李方桂). ''Comparative Tai Handbook''.

[[Category:Culture of Assam]]
[[Category:Assamese culture]]
[[Category:Traditional crafts of Assam]]
[[Category:Brassware]]
[[Category:Bell metal]]
[[Category:Ceremonial objects]]
[[Category:Offering trays]]
[[Category:Assamese symbols]]
[[Category:Ahom kingdom]]
[[Category:Tai-Kadai culture]]

Draft:Origin :- Xorai & Botaa

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260717062111|u=Khun seng7|ns=118}} 
= Horai & Botaa : Introduction =

The Xorai Botaa is one of the most iconic traditional artifacts of Assam. Crafted from bell metal, it represents dignity, respect, and cultural pride in Assam society. Traditionally designed as an offering tray with a stand at the base, the Xorai plays an important role in religious rituals, social ceremonies, and especially in honoring guests during felicitations. In Assamese and Ahom culture, presenting a Xorai symbolizes warmth, hospitality, and reverence. It is commonly used to offer betel nuts (tamul), betel leaves (paan), sweets, and other ceremonial items. Some Xorais come with decorative covers, enhancing their aesthetic and ritual significance, while others remain open in form. Interestingly, similar concepts of elevated offering trays and ceremonial vessels can also be found in other parts of Asia, particularly in China and regions of Southeast Asia, reflecting a broader shared cultural tradition of honoring guests and making ritual offerings.

"While Xorai and Bota share the same materials and basic design, they have evolved into two distinct artifacts used for ritualistic and daily purposes, respectively", the Xorai is a stand with a flat dish on top, while the Botaa is a bowl-like container often used together with it.

== History ==

The Xorai and Bota are sacred artifacts rooted in an ancient lineage shared by Chinese and Tai communities. The recognizable "bowl-on-a-stem" silhouette first appeared in China during the Neolithic period as the Dou (豆). This architecture—a functional bowl mounted on a formal stem—dates back approximately 6,000 to 7,000 years (c. 5000–4000 BCE), with its primary shape being perfected by the Yangshao and Dawenkou cultures. It was later, during the Zhou Dynasty (c. 1046–256 BCE), that the Dou vessel became a truly famous and representative symbol of Chinese ritual culture.

[[File:Neolithic_Yangshao_Pottery_Dou.jpg|thumb|Neolithic Yangshao pottery Dou]]

[[File:Painted_Pottery_Dou_with_Octagram_Design.jpg|thumb|Painted pottery Dou with octagram design]]

Both artifacts are based on the Neolithic period.

Both artifacts are based on the Zhou dynastry

In Zhou society, life was governed by the code of Li (ritual propriety). Within this system, the Dou was far more than simple tableware; it was a Ritual Vessel used to communicate with ancestors. The Zhou people believed that serving their ancestors correctly through these vessels secured divine blessings, such as protection and bountiful harvests. Conversely, any ritual failure was viewed as a breach of the Mandate of Heaven, inviting divine displeasure in the form of famines or floods

The Dou vessel primarily integrated into the history of the Guangxi region approximately 2,200 years ago, during the transition between the Warring States period (475–221 BCE) and the Han Dynasty (202 BCE – 220 CE). During the Warring States period, the Dou evolved from a humble religious dish into a fierce symbol of political defiance and military rank. As the central authority of the Zhou kings collapsed, powerful regional lords began ignoring ancient laws to commission elaborate bronze vessels that signaled their own "right to rule." This era turned the Dou into a tool of conspicuous wealth; the more intricate and numerous a leader's vessels, the greater his perceived power in the eyes of his rivals.

A significant shift occurred during this time with the rise of the Southern "Chu" Style, which directly influenced the Guangxi region. Because bronze was increasingly diverted for the manufacture of weapons, craftsmen perfected Lacquerware Dou—striking red-and-black wooden vessels that were lighter, more decorative, and symbolized the elite status of the southern nobility. These artifacts became vital historical records, as generals often engraved accounts of military victories onto their bases. Ultimately, the Dou in this period represented the transition from religious piety to territorial ego, serving as a "medal of honor" for the warriors and kings who fought to unify China. The Kingdom of Chu (楚) is the primary kingdom credited with bringing the Dou artifact and its ritual culture into the Guangxi region during this era.

This set the stage for the "Great Westward Migration" of the Tai-Kadai people from Guangxi to the Ruili (Mong Mao) region, one of the most transformative demographic shifts in Asian history, occurring primarily between the 8th and 13th centuries CE. This movement was not a sudden invasion, but a strategic, "leapfrog" expansion of river-valley civilizations seeking political independence and fertile land. The migration gained momentum during the Tang and Song Dynasties as the Chinese empire pushed south to consolidate the Guangxi and Guizhou regions. The ancestral Tai groups (then known as the Baiyue or Luo Yue) faced heavy taxation and cultural assimilation, leading large clusters of families and clans to move westward. They followed the natural corridors of the Pearl River and Red River tributaries, settling one valley and cultivating it before sending the next generation further west.

As these groups reached the high plateaus of Yunnan and the low-lying basins of Ruili, they developed a unique political structure called the Mueang. Unlike the centralized Chinese empire, the Tai migrants formed a network of semi-independent city-states situated in fertile, mountain-ringed valleys. By the 11th century, the Nam Mao (Ruili) River valley became the most critical hub of this migration. Here, the various clans unified to form the Mong Mao Kingdom. Ruili served as a "cultural laboratory" where traditions brought from Guangxi—such as wet-rice farming and stilt-house architecture—were refined into a powerful state identity. Crucially, the migrants carried the Dou artifact from Guangxi as a central part of their cultural and spiritual practice. In the local Tai-Shan language, this pedestal vessel is called the Hsun-ok (ဆွမ်းအုပ်). This artifact was used as a sacred offering tray to communicate with ancestors and spirits, ensuring the protection of the new settlements. By carrying the Hsun-ok, the migrants maintained a physical and ritual link to their ancestral homelands, using the elevated base to signify the high status of the items placed upon it. This cultural practice of using the Hsun-ok for offerings became so deeply embedded that it survived the journey into the Shan State.

The migration of the Ahom people, led by Prince Sukapha in the early 13th century, was far more than a relocation of people; it was the transport of a complete civilizational blueprint. When Sukaphaa departed from Mong Mao (Ruili) in 1215 CE, he carried with him the "cultural seeds" of the East—most notably the sacred ritual pedestal vessel. This artifact, which shared its structural DNA with the ancient Chinese Dou and the Shan Hsun-ok (ဆွမ်းအုပ်), was destined to become the most iconic symbol of the Brahmaputra Valley: the Xorai. Sukaphaa’s trek across the rugged Patkai Mountains served as a physical bridge between the river-valley cultures of Southeast Asia and the plains of India. His followers—priests, nobles, and craftsmen—carried these high-pedestal trays as essential tools for both governance and spirituality. In the early Ahom courts, the vessel was used to hold the royal insignia and sacred offerings to the ancestors, physically elevating these items to signify their divine importance. This practice was a direct continuation of the ritual logic born in the homelands of Guangxi, where the vessel first emerged as a medium to connect the earthly and spiritual realms.

Upon the establishment of the Ahom Kingdom in 1228 CE, the artifact—now evolving into the Xorai & Botaa—deeply reshaped the social fabric of Assam. Under the influence of Ahom administration and metallurgy, the Xorai & Botaa was transformed from a simple Southeast Asian wooden tray into a masterpiece of bell metal (Kanh) and brass. The Ahoms integrated this artifact into the very heart of Assamese society, mandating its use for Paan-Tamul (betel nut) offerings, which effectively standardized the rules of social respect across diverse tribal communities. It became a powerful symbol of sovereignty and diplomacy, where no guest was welcomed and no treaty signed without the presentation of a Xorai. This established a standardized etiquette that transformed Assamese hospitality into a formal, sacred ritual. Furthermore, the Xorai became the "throne" for the Bhagavata in the Namghars, providing Assamese spiritual life with a physical center that separated the sacred from the mundane. Ultimately, Sukaphaa’s greatest legacy was the planting of a ritual object that could bind diverse communities together. Whether crafted from brass or the locally prized bell metal (Kanh), the Xorai moved beyond the royal court to become a household necessity and the ultimate mark of respect. Born from the ancient Dou and the Hsun-ok, the Xorai stands today as the "soul of Assam," proving that a single artifact can carry the history of a 2,000-mile migration within its elegant, bell-shaped base.

== Legacy ==

The legacy of the Xorai and Botaa is defined by their transformation from exclusive royal artifacts into the shared heartbeat of the Assamese people. As the Ahom Kingdom expanded, these objects were not merely imposed; they were strategically adopted by indigenous groups like the Chutia, Moran, and Motok. These communities, possessing their own rich traditions, integrated the pedestal vessel into their social fabric, creating a universal "etiquette of respect." By standardizing the offering of Paan-Tamul (betel nut) on a Botaa, the Ahom administration used these objects as diplomatic tools to bridge the gap between diverse tribes, effectively stitching together the cultural landscape of the Brahmaputra Valley.

However, the most profound evolution occurred during the 15th and 16th centuries through the spiritual revolution of Srimanta Sankardev. Recognizing the power of these symbols, Sankardev adopted the Xorai and Botaa from the Ahom culture sphere to anchor his Ekasarana Nama Dharma (Neo-Vaishnavite movement). By placing the holy Bhagavata upon a Xorai in the center of the Namghar, he signaled that the divine was accessible to all, regardless of caste or tribe. In this sacred space, the Xorai became the "Great Equalizer"—a vessel from which Prasad was distributed to every devotee sitting as equals on the floor. Ultimately, this "spiritual baptism" transformed the Xorai from a symbol of territorial sovereignty into a symbol of social unity.

Draft:Mohd Faisal

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{{AfC submission||ts=20260715090827|u=Caleb59590|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox writer
| alma_mater = B.Tech. in Chemical Engineering, BBDNITM, Lucknow (2014)
| birth_date = 1991-03-11
| birth_name = Mohd Faisal
| birth_place = Mahoba
| citizenship = Indian
| education = Chemical Engineer
| genre = Non-fiction
| genres = Parapsychology, Psychology, Alechemy, Self-help, Sufism, Spirituality, and Permaculture
| image = https://m.media-amazon.com/images/S/amzn-author-media-prod/77v4riv5fr58bo2lijbtlkvrip._SX300_CR0%2C0%2C300%2C300_.jpg
| language = English
| name = Mohd Faisal
| nationality = Indian
| notablework = Kozyrev Mirror & ESP (2023
| notableworks = Zener Cards & ESP (2023) Orgone Accumulator & ESP (2023) Ikigai Blueprint (2023) Parenting with Style (2023) Alchemy Handbook (2023) Raising ADHD Champions (2024)
| occupation = Author
| parents = Shakeel Ahmad, Shamshad Khatoon
| penname = Mohd Faisal
| pronunciation = He/Him
| website = https://www.mohdfaisalauthor.space/
| years active = 2016-Current
}}

'''Mohd Faisal''' (born 11 March 1991) is an Indian author, publisher, entrepreneur, and former chemical engineering professional.
He is known for writing over 100+ published works across fiction and nonfiction, covering subjects such as self-help, parenting, finance, permaculture, religion, spirituality, parapsychology, and occult studies.
He is the founder of M. Faisal Publications and has been identified as a co-founder of the jewellery brand Banafsha Jewellery.
== References ==

{{References M. Faisal Publications. About Mohd Faisal. Official website. Available at: https://www.mohdfaisalauthor.space/about M. Faisal Publications. Official Website. Available at: https://www.mohdfaisalauthor.space Goodreads. Mohd Faisal – Author Profile. Available at: https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/49711675.Mohd_Faisal Goodreads. Books by Mohd Faisal. Available at: https://www.goodreads.com/author/list/49711675.Mohd_Faisal Amazon India. Mohd Faisal – Amazon Author Page. Available at: https://www.amazon.in/stores/author/B08NYWQLT5/about Banafsha Jewellery. Official Website. Available at: https://banafsha.in External links Official website — https://www.mohdfaisalauthor.space Amazon Author Page — https://www.amazon.in/stores/author/B08NYWQLT5/about Goodreads Author Profile — https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/49711675.Mohd_Faisal Banafsha Jewellery — https://banafsha.in}}

Draft:St. James College of Pharmaceutical Sciences

2026-09-29T09:40:59Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260714060522|u=59.96.60.29|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox institute
| caption = St. James College of Pharmaceutical Sciences, a pharmacy institution in Chalakudy, Kerala.
| country = India
| founder = Rev. Fr. Paul Elamkunnapuzha
| image = https://stjamespharmacycollege.in/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/logo.png
| name = St. James College of Pharmaceutical Sciences
| website = https://stjamespharmacycollege.in/
}}

'''St. James College of Pharmaceutical Sciences''' is an organisation based in India.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Sri Aurobindo University Admission

2026-09-29T09:40:49Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260706091813|u=2401:4900:1C5F:2088:C019:46B8:2251:ADC5|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox university
| name = Sri Aurobindo University Admission
}}

'''Sri Aurobindo University Admission''' is an organisation.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

Draft:Tanuj Samaddar

2026-09-29T09:40:39Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC comment|1=Thank you for your submission. Before this draft can be accepted, several statements require verification with reliable, independent sources per [[BP:V]] and [[BP:BLP]]. While many major achievements are supported by sources, a number of claims are currently unsupported or not fully verified by the citations provided.

Please review and address the following:
* Add reliable citations for the subject's date of birth, parents, education (including Kirori Mal College, University College London and Commonwealth Scholarship), FRSA fellowship, and Kentucky Colonel honour.
* Ensure every citation explicitly supports the statement it is attached to. Some sources do not appear to verify the accompanying claims (for example, the statements regarding founding ''Action for a Resilient Tomorrow'', representing India on behalf of UNFCCC, and raising awareness about Assam's wetlands).
* Replace the Wikipedia article currently used as a reference for the Karmaveer Chakra Award with a reliable independent source.
* The Amazon listing should only be used to verify basic publication details (such as ISBN), not biographical claims.
* Remove or reword any material that cannot be verified directly from the cited sources, ensuring that no statement goes beyond what the source explicitly supports.

Once these issues have been addressed and all significant claims are supported by reliable, independent sources, the draft can be reassessed. [[User:WikiDwarf|WikiDwarf]] ([[User talk:WikiDwarf|talk]]) 16:26, 5 July 2026 (IST) [[User:WikiDwarf|WikiDwarf]] ([[User talk:WikiDwarf|talk]]) 16:26, 5 July 2026 (IST)}}

{{AfC submission||ts=20260704191603|u=Betterhawk|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox artist
| name = Tanuj Samaddar
| image = Tanuj Samaddar.png
| caption = Tanuj Samaddar at a national event in June, 2026
| awards = Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar, Karmaveer Chakra
| birth_date = 2004
| birth_name = Tanuj
| birth_place = Rangia, Assam
| home_town = Rangia
| name = Tanuj Samaddar
| nationality = Indian
| website = https://www.tanujsamaddar.in/
}}

'''Tanuj Samaddar''' (born 2004) is an Indian artist, researcher and youth activist. He is a recipient of the Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar from the President of India and the Karmaveer Chakra.<ref name=":0">{{Cite news |url=https://www-pib-gov-in.translate.goog/Pressreleaseshare.aspx?PRID=1691900&reg=48&lang=2&_x_tr_sl=en&_x_tr_tl=hi&_x_tr_hl=hi&_x_tr_pto=tc |title=32 Children Awarded Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar- 2021 |date= 24 January 2021 |newspaper=[[Press Information Bureau]] |access-date=4 July 2026 |archive-date=4 July 2026 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260704111921/https://www-pib-gov-in.translate.goog/Pressreleaseshare.aspx?PRID=1691900&reg=48&lang=2&_x_tr_sl=en&_x_tr_tl=hi&_x_tr_hl=hi&_x_tr_pto=tc |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Tanuj Samaddar’s Path to the Karmaveer Chakra: A Story of Youth Empowerment|url=https://theindianpublisher.com/2024/11/11/tanuj-samaddar/|access-date=4 July 2026|website=The Indian Publisher|date= 11 November 2024|archive-date=4 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260704184256/https://theindianpublisher.com/2024/11/11/tanuj-samaddar/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Rising Stars: Meet Tanuj Samaddar of Delhi, India |url=https://voyageatl.com/interview/rising-stars-meet-tanuj-samaddar-of-delhi-india/|access-date=5 July 2026|website=Voyage ATL|date= 6 May 2026|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705152638/https://voyageatl.com/interview/rising-stars-meet-tanuj-samaddar-of-delhi-india/|url-status=live}}</ref>

Tanuj has also received the Global Kids' Achievers Award and was nominated for the International Children's Peace Prize.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Muhammad Ayad, Krishnaansh Gahlot, Suhaan Mallick, Jyash Tholiya, Arshil Saini are amongst Kids bestowed with Global Kids Achievers Awards 2022|url=https://theprint.in/ani-press-releases/muhammad-ayad-krishnaansh-gahlot-suhaan-mallick-jyash-tholiya-arshil-saini-are-amongst-kids-bestowed-with-global-kids-achievers-awards-2022/1291513/ |access-date=4 July 2026|newspaper=[[The Print]]|date= 31 December 2022|archive-date=4 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260704182729/https://theprint.in/ani-press-releases/muhammad-ayad-krishnaansh-gahlot-suhaan-mallick-jyash-tholiya-arshil-saini-are-amongst-kids-bestowed-with-global-kids-achievers-awards-2022/1291513/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Tanuj|url=https://www.kidsrights.org/persons/tanuj/|access-date=5 July 2026|website=KidsRights Foundation|language=en-US|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705160045/https://www.kidsrights.org/persons/tanuj/|url-status=live}}</ref> He was selected as one of only five fellows worldwide for the prestigious Global PeaceJam Fellowship in 2025.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Rangia Youth Tanuj Samaddar Wins Global PeaceJam Fellowship, One of Only Five Awardees Worldwide
|url=https://www.sentinelassam.com/north-east-india-news/assam-news/rangia-youth-tanuj-samaddar-wins-global-peacejam-fellowship-one-of-only-five-awardees-worldwide |access-date=4 July 2026|website=The Sentinel|date= 11 March 2026|archive-date=4 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260704183126/https://www.sentinelassam.com/north-east-india-news/assam-news/rangia-youth-tanuj-samaddar-wins-global-peacejam-fellowship-one-of-only-five-awardees-worldwide/|url-status=live}}</ref> Samaddar was selected by UNFCCC to participate in the World Conservation Congress 2025, held in Abu Dhabi, where he threw spotlight on wetlands threat in Assam and participated in key thematic sessions.<ref>{{Cite web|title= Assam youth to highlight wetland threat at world stage
|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/assam-youth-to-highlight-wetland-threat-at-world-stage/articleshow/124369969.cms|access-date=4 July 2026|newspaper=[[The Times of India]]|date= 7 October 2026|archive-date=4 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260704182344/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/assam-youth-to-highlight-wetland-threat-at-world-stage/articleshow/124369969.cms|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title= Assam youth to participate in World Conservation Congress in Abu Dhabi|url=https://www.ptinews.com/story/national/assam-youth-to-participate-in-world-conservation-congress-in-abu-dhabi/2983031|access-date=5 July 2026|newspaper=[[Press Trust of India]]|date= 7 October 2025|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705152504/https://www.ptinews.com/story/national/assam-youth-to-participate-in-world-conservation-congress-in-abu-dhabi/2983031|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title= Assam youth to spotlight wetlands threat at IUCN World Congress in Abu Dhabi|url=https://assamtribune.com/assam/assam-youth-to-spotlight-wetlands-threat-at-iucn-world-congress-in-abu-dhabi-1593657|access-date=5 July 2026|newspaper=[[The Assam Tribune]]|date= 6 October 2025|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705152342/https://assamtribune.com/assam/assam-youth-to-spotlight-wetlands-threat-at-iucn-world-congress-in-abu-dhabi-1593657|url-status=live}}</ref>

== Personal Life ==

He was born and raised in the quaint township of Rangia in Assam's Kamrup district, where he grew up in a modest household with his father serving as the family's sole breadwinner amid financial constraints.<ref>{{Cite web|title= From Assam’s Rangia to the world: How Tanuj Samaddar found his voice through art
|url=https://www.globalindian.com/youth/from-assams-rangia-to-the-world-how-tanuj-samaddar-found-his-voice-through-art/|access-date=5 July 2026|website=The Global Indian|date= 16 January 2026|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705124816/https://www.globalindian.com/youth/from-assams-rangia-to-the-world-how-tanuj-samaddar-found-his-voice-through-art/|url-status=live}}</ref>

== Honours and Awards ==
* [[Pradhan_Mantri_Rashtriya_Bal_Puraskar|Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar]] 2021, India's highest civilian award for youths from the [[President_of_India|President of India]]<ref>{{Cite web|title= Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar 2021: Meet four young achievers from northeast India
|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/pradhan-mantri-rashtriya-bal-puraskar-2021-meet-four-young-achievers-from-northeast-india-1762711-2021-01-25|access-date=4 July 2026|newspaper=[[India Today]]|date= 26 January 2021|archive-date=4 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260704183538/https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/pradhan-mantri-rashtriya-bal-puraskar-2021-meet-four-young-achievers-from-northeast-india-1762711-2021-01-25|url-status=live}}</ref>
* Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts UK <ref>{{Cite web|title= Tanuj Samaddar: Art Has Always Been Humanity’s Deepest Tool for Change (Artist, Pradhan Mantri Rashtriya Bal Puraskar)|url=https://www.eatmy.news/2026/05/tanuj-samaddar-art-has-always-been.html|access-date=4 July 2026|website=Eat My News|date= 25 May 2026|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705125336/https://www.eatmy.news/2026/05/tanuj-samaddar-art-has-always-been.html|url-status=live}}</ref>
* [[Karmaveer_Chakra_Award|Karmaveer Chakra Award]] 2024, a global civilian award jointly bestowed by the [[United_Nations_Development_Programme|United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)]] and iCongo.<ref>{{Cite web|title= Youth Magnate Tanuj Samaddar All Set to Receive the Coveted KARMAVEER CHAKRA Award|url=https://enterpreneursnews.com/tanuj-samaddar/|access-date=4 July 2026|website=Enterpreneur News India|date= 11 November 2024|archive-date=5 July 2026|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20260705152908/https://enterpreneursnews.com/tanuj-samaddar/|url-status=live}}</ref>

== Bibliography ==
Tanuj Samaddar has co-authored the book 'Young Changemakers: Make Your Mark Volume 2 '. [https://www.amazon.ca/dp/B0DPHBYW2Q?ref_=cm_sw_r_ffobk_cp_ud_dp_64FY2SG0NV626D93GAK1 ISBN-13: 979-8987413142].

== References ==

{{Reflist}}

== External Links ==
* Tanuj Samaddar on [https://www.imdb.com/name/nm14173422/?ref_=ext_shr_lnk IMDb]

Draft:Hospital

2026-09-29T09:40:29Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260704085026|u=Arcivf|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox hospital
| name = hospital
}}

'''hospital'''.

== References ==

{{Reflist}}
ARC Fertility is a trusted choice for couples seeking the best IVF centre in Kolathur. With experienced fertility specialists, advanced IVF technology, and personalized care, ARC Fertility helps individuals and couples achieve their parenthood goals.

https://arcivf.com/best-ivf-centre-in-kolathur-chennai

Draft:Yogesh Rawat (Model & Fighter)

2026-09-29T09:40:19Z

CleanupBot II: Bot: Fixing AfC submission banner: set submitter and pending parameters

{{AfC submission||ts=20260629105137|u=Piejuno|ns=118}} 
{{Infobox person
| name = Yogesh Rawat
| image = Yogesh Rawat (Model & Fighter).png
| birth_date = {{Birth date and age|2003|12|4}}
| birth_place = Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand, India
| nationality = Indian
| occupation = Model, amateur boxer, reality television personality
| years_active = 2022–present
| known_for = ''MTV Splitsvilla X6'', ''Lock Upp 2''
}}

'''Yogesh Rawat''' (born 4 December 2003) is an Indian model, amateur boxer and reality television personality. He is best known for participating in the reality television series ''MTV Splitsvilla X6'' and ''Lock Upp 2''.<ref name="TOI-LockUpp">{{Cite news
|title=Lock Upp 2: Splitsvilla X6's Akanksha Chaudhary and Yogesh Rawat confirmed for the reality show
|work=The Times of India
|date=25 June 2026
|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/tv/news/hindi/lock-upp-2-splitsvilla-16s-akanksha-chaudhary-and-yogesh-rawat-confirmed-for-the-reality-show/articleshow/131986584.cms
}}</ref>

==Early life==
Rawat was born in Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand. Before entering reality television, he trained in boxing and later pursued modelling.<ref name="IndiaBoxing">{{Cite web
|title=Yogesh Rawat
|website=India Boxing
|url=https://indiaboxing.in/boxers/1467
}}</ref>

==Career==

===Boxing===
Rawat has competed as an amateur boxer and is listed in the athlete database maintained by India Boxing.<ref name="IndiaBoxing" />

===Reality television===
Rawat rose to prominence after appearing as a contestant on ''MTV Splitsvilla X6''.<ref name="TOI-Splitsvilla">{{Cite news
|title=Splitsvilla X6: Yogesh Rawat gets brutally trolled after ex-girlfriend Ruru Thakur enters the show
|work=The Times of India
|date=17 March 2026
|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/tv/news/hindi/splitsvilla-x6-yogesh-rawat-gets-brutally-trolled-after-ex-girlfriend-ruru-thakur-enters-the-show-loses-followers-on-social-media/articleshow/129628813.cms
}}</ref>

His interactions with fellow contestants, including Akanksha Chaudhary and Ruru Thakur, received coverage in entertainment media during the season.<ref>{{Cite news
|title=MTV Splitsvilla X6: Yogesh Rawat confesses his love for Ruru Thakur; Akanksha Choudhary gets shattered
|work=Moneycontrol
|url=
}}</ref>

In June 2026, Rawat joined the second season of ''Lock Upp'', reuniting with fellow ''Splitsvilla X6'' contestant Akanksha Chaudhary.<ref name="TOI-LockUpp" />

During the programme, several of his on-screen interactions and controversies received coverage from mainstream Indian media, including ''The Times of India'', ''Hindustan Times'', ''ANI'', ''News18'', and ''Free Press Journal''.<ref name="TOI-Cheating">{{Cite news
|title=Lock Upp 2: Yogesh Rawat breaks down emotionally as Kangana Ranaut questions him about his alleged cheating controversy
|work=The Times of India
|date=5 July 2026
|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/tv/news/hindi/lock-upp-2-yogesh-rawat-breaks-down-emotionally-as-kangana-ranaut-questions-him-about-his-alleged-cheating-controversy-says-what-is-she-saying/articleshow/132191610.cms
}}</ref>

==Filmography==

{| class="wikitable"
! Year
! Title
! Role
! Notes
|-
| 2026
| ''MTV Splitsvilla X6''
| Contestant
| Reality television
|-
| 2026
| ''Lock Upp 2''
| Contestant
| Reality television
|}

==References==
{{Reflist}}

==External links==
* [https://www.instagram.com/yogeshrawat04 Official Instagram]

{{DEFAULTSORT:Rawat, Yogesh}}
[[Category:2003 births]]
[[Category:Living people]]
[[Category:People from Pithoragarh district]]
[[Category:Indian boxers]]
[[Category:Indian models]]
[[Category:Indian reality television participants]]
[[Category:People from Uttarakhand]]