Bharatpedia - User contributions [en]

Kushwaha

2026-05-21T14:27:18Z

2409:40E4:111F:399A:8000:0:0:0: No change

{{short description|Ethnic group/caste}}{{Infobox caste
| caste_name = Kushwaha or Koeri
| country =[[India]] [[Nepal]] [[Mauritius]]
| region = [[Eastern India]]
| populated_states =[[Bihar]] • [[Uttar Pradesh]]
| languages = {{unbulleted list|[[Hindi language|Hindi]] • [[Bhojpuri]]}}
| religions = [[Hinduism]]
| image =https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/08/Mata_PrasRaja_Bodh_Ram_who_obtained_Raja_title_from_Asaf-ud-daula_who_was_Koiri_by_caste.jpg
| caption =Kushwaha are an landowning upper middle caste
}}

'''Kushwaha''' (sometimes, '''Kushvaha''')<ref name="Pinch1996p91">{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=91}}</ref> is a landowning upper middle caste-community of [[Bihar]], [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Nepal]] whose traditional occupation is agriculture, notably famous for the cultivation of rice and other crops.<ref>{{cite book|last=Harper|first=Malcolm|title=Inclusive Value Chains: A Pathway Out of Poverty|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VODZCM5qblYC&pg=PA182|year=2010|publisher=World Scientific|isbn=978-981-4293-89-1|pages=182, 297}}</ref> The term is commonly used to represent the Koiri or Koeri caste. They claims descent from the mythological Suryavansh(Solar) dynasty via [[Kusha (Ramayana)|Kusha]], who was one of the twin sons of [[Rama]].<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=SfK839MBxycC&q=koeri+kush&dq=koeri+kush&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjlgPf9urCUAxXeRWwGHbsiJ8k4ChDrAXoECA4QBQ#koeri%20kush</nowiki></ref> Kushwaha or Koiri are a elite and prosperous [[caste]] amongst all other agriculturalist castes. They are dominant [[caste]] in various opinions.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=RndAAAAAMAAJ&q=Koeri+elite&dq=Koeri+elite&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjXyeLBvLCUAxXQRmwGHfG9AHM4FBDrAXoECAgQBQ#Koeri%20elite</nowiki></ref>

Traditionally, the main ancestral occupation of the Kushwaha community was agriculture and land ownership. However, today members of the community are involved in a wide range of professions including business, education, civil service, politics, and the military. The community is generally regarded as hardworking, socially organized, and influential within Madheshi society.

According to social classification, the Kushwaha community is commonly placed within the [[Vaishya]] category of Madheshi upper castes,<ref>Government of Nepal; Central Bureau of Statistics; UNFPA. ''Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II: Social Demography''. Kathmandu: CBS/UNFPA, 2014. [https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf](https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf)</ref> although many members of the community also claim [[Kshatriya]] status based on historical and cultural traditions. While their ancestors were traditionally vegetarian, dietary practices have gradually changed over time.

The traditional surname most commonly associated with the community is Mahato. Other surnames used by the Kushwaha/Koiri community in Nepal include Kushwaha, Singh, Mehta, Maurya, Murao, Bhagat, Sinha, and Verma.

Some Kushwaha organizations in Nepal claim that the population of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community exceeds one million people. If this claim is accepted, the community would constitute approximately 3.4% of Nepal’s total population.<ref>{{cite web |title=Kushwaha community claims over 10 lakh population in Nepal |url=[https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20](https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20) |website=eNews Bureau |date=20 January 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021 |url=[https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf](https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf) |publisher=Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal}}</ref>

== Origin ==
The Kushwaha claim descent from the Suryavansh dynasty through Kusha, a son of the mythological Rama, an [[avatar]] of [[Vishnu]], a myth of origin developed in the twentieth century. Prior to that time, the various branches that form the Kushwaha community - the Kachhis, Kachwahas, Koeris, and Muraos - favoured a connection with Shiva and Shakta.<ref name=Pinch1996pp91-92>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |pages=12, 91–92}}</ref> Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha sanskritization, claimed in the 1920s that Kushwaha families worshiped [[Hanuman]] - described by Pinch as "the embodiment of true devotion to Ram and Sita" - during [[Kartika (month)|Kartika]], a month in the [[Hindu calendar|Hindu lunar calendar]].<ref name=Pinch1996p98>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=98}}</ref>

== Demographics and distribution ==
William Pinch notes a Kushwaha presence in [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Bihar]],<ref name=Pinch1996pp91-92 /> and they are also recorded in [[Haryana]].<ref name="ht"/> Outside India, they are found in the [[Terai]] of Nepal, where they have variously been officially recorded as ''Kushwaha'' and as ''Koiri''.<ref>{{cite book |title=Social Inclusion of Ethnic Communities in Contemporary Nepal |pages=109–110 |first=Monika |last=Mandal |publisher=KW Publishers |year=2013 |isbn=978-93-81904-58-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f0y6DQAAQBAJ&pg=PT108}}</ref> They also have significant presence among Bihari diaspora in [[Mauritius]]. The migration of [[Biharis]] to neighbouring countries was a phenomenon which became more pronounced in the post independence [[India]]. Thus, small island nations like Mauritius has significant population of people of Indian origin. The tradition and culture of [[Hindu]] migrants in countries like Mauritius is quite different from Indian subcontinent. This is so with ''[[Varna (Hinduism)|varna]]'' status and "social hierarchy" as both these terms have several variation in Mauritius vis a vis India. The traditional ruling elites like [[Rajput]]s and [[Brahmin]]s are politically and economically marginalised on the island while cultivating castes like Koeri, [[Ahir]], Kurmi, [[Kahar]] and others have improved their social and financial position.<ref name="Crispin">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_F7NCwAAQBAJ&q=koeri+in+Mauritius&pg=PA14|title=Community, Empire and Migration: South Asians in Diaspora|first=Crispin|last=Bates|publisher=Springer|page=14|year= 2016|isbn=978-0333977293|access-date=2020-07-01}}</ref> According to Crispin Bates:
{{quote|The Vaish are the largest and most influential caste group on the island. Internally the group is divided into Koeri, Kurmi, Kahar, Ahir the kshtriya, Lohar and other jatis. In the past many admitted to Chamar status (as shown by historical records), but recently this seems to have become completely taboo. This group, now commonly known as 'Rajputs', will also sometimes describe themselves as 'Raviveds.' An explanation may lie in the rapid economic growth of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the lack of positive discrimination measures of the sort seen in India.<ref name="Crispin"/> |author=|title=|source=}}

==Economy==
According to Arun Sinha, the Koeris were known for their market gardening activities. Since [[Independence Day (India)|Indian independence]], the land reform movement was making it difficult for the erstwhile upper-caste landlords to maintain their existing holdings. The growing pressure from left-wing militants backed by [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)|CPI(ML)]] and some local political parties, as well as the weakening of the [[Zamindar|Zamindari system]] was making it difficult for them to survive in the rural areas. Hence, the decades following independence were marked by the urbanization of upper castes. Their migration to cities was accompanied by selling off of their unproductive holdings, which were mostly bought by the peasants of cultivating middle castes, who were financially sound enough to purchase land. Some of the land was also bought from Muslim families who were migrating to [[Pakistan]]. The Koeris, along with [[Kurmi]]s and [[Yadav]]s were the main buyers of these lands.<ref name="Sinha">{{cite book | last=Sinha | first=A. | title=Nitish Kumar and the Rise of Bihar|publisher=Viking | year=2011 | isbn=978-0-670-08459-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rT2xWp_iTCYC|pages=80–84 | access-date=7 April 2015}}</ref>

However, since the peasant castes considered their land to be their most productive asset, they rarely sold it. The zeal of peasant castes to buy more and more land gradually changed their economic profile, and some of them became 'neo-landlords'. This transformation caused them to attempt to protect their new economic status from those below them, especially the Dalits, who were still mainly landless labourers. Thus they adopted many of the practices of their erstwhile landlords.<ref name="Sinha"/> The pattern of land reform in states like [[Bihar]] which mainly benefitted the middle castes like those of Koeris was also responsible for the imperfect mobilisation of backward castes in the politics. The space carved by backwards in electoral politics after 1967 was dominated mainly by these middle peasant castes and they were the biggest beneficiary of the ''politics of [[socialism]]'', the proponent of which were people like [[Ram Manohar Lohia]].<ref name="Sanjay 55">{{cite book |last=Kumar|first=Sanjay |title=Post mandal politics in Bihar:Changing electoral patterns|publisher=SAGE publication|pages=55|isbn=978-93-528-0585-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2zhODwAAQBAJ&q=jagdeo+prasad&pg=PA55|date=2018-06-05}}</ref> The unequitable political space at the disposal of other ''Backward Castes'' and [[Scheduled Caste]]s was thus an implicit implication of these land reforms as according to Varinder Grover:
{{quote|The pattern of land reforms in Bihar is one of the main reason for imperfect mobilisation of backward castes into the politics. The abolition of all intermediaries had definitely helped the hard working castes like Kurmi, Koeris and Yadav. These small peasant proprietors worked very hard on their land and also drive their labourers hard, and any resistance by agricultural labourers gives rise to the mutual conflicts and atrocities on [[Harijan]]s.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=M4yABACTXw4C&pg=PA780|title=Indian Political System: Trends and Challenges, Volume 10
|isbn=8171008844|chapter=Political system and constitution of India|author=Verinder Grover|publisher=Deep and Deep Publications|year=1997|pages=780–781|access-date=2020-10-05}}</ref>}}

The differences between upper backward castes and the extremely backward castes and Dalits due to unequal distribution of the benefits of land reforms was thus a major challenge before the CPI(ML) in mobilisation of collective force of lower castes against the upper caste landlords. The upper backward castes like Koeri were initially less attached to the CPI(ML) due to their economic progress and the communists were successful in mobilising them only in some regions like [[Patna]], [[Bhojpuri region|Bhojpur]], [[Aurangabad]] and [[Rohtas District|Rohtas]] district. These success were attributed to the widespread [[dacoity]] and oppressive attitude of the upper caste landlords faced by these hardworking caste groups which propelled them to join the fold of revolutionary organisations.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zA2rCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT178|title=Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace|chapter=Bihar 1990-2011|author=Ranabir Samaddar|date=3 March 2016|publisher=Routledge, 2016|isbn=978-1317125372|access-date=2020-10-05|page=178}}</ref>

==Political presence==
The Kushwaha also engaged in political action during these latter days of the Raj. Around 1933–1934,{{efn|The date of formation of the Triveni Sangh has been variously stated. Some sources have said it was the 1920s but Kumar notes recently discovered documentation that makes 1933 more likely,<ref>{{cite book |pages=43, 196 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA43 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> whilst Jaffrelot has said 1934.<ref name="Jaffrelot197"/>}} the Koeris joined with the Kurmis and Yadavs to form the [[Triveni Sangh]], a caste federation that by 1936 claimed to have a million supporters. This coalition followed an alliance for the 1930 local elections which fared badly at the polls. The new grouping had little electoral success: it won a few seats in the 1937 elections but was stymied by a two-pronged opposition which saw the rival [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] wooing some of its more wealthy leading lights to a newly formed unit called the "''Backward Class Federation''" and an effective opposition from upper castes organised to keep the lower castes in their customary place. Added to this, the three putatively allied castes were unable to set aside their communal rivalries and the Triveni Sangh also faced competition from the [[All India Kisan Sabha]], a peasant-oriented socio-political campaigning group run by the Communists. The appeal of the Triveni Sangh had waned significantly by 1947<ref name="Jaffrelot197">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |pages=197–198}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |page=44 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA44 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> but had achieved a measure of success away from the ballot box, notably by exerting sufficient influence to bring an end to the [[Veth (India)|begar]] system of forced unpaid labour and by providing a platform for those voices seeking reservation of jobs in government for people who were not upper castes.<ref>{{cite book |page=36 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> Many years later, in 1965, there was an abortive attempt to revive the defunct federation.<ref>{{cite book |page=62 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA62 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

The Kisan Sabha was dominated by peasant castes like the Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav, which led some historians such as [[Gyanendra Pandey (historian)|Gyan Pandey]] to term them mainly movements of the middle peasant castes who organized against ''bedakhil'' (eviction), with limited participation of other communities. The reality, however, was more complex. Dalit communities like the Chamars and Pasis, whose traditional occupations were leatherwork and toddy-tapping respectively, formed a significant portion of the landless peasantry and were thus significant in the Kisan Sabha, and present were even members of the high castes such as Brahmins.<ref>{{cite book |title=Reconsidering Untouchability: Chamars and Dalit History in North India |first=Ramnarayan S. |last=Rawat |author-link=Ram Narayan Rawat |year=2011 |isbn=978-0-25322-262-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bz5dKC81O3IC&pg=PA12 |publisher=Indiana University Press |pages=12–15}}</ref>

The Koeris also had significant presence in the Naxalite movement of 1960's rural Bihar, particularly in [[Bhojpuri region|Bhojpur]] and nearby areas like [[Arrah]], where an economic system dominated by the upper caste landlords was still in place.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nationalheraldindia.com/politics/bihar-seat-sharing-amit-shah-had-no-time-to-meet-kushwaha-rlsp-leaders-upset|title= Bihar-seat-sharing-amit-shah-had-no-time-to-meet-kushwaha-rlsp-leaders-upset|website=[[National Herald]]|first=Suroor|last=Ahmed|access-date=2020-08-03}}</ref> For the lower castes, the issue was not merely economic but it was the question of ''Ijjat'' (honour), since upper caste men often raped lower-caste women with impunity. Here, the Communist upsurge against the prevalent feudal system was led by [[Jagdish Mahto]], a Koeri teacher who had read [[B. R. Ambedkar|Ambedkar]] and [[Marx]] and was sympathetic to the cause of [[Dalit]]s.<ref name="Santosh"/>

According to Santosh Singh, the [[Bhumihar]]s of the region beat him mercilessly when he was found voicing support for [[Communist Party of India|CPI]] in upcoming elections. After Mahto was discharged from the hospital he formed his own militant outfit with the help of his associates Ram Naresh Ram and Rameswar Ahir. Mahto's organisation was affiliated to [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War|Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)]], a radical faction of [[Communist Party of India]]. Mahto led his militia, which assassinated many upper-caste landlords in the region, until he was killed during a police raid. However, the action of Jagdish clearly demarcated the dividing lines between Koeris and [[Bhumihar]]s in the Ekwaari.<ref name="Santosh">{{cite book|title = Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India|first=Gail|last= Omvedt|publisher=M.E.Sharpe |page=59|year=1993|isbn=0765631768|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Wlxb0uacnRcC&q=Reinventing+Revolution:+New+So/jagdish+mahto&pg=PA59|access-date=2020-06-16}}^ Its first mass leader was Jagdish Mahto, a koeri teacher who had read ambedkar before he discovered Marx and started a paper in the town of arrah called Harijanistan("dalit land")..</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SVu8CgAAQBAJ&q=on+February+17+1967+jagdish+went+to+the+polling+booth+to+caste+his+vote&pg=PT142|title=Ruled or Misruled: Story and Destiny of Bihar|first=Santosh|last= Singh|publisher= Bloomsbury Publishing|year= 2015|isbn=978-9385436420|access-date=2020-07-19}}</ref>

For much of the 20th century, the Koeries were generally less politically effective, even less involved, than the Kurmis and Yadavs who broadly shared their socio-economic position in Hindu society. The latter two groups were more vociferous in their actions, including involvement in caste rioting, whilst the Koeris had only a brief prominence during the ascendancy of [[Jagdeo Prasad]]. This muted position changed dramatically in the 1990s when the rise to power of [[Lalu Prasad]] in Bihar caused an assertion of Yadav-centric policies that demanded a loud reaction.<ref name="Ashwini">{{cite book |pages=34–37 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

Earlier, the Koeris were given fair representation in Laloo Yadav as well as [[Rabri Devi]] regime. The backward politics unleashed by Laloo Prasad resulted in rise to political prominence of numerous backward castes, among which Koeri were prominent.<ref name="Ashwini"/> In this period, caste remained the most effective tool of political mobilisation and even leaders who were theoretically against caste-based politics also appealed to caste loyalties to secure their victory. The Rabri Devi government had appointed ten Koeris as minister in her cabinet, which was sought by many community leaders as a fair representation to the clan.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5-CavJF-EVEC&q=rabri+devi+government+had+10+koeri+minister&pg=PA166|title=Towards a New Era: Economic, Social and Political Reforms|first=M. L.|last= Sondhi|publisher=Har-Anand Publications|year= 2001|isbn=8124108005|access-date=2020-07-19}}</ref>
The portrayal of Laloo Yadav as a "Messiah of backward castes" lost the ground when the Yadav ascendancy in politics led other aspirational backward castes to move away from his party. In the meantime during 1990s, [[Nitish Kumar]], who was projected as the leader of Kurmi and Koeri communities formed the [[Samta Party]], leading to the isolation of Koeri-Kurmi community from Yadavs and Laloo Prasad.<ref name="Ashwini"/><ref name="Thakur">{{cite book|title=City, Society, and Planning: Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=odCJoIaDqZ0C&q=koeri+bihar+politics&pg=PA400|first=Baleshwar|last=Thakur|location =University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|pages=393–400|year=2007|
isbn=978-8180694608|access-date=2020-06-16}} While Samta with its leader Nitish is considered to be the party of Koeri-Kurmi, Bihar people's party led by Anand Mohan is perceived to be a party having sympathy and support of Rajputs.</ref>

Thus, the decades following independence witnessed a complete shift of power from upper castes to the "upper backward castes": a term coined to describe castes like the Koeri, Yadav, Kurmi and [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] in Bihar. The transfer of power was also witnessed at the local level of governance. The upper caste were first to acquire education and they benefitted from it initially but with the expansion in electoral franchise and growth of "party system", they lost the ground to upper backward communities. Nepotism and patronage for fellow caste members in government, which had previously been an upper-caste phenomenon, was now available to the upper backward communities. This phenomenon continued with [[Karpoori Thakur]] in the 1970s, who had provided 12% reservation to lower backward castes and 8% to upper backwards in which Koeri were included. The peak of this patronage was reached during the tenure of Laloo Yadav.<ref name="Thakur"/>

From 1990 onwards the solidarity of backward castes was severely weakened due to division among the Koeri-Kurmi community and Yadavs. The former's voting pattern was in quite contrast to that of the latter. When Samta Party allied with the [[Bhartiya Janata Party]], Koeris voted for this alliance and thus in 1996 Lok Sabha elections BJP fared well, primarily with the support of Koeri and Kurmis. The division among backwards also costed their representation in the assemblies. It was seen that profile of Bihar legislative assembly was changing rapidly since 1967 and till 1995-96 the representation of upper caste was reduced to as lower as 17%. But, the division among backwards served as a hope to the upper castes to at least increase their representation. The success of BJP-Samta coalition however also consolidated the Koeris and the Kurmis, who now emerged as political force in 1996 elections.<ref>{{cite book|title=Caste and Democratic Politics in India|first=Ghanshyam|last=Shah|publisher=Orient Blackswan|year=2004|isbn=8178240955|pages=346, 350–354
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Aou17T8KaEEC&q=caste+and+bihar+politics&pg=PA346|access-date=2020-06-18}}</ref>

Since 1996 the Koeris voted en masse for the JD (U) and BJP coalition. The caste based polarisation in states like Bihar drifted the dominant backward castes away from the [[Rashtriya Janata Dal]] and distributed their votes to various political parties. The Koeris who constituted one of the most populous caste group were shifted first towards [[Janata Dal (United)|JD (U)]]-[[Bhartiya Janata Party|BJP]] coalition. Later after the expulsion of [[Upendra Kushwaha]] from the JD (U) and formation of [[Rashtriya Lok Samata Party]], their votes were distributed amongst the JD (U) on the one hand and the new social coalition made by BJP with [[Lok Janshakti Party]] and Rashtriya Lok Samata Party on the other hand.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ONcNDgAAQBAJ&pg=PT158|title=Electoral Politics in India: The Resurgence of the Bharatiya Janata Party|chapter=7. The eastern gift, BJP's 2014 victory in Bihar|author1=Suhas Palshikar|author2=Sanjay Kumar|author3=Sanjay Lodha|publisher=Taylor & Francis|year=2017|isbn =978-1351996914|access-date=2020-10-03}}</ref>
In 2015 [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]] elections the [[Janata Dal (United)]] allied with its rival [[Rashtriya Janata Dal]] due to differences with [[Bhartiya Janata Party]]. The social composition of these parties and the core voter base are such that this coalition drew immense support from the [[Yadav]], [[Kurmi]] and Kushwaha caste who hardly voted together after the 1990s. Consequently, the coalition emerged with massive victory with the number of legislators from these agrarian castes reaching higher as compared to previous elections.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.thequint.com/videos/news-videos/bihar-caste-politics-data-analysis-nitish-kumar-advantage-nda-bjp-jdu-mahagathbandhan-rjd-return-as-cm#read-more|title=Which Caste Holds Key to Nitish’s Return as CM? Here’s the Data|website=[[The Quint]]|access-date=2020-11-24}}</ref> Later the coalition was ripped apart and in 2020 Assembly elections the disunity among the three castes and split of votes led to huge decline in number of Kushwaha legislators.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/one-in-every-four-members-in-new-bihar-assembly-will-be-from-upper-caste/articleshow/79214031.cms|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210129214537/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/one-in-every-four-members-in-new-bihar-assembly-will-be-from-upper-caste/articleshow/79214031.cms?from=mdr |title=One in every four new Bihar assembly members is from upper castes|website=[[Times of India]]|access-date=2020-11-24|archive-date=29 January 2021}}</ref>

==Culture and beliefs==
[[File:The women of Kushwaha caste celebrating Chhath Mahaparva in Bihar.jpg|thumb|Kushwaha women offering ''[[Prasad]]'' to Sun on ''[[Chhath]]''. ]]
In the central [[Bihar]] backward castes like Koeri are numerically and politically powerful and hence they reject the traditional ''[[Jajmani|Jajmani system]]'' which relies upon Brahmanical notion of purity and pollution.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pviHAwAAQBAJ&pg=PR18|title=Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy?|author=Dipankar Gupta|publisher=SAGE Publications India|year=2004|isbn=8132103459|access-date=2020-10-09}}</ref> The backward caste groups in this region thus do not avail the services of [[Brahmin]] priests to perform their rituals. In most of the cases, Koeri households employ a Koeri priest to perform their rituals and their services are also availed by other backward castes like Yadav. These priest who belong to Koeri caste are different from the Brahmin priests in their approval of widow remarriage. They also promote non-vegetarianism and do not grow ''tuft'' like the Brahmins. The ''tika'' (liquid form of sandalwood on the head) which is made by the Brahmin priests on their forehead is also disapproved by them.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IHWKDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA97|title=Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia: Essays in Memory of Ramkrishna Mukherjee|author1=Partha Nath Mukherji|author2= N. Jayaram|author3=Bhola Nath Ghosh|publisher=Springer|year=2019|page=97|isbn=978-9811303876|access-date=2020-10-07}}</ref>

== Classification ==

===Disputed varna status===
The Kushwaha were traditionally a peasant community and considered to be of the [[Shudra]] [[Varna (Hinduism)|varna]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=81}}</ref> Pinch describes them as "skilled agriculturalists".<ref name=Pinch1996p92>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=92}}</ref> The traditional perception of Shudra status was increasingly challenged during the later decades of [[British Raj]] rule, although various castes had made claims of a higher status well before the British administration instituted its first census.{{efn|William Pinch records that, "... a popular concern with status predated the rise of an imperial census apparatus and the colonial obsession with caste. ... [C]laims to personal and community dignity appeared to be part of a longer discourse that did not require European political and administrative structures."<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=88}}</ref>}} The [[Kurmi]] community of cultivators, described by [[Christophe Jaffrelot]] as "middle caste peasants", led this charge in search of greater respectability.<ref name="Jaffrelot197"/> Pinch describes that "The concern with personal dignity, community identity, and caste status reached a peak among Kurmi, Yadav, and Kushvaha peasants in the first four decades of the twentieth century."<ref name=Pinch1996p83>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |pages=83–84}}</ref>

===Identification as Kushwaha Kshatriya===
From around 1910, the Kachhis and the Koeris, both of whom for much of the preceding century had close links with the British as a consequence of their favoured role in the cultivation of the [[opium poppy]], began to identify themselves as Kushwaha [[Kshatriya]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=90}}</ref> An organisation claiming to represent those two groups and the Muraos petitioned for official recognition as being of the Kshatriya varna in 1928.<ref name="Jaffrelot199" />

This action by the All India Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha (AIKKM) reflected the general trend for social upliftment by communities that had traditionally been classified as being Shudra. The process, which [[M. N. Srinivas]] called [[sanskritisation]],<ref>{{cite journal|last=Charsley |first=S. |s2cid=143948468 |year=1998 |title=Sanskritization: The Career of an Anthropological Theory |journal=Contributions to Indian Sociology |volume=32 |issue=2 |page=527 |doi=10.1177/006996679803200216 }}</ref> was a feature of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century caste politics.<ref name="Jaffrelot199">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |page=199}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=History of anthropological thought |first1=Vijay S. |last1=Upadhyay |first2=Gaya |last2=Pandey |publisher=Concept Publishing Company |year=1993 |isbn=978-81-7022-492-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SNw5zVN1V0oC |page=436}}</ref>

The position of the AIKKM was based on the concept of [[Vaishnavism]], which promoted the worship and claims of descent from Rama or Krishna as a means to assume the trappings of Kshatriya symbolism and thus permit the wearing of the [[sacred thread]] even though the physical labour inherent in their cultivator occupations intrinsically defined them as Shudra. The movement caused them to abandon their claims to be descended from Shiva in favour of the alternate myth that claimed descent from Rama.<ref>{{cite book |title=Daughters of the earth: women and land in Uttar Pradesh |first=Smita Tewari |last=Jassal |publisher=Technical Publications |year=2001 |isbn=978-81-7304-375-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T6gnJmoLRZQC |pages=51–53}}</ref> In 1921, Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha Sanskritization, had published a book offering proof of the Kshatriya status of the Koeri, Kachhi, Murao and Kachwaha.<ref name=Pinch1996p92 /><ref>{{cite book |title=Fascinating Hindutva: saffron politics and Dalit mobilisation |first=Badri |last=Narayan |publisher=SAGE |year=2009 |isbn=978-81-7829-906-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8bJ_rhfu6yUC |page=25}}</ref> His reconstructed history argued that the Kushwaha were Hindu descendants of Kush and that in the twelfth century they had served Raja [[Jayachandra|Jaichand]] in a military capacity during the period of Muslim consolidation of the [[Delhi Sultanate]]. Subsequent persecution by the victorious Muslims caused the Kushwaha to disperse and disguise their identity, foregoing the sacred thread and thereby becoming degraded and taking on various localised community names.<ref name=Pinch1996p92 /> Gupta's attempt to prove Kshatriya status, in common with similar attempts by others to establish histories of various castes, was spread via the caste associations, which [[Dipankar Gupta]] describes as providing a link between the "urban, politically literate elite" members of a caste and the "less literate villagers".<ref>{{cite book |title=Caste in question: identity or hierarchy? |first=Dipankar |last=Gupta |publisher=SAGE |year=2004 |page=199 |isbn=978-0-7619-3324-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bgpEIb4tNjgC}}</ref> Some communities also constructed temples in support of these claims as, for example, did the Muraos in [[Ayodhya]].<ref name=Pinch1996p98 />
[[File:An elderly couple belonging to Koeri caste.jpg|thumb|An elderly couple belonging to ''Kushwaha'' caste from ''[[Bihar]]''.]]
Some Kushwaha reformers also argued, in a similar vein to Kurmi reformer Devi Prasad Sinha Chaudhari, that since [[Rajput]]s, [[Bhumihar]]s and [[Brahmins]] worked the fields in some areas, there was no rational basis for assertions that such labour marked a community as being of the Shudra varna.<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=110}}</ref>

William Pinch describes the growth of militancy among agricultural castes in the wake of their claims to Kshatriya status. Castes like Koeris, Kurmis and Yadavs asserted their Kshatriya status not merely by words but they joined the [[British Indian Army]] as soldiers in large number. The growing militancy among them turned rural Bihar into an arena of conflict in which numerous caste-based militias surfaced and atrocities against the Dalits became the new norm. The militias founded during this period were named after folk figures or popular personalities who were revered by the whole community.<ref>{{cite book |title=Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution...
|page=209,210 |first=George |last=kunnath|publisher=Taylor and Francis group |location=New york |year=2018 |isbn=978-1-138-09955-5|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=JkcrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA209|access-date=2020-05-29}}</ref>

===Classification as Backward Caste===
{{See also|Other Backward Class}}

Kushwahas are classified as a Upper middle Caste in some of the states of India.<ref>{{Cite web|title=17 Most Backward Castes May Play Kingmaker as Purvanchal Gears Up to Vote in Final Phase|url=https://www.news18.com/news/opinion/17-most-backward-castes-may-play-kingmaker-as-purvanchal-gears-up-to-vote-in-final-phase-2141707.html|access-date=2020-09-01|website=News18}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/lok-sabha-elections-2014/news/Upper-castes-rule-Cabinet-backwards-MoS/articleshow/35624877.cms |title=Upper castes rule Cabinet, backwards MoS |work=The Times of India |date=27 May 2014 |access-date=2020-06-15}}</ref> In 2013, the Haryana government added the Kushwaha, Koeri and Maurya castes to the list of backward classes.<ref name="ht">{{cite news |url=http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/three-castes-included-in-backward-classes-list/article1-1147408.aspx |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140415174249/http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/three-castes-included-in-backward-classes-list/article1-1147408.aspx |url-status=dead |archive-date=15 April 2014 |work=Hindustan Times |title=Three castes included in backward classes list |date=5 November 2013 |access-date=14 April 2014}}</ref> In Bihar they are categorized as [[Other Backward Class]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.scbc.bih.nic.in/ObcList.htm|title=Central list of backward castes (Bihar)|website=scbc.bih.nic|access-date=2020-08-12}}</ref> The various subcastes of Kushwaha community viz Kachhi, [[Shakya]] and Koeri are categorized as OBC in [[Uttar Pradesh]] also.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ncbc.nic.in/user_panel/GazetteResolution.aspx?Value=mPICjsL1aLvxbegUDuc3MN4eB5E3Ecc1drRPAf1qXQ%2bl0IqIfhjN1xHrf4i2h5g0|title=Central list of OBC (Uttar Pradesh)|website=ncbc.nic.in|access-date=2020-08-12}}</ref>

== References ==
'''Notes'''
{{notelist}}

'''Citations'''
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}

==Further reading==
*{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=A1qXDQAAQBAJ&q=rabri+devi+government+had+10+koeri+minister|title= Social Movements and the State in India: Deepening Democracy?|first=Kenneth Bo Nielsen|last= Alf Gunvald Nilsen|date= 23 November 2016|publisher=Springer|pages=2016|isbn= 978-1137591333|access-date=2020-07-19}}
*{{cite book|title=From popular movement to rebellion:The Naxalite dacade|page= 317,318|first=Ranbir|last=Samaddar|publisher=Routledge|location =New york|year=2019|isbn= 978-0-367-13466-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BjZ7DwAAQBAJ&q=jagdish+prasad+mahto+naxal&pg=PT317|access-date=2020-05-30}}

[[Category:Agricultural castes]]
[[Category:Shaktism]]
[[Category:Social groups of Bihar]]
[[Category:Social groups of Uttar Pradesh]]
[[Category:Suryavansha]]
[[Category:Vaishnavism]]

Kushwaha

2026-05-21T14:25:58Z

2409:40E4:111F:399A:8000:0:0:0: No change

{{short description|Ethnic group/caste}}{{Infobox caste
| caste_name = Kushwaha or Koeri
| country =[[India]] [[Nepal]] [[Mauritius]]
| region = [[Eastern India]]
| populated_states =[[Bihar]] • [[Uttar Pradesh]]
| languages = {{unbulleted list|[[Hindi language|Hindi]] • [[Bhojpuri]]}}
| religions = [[Hinduism]]
| image =https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/08/Mata_PrasRaja_Bodh_Ram_who_obtained_Raja_title_from_Asaf-ud-daula_who_was_Koiri_by_caste.jpg
| caption =Kushwaha are an landowning upper middle caste
}}

'''Kushwaha''' (sometimes, '''Kushvaha''')<ref name="Pinch1996p91">{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=91}}</ref> is a landowning upper middle caste-community of [[Bihar]], [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Nepal]] whose traditional occupation is agriculture, notably famous for the cultivation of rice and other crops.<ref>{{cite book|last=Harper|first=Malcolm|title=Inclusive Value Chains: A Pathway Out of Poverty|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VODZCM5qblYC&pg=PA182|year=2010|publisher=World Scientific|isbn=978-981-4293-89-1|pages=182, 297}}</ref> The term is commonly used to represent the Koiri or Koeri caste. They claims descent from the mythological Suryavansh(Solar) dynasty via [[Kusha (Ramayana)|Kusha]], who was one of the twin sons of [[Rama]].<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=SfK839MBxycC&q=koeri+kush&dq=koeri+kush&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjlgPf9urCUAxXeRWwGHbsiJ8k4ChDrAXoECA4QBQ#koeri%20kush</nowiki></ref> Kushwaha or Koiri are a elite and prosperous[[caste]] amongst agriculturalist castes. They are dominant [[caste]] in various opinions.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=RndAAAAAMAAJ&q=Koeri+elite&dq=Koeri+elite&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjXyeLBvLCUAxXQRmwGHfG9AHM4FBDrAXoECAgQBQ#Koeri%20elite</nowiki></ref>

Traditionally, the main ancestral occupation of the Kushwaha community was agriculture and land ownership. However, today members of the community are involved in a wide range of professions including business, education, civil service, politics, and the military. The community is generally regarded as hardworking, socially organized, and influential within Madheshi society.

According to social classification, the Kushwaha community is commonly placed within the [[Vaishya]] category of Madheshi upper castes,<ref>Government of Nepal; Central Bureau of Statistics; UNFPA. ''Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II: Social Demography''. Kathmandu: CBS/UNFPA, 2014. [https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf](https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf)</ref> although many members of the community also claim [[Kshatriya]] status based on historical and cultural traditions. While their ancestors were traditionally vegetarian, dietary practices have gradually changed over time.

The traditional surname most commonly associated with the community is Mahato. Other surnames used by the Kushwaha/Koiri community in Nepal include Kushwaha, Singh, Mehta, Maurya, Murao, Bhagat, Sinha, and Verma.

Some Kushwaha organizations in Nepal claim that the population of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community exceeds one million people. If this claim is accepted, the community would constitute approximately 3.4% of Nepal’s total population.<ref>{{cite web |title=Kushwaha community claims over 10 lakh population in Nepal |url=[https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20](https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20) |website=eNews Bureau |date=20 January 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021 |url=[https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf](https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf) |publisher=Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal}}</ref>

== Origin ==
The Kushwaha claim descent from the Suryavansh dynasty through Kusha, a son of the mythological Rama, an [[avatar]] of [[Vishnu]], a myth of origin developed in the twentieth century. Prior to that time, the various branches that form the Kushwaha community - the Kachhis, Kachwahas, Koeris, and Muraos - favoured a connection with Shiva and Shakta.<ref name=Pinch1996pp91-92>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |pages=12, 91–92}}</ref> Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha sanskritization, claimed in the 1920s that Kushwaha families worshiped [[Hanuman]] - described by Pinch as "the embodiment of true devotion to Ram and Sita" - during [[Kartika (month)|Kartika]], a month in the [[Hindu calendar|Hindu lunar calendar]].<ref name=Pinch1996p98>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=98}}</ref>

== Demographics and distribution ==
William Pinch notes a Kushwaha presence in [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Bihar]],<ref name=Pinch1996pp91-92 /> and they are also recorded in [[Haryana]].<ref name="ht"/> Outside India, they are found in the [[Terai]] of Nepal, where they have variously been officially recorded as ''Kushwaha'' and as ''Koiri''.<ref>{{cite book |title=Social Inclusion of Ethnic Communities in Contemporary Nepal |pages=109–110 |first=Monika |last=Mandal |publisher=KW Publishers |year=2013 |isbn=978-93-81904-58-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f0y6DQAAQBAJ&pg=PT108}}</ref> They also have significant presence among Bihari diaspora in [[Mauritius]]. The migration of [[Biharis]] to neighbouring countries was a phenomenon which became more pronounced in the post independence [[India]]. Thus, small island nations like Mauritius has significant population of people of Indian origin. The tradition and culture of [[Hindu]] migrants in countries like Mauritius is quite different from Indian subcontinent. This is so with ''[[Varna (Hinduism)|varna]]'' status and "social hierarchy" as both these terms have several variation in Mauritius vis a vis India. The traditional ruling elites like [[Rajput]]s and [[Brahmin]]s are politically and economically marginalised on the island while cultivating castes like Koeri, [[Ahir]], Kurmi, [[Kahar]] and others have improved their social and financial position.<ref name="Crispin">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_F7NCwAAQBAJ&q=koeri+in+Mauritius&pg=PA14|title=Community, Empire and Migration: South Asians in Diaspora|first=Crispin|last=Bates|publisher=Springer|page=14|year= 2016|isbn=978-0333977293|access-date=2020-07-01}}</ref> According to Crispin Bates:
{{quote|The Vaish are the largest and most influential caste group on the island. Internally the group is divided into Koeri, Kurmi, Kahar, Ahir the kshtriya, Lohar and other jatis. In the past many admitted to Chamar status (as shown by historical records), but recently this seems to have become completely taboo. This group, now commonly known as 'Rajputs', will also sometimes describe themselves as 'Raviveds.' An explanation may lie in the rapid economic growth of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the lack of positive discrimination measures of the sort seen in India.<ref name="Crispin"/> |author=|title=|source=}}

==Economy==
According to Arun Sinha, the Koeris were known for their market gardening activities. Since [[Independence Day (India)|Indian independence]], the land reform movement was making it difficult for the erstwhile upper-caste landlords to maintain their existing holdings. The growing pressure from left-wing militants backed by [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)|CPI(ML)]] and some local political parties, as well as the weakening of the [[Zamindar|Zamindari system]] was making it difficult for them to survive in the rural areas. Hence, the decades following independence were marked by the urbanization of upper castes. Their migration to cities was accompanied by selling off of their unproductive holdings, which were mostly bought by the peasants of cultivating middle castes, who were financially sound enough to purchase land. Some of the land was also bought from Muslim families who were migrating to [[Pakistan]]. The Koeris, along with [[Kurmi]]s and [[Yadav]]s were the main buyers of these lands.<ref name="Sinha">{{cite book | last=Sinha | first=A. | title=Nitish Kumar and the Rise of Bihar|publisher=Viking | year=2011 | isbn=978-0-670-08459-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rT2xWp_iTCYC|pages=80–84 | access-date=7 April 2015}}</ref>

However, since the peasant castes considered their land to be their most productive asset, they rarely sold it. The zeal of peasant castes to buy more and more land gradually changed their economic profile, and some of them became 'neo-landlords'. This transformation caused them to attempt to protect their new economic status from those below them, especially the Dalits, who were still mainly landless labourers. Thus they adopted many of the practices of their erstwhile landlords.<ref name="Sinha"/> The pattern of land reform in states like [[Bihar]] which mainly benefitted the middle castes like those of Koeris was also responsible for the imperfect mobilisation of backward castes in the politics. The space carved by backwards in electoral politics after 1967 was dominated mainly by these middle peasant castes and they were the biggest beneficiary of the ''politics of [[socialism]]'', the proponent of which were people like [[Ram Manohar Lohia]].<ref name="Sanjay 55">{{cite book |last=Kumar|first=Sanjay |title=Post mandal politics in Bihar:Changing electoral patterns|publisher=SAGE publication|pages=55|isbn=978-93-528-0585-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2zhODwAAQBAJ&q=jagdeo+prasad&pg=PA55|date=2018-06-05}}</ref> The unequitable political space at the disposal of other ''Backward Castes'' and [[Scheduled Caste]]s was thus an implicit implication of these land reforms as according to Varinder Grover:
{{quote|The pattern of land reforms in Bihar is one of the main reason for imperfect mobilisation of backward castes into the politics. The abolition of all intermediaries had definitely helped the hard working castes like Kurmi, Koeris and Yadav. These small peasant proprietors worked very hard on their land and also drive their labourers hard, and any resistance by agricultural labourers gives rise to the mutual conflicts and atrocities on [[Harijan]]s.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=M4yABACTXw4C&pg=PA780|title=Indian Political System: Trends and Challenges, Volume 10
|isbn=8171008844|chapter=Political system and constitution of India|author=Verinder Grover|publisher=Deep and Deep Publications|year=1997|pages=780–781|access-date=2020-10-05}}</ref>}}

The differences between upper backward castes and the extremely backward castes and Dalits due to unequal distribution of the benefits of land reforms was thus a major challenge before the CPI(ML) in mobilisation of collective force of lower castes against the upper caste landlords. The upper backward castes like Koeri were initially less attached to the CPI(ML) due to their economic progress and the communists were successful in mobilising them only in some regions like [[Patna]], [[Bhojpuri region|Bhojpur]], [[Aurangabad]] and [[Rohtas District|Rohtas]] district. These success were attributed to the widespread [[dacoity]] and oppressive attitude of the upper caste landlords faced by these hardworking caste groups which propelled them to join the fold of revolutionary organisations.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zA2rCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT178|title=Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace|chapter=Bihar 1990-2011|author=Ranabir Samaddar|date=3 March 2016|publisher=Routledge, 2016|isbn=978-1317125372|access-date=2020-10-05|page=178}}</ref>

==Political presence==
The Kushwaha also engaged in political action during these latter days of the Raj. Around 1933–1934,{{efn|The date of formation of the Triveni Sangh has been variously stated. Some sources have said it was the 1920s but Kumar notes recently discovered documentation that makes 1933 more likely,<ref>{{cite book |pages=43, 196 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA43 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> whilst Jaffrelot has said 1934.<ref name="Jaffrelot197"/>}} the Koeris joined with the Kurmis and Yadavs to form the [[Triveni Sangh]], a caste federation that by 1936 claimed to have a million supporters. This coalition followed an alliance for the 1930 local elections which fared badly at the polls. The new grouping had little electoral success: it won a few seats in the 1937 elections but was stymied by a two-pronged opposition which saw the rival [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] wooing some of its more wealthy leading lights to a newly formed unit called the "''Backward Class Federation''" and an effective opposition from upper castes organised to keep the lower castes in their customary place. Added to this, the three putatively allied castes were unable to set aside their communal rivalries and the Triveni Sangh also faced competition from the [[All India Kisan Sabha]], a peasant-oriented socio-political campaigning group run by the Communists. The appeal of the Triveni Sangh had waned significantly by 1947<ref name="Jaffrelot197">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |pages=197–198}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |page=44 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA44 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> but had achieved a measure of success away from the ballot box, notably by exerting sufficient influence to bring an end to the [[Veth (India)|begar]] system of forced unpaid labour and by providing a platform for those voices seeking reservation of jobs in government for people who were not upper castes.<ref>{{cite book |page=36 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> Many years later, in 1965, there was an abortive attempt to revive the defunct federation.<ref>{{cite book |page=62 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA62 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

The Kisan Sabha was dominated by peasant castes like the Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav, which led some historians such as [[Gyanendra Pandey (historian)|Gyan Pandey]] to term them mainly movements of the middle peasant castes who organized against ''bedakhil'' (eviction), with limited participation of other communities. The reality, however, was more complex. Dalit communities like the Chamars and Pasis, whose traditional occupations were leatherwork and toddy-tapping respectively, formed a significant portion of the landless peasantry and were thus significant in the Kisan Sabha, and present were even members of the high castes such as Brahmins.<ref>{{cite book |title=Reconsidering Untouchability: Chamars and Dalit History in North India |first=Ramnarayan S. |last=Rawat |author-link=Ram Narayan Rawat |year=2011 |isbn=978-0-25322-262-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bz5dKC81O3IC&pg=PA12 |publisher=Indiana University Press |pages=12–15}}</ref>

The Koeris also had significant presence in the Naxalite movement of 1960's rural Bihar, particularly in [[Bhojpuri region|Bhojpur]] and nearby areas like [[Arrah]], where an economic system dominated by the upper caste landlords was still in place.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nationalheraldindia.com/politics/bihar-seat-sharing-amit-shah-had-no-time-to-meet-kushwaha-rlsp-leaders-upset|title= Bihar-seat-sharing-amit-shah-had-no-time-to-meet-kushwaha-rlsp-leaders-upset|website=[[National Herald]]|first=Suroor|last=Ahmed|access-date=2020-08-03}}</ref> For the lower castes, the issue was not merely economic but it was the question of ''Ijjat'' (honour), since upper caste men often raped lower-caste women with impunity. Here, the Communist upsurge against the prevalent feudal system was led by [[Jagdish Mahto]], a Koeri teacher who had read [[B. R. Ambedkar|Ambedkar]] and [[Marx]] and was sympathetic to the cause of [[Dalit]]s.<ref name="Santosh"/>

According to Santosh Singh, the [[Bhumihar]]s of the region beat him mercilessly when he was found voicing support for [[Communist Party of India|CPI]] in upcoming elections. After Mahto was discharged from the hospital he formed his own militant outfit with the help of his associates Ram Naresh Ram and Rameswar Ahir. Mahto's organisation was affiliated to [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War|Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)]], a radical faction of [[Communist Party of India]]. Mahto led his militia, which assassinated many upper-caste landlords in the region, until he was killed during a police raid. However, the action of Jagdish clearly demarcated the dividing lines between Koeris and [[Bhumihar]]s in the Ekwaari.<ref name="Santosh">{{cite book|title = Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India|first=Gail|last= Omvedt|publisher=M.E.Sharpe |page=59|year=1993|isbn=0765631768|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Wlxb0uacnRcC&q=Reinventing+Revolution:+New+So/jagdish+mahto&pg=PA59|access-date=2020-06-16}}^ Its first mass leader was Jagdish Mahto, a koeri teacher who had read ambedkar before he discovered Marx and started a paper in the town of arrah called Harijanistan("dalit land")..</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SVu8CgAAQBAJ&q=on+February+17+1967+jagdish+went+to+the+polling+booth+to+caste+his+vote&pg=PT142|title=Ruled or Misruled: Story and Destiny of Bihar|first=Santosh|last= Singh|publisher= Bloomsbury Publishing|year= 2015|isbn=978-9385436420|access-date=2020-07-19}}</ref>

For much of the 20th century, the Koeries were generally less politically effective, even less involved, than the Kurmis and Yadavs who broadly shared their socio-economic position in Hindu society. The latter two groups were more vociferous in their actions, including involvement in caste rioting, whilst the Koeris had only a brief prominence during the ascendancy of [[Jagdeo Prasad]]. This muted position changed dramatically in the 1990s when the rise to power of [[Lalu Prasad]] in Bihar caused an assertion of Yadav-centric policies that demanded a loud reaction.<ref name="Ashwini">{{cite book |pages=34–37 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

Earlier, the Koeris were given fair representation in Laloo Yadav as well as [[Rabri Devi]] regime. The backward politics unleashed by Laloo Prasad resulted in rise to political prominence of numerous backward castes, among which Koeri were prominent.<ref name="Ashwini"/> In this period, caste remained the most effective tool of political mobilisation and even leaders who were theoretically against caste-based politics also appealed to caste loyalties to secure their victory. The Rabri Devi government had appointed ten Koeris as minister in her cabinet, which was sought by many community leaders as a fair representation to the clan.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5-CavJF-EVEC&q=rabri+devi+government+had+10+koeri+minister&pg=PA166|title=Towards a New Era: Economic, Social and Political Reforms|first=M. L.|last= Sondhi|publisher=Har-Anand Publications|year= 2001|isbn=8124108005|access-date=2020-07-19}}</ref>
The portrayal of Laloo Yadav as a "Messiah of backward castes" lost the ground when the Yadav ascendancy in politics led other aspirational backward castes to move away from his party. In the meantime during 1990s, [[Nitish Kumar]], who was projected as the leader of Kurmi and Koeri communities formed the [[Samta Party]], leading to the isolation of Koeri-Kurmi community from Yadavs and Laloo Prasad.<ref name="Ashwini"/><ref name="Thakur">{{cite book|title=City, Society, and Planning: Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=odCJoIaDqZ0C&q=koeri+bihar+politics&pg=PA400|first=Baleshwar|last=Thakur|location =University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|pages=393–400|year=2007|
isbn=978-8180694608|access-date=2020-06-16}} While Samta with its leader Nitish is considered to be the party of Koeri-Kurmi, Bihar people's party led by Anand Mohan is perceived to be a party having sympathy and support of Rajputs.</ref>

Thus, the decades following independence witnessed a complete shift of power from upper castes to the "upper backward castes": a term coined to describe castes like the Koeri, Yadav, Kurmi and [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] in Bihar. The transfer of power was also witnessed at the local level of governance. The upper caste were first to acquire education and they benefitted from it initially but with the expansion in electoral franchise and growth of "party system", they lost the ground to upper backward communities. Nepotism and patronage for fellow caste members in government, which had previously been an upper-caste phenomenon, was now available to the upper backward communities. This phenomenon continued with [[Karpoori Thakur]] in the 1970s, who had provided 12% reservation to lower backward castes and 8% to upper backwards in which Koeri were included. The peak of this patronage was reached during the tenure of Laloo Yadav.<ref name="Thakur"/>

From 1990 onwards the solidarity of backward castes was severely weakened due to division among the Koeri-Kurmi community and Yadavs. The former's voting pattern was in quite contrast to that of the latter. When Samta Party allied with the [[Bhartiya Janata Party]], Koeris voted for this alliance and thus in 1996 Lok Sabha elections BJP fared well, primarily with the support of Koeri and Kurmis. The division among backwards also costed their representation in the assemblies. It was seen that profile of Bihar legislative assembly was changing rapidly since 1967 and till 1995-96 the representation of upper caste was reduced to as lower as 17%. But, the division among backwards served as a hope to the upper castes to at least increase their representation. The success of BJP-Samta coalition however also consolidated the Koeris and the Kurmis, who now emerged as political force in 1996 elections.<ref>{{cite book|title=Caste and Democratic Politics in India|first=Ghanshyam|last=Shah|publisher=Orient Blackswan|year=2004|isbn=8178240955|pages=346, 350–354
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Aou17T8KaEEC&q=caste+and+bihar+politics&pg=PA346|access-date=2020-06-18}}</ref>

Since 1996 the Koeris voted en masse for the JD (U) and BJP coalition. The caste based polarisation in states like Bihar drifted the dominant backward castes away from the [[Rashtriya Janata Dal]] and distributed their votes to various political parties. The Koeris who constituted one of the most populous caste group were shifted first towards [[Janata Dal (United)|JD (U)]]-[[Bhartiya Janata Party|BJP]] coalition. Later after the expulsion of [[Upendra Kushwaha]] from the JD (U) and formation of [[Rashtriya Lok Samata Party]], their votes were distributed amongst the JD (U) on the one hand and the new social coalition made by BJP with [[Lok Janshakti Party]] and Rashtriya Lok Samata Party on the other hand.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ONcNDgAAQBAJ&pg=PT158|title=Electoral Politics in India: The Resurgence of the Bharatiya Janata Party|chapter=7. The eastern gift, BJP's 2014 victory in Bihar|author1=Suhas Palshikar|author2=Sanjay Kumar|author3=Sanjay Lodha|publisher=Taylor & Francis|year=2017|isbn =978-1351996914|access-date=2020-10-03}}</ref>
In 2015 [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]] elections the [[Janata Dal (United)]] allied with its rival [[Rashtriya Janata Dal]] due to differences with [[Bhartiya Janata Party]]. The social composition of these parties and the core voter base are such that this coalition drew immense support from the [[Yadav]], [[Kurmi]] and Kushwaha caste who hardly voted together after the 1990s. Consequently, the coalition emerged with massive victory with the number of legislators from these agrarian castes reaching higher as compared to previous elections.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.thequint.com/videos/news-videos/bihar-caste-politics-data-analysis-nitish-kumar-advantage-nda-bjp-jdu-mahagathbandhan-rjd-return-as-cm#read-more|title=Which Caste Holds Key to Nitish’s Return as CM? Here’s the Data|website=[[The Quint]]|access-date=2020-11-24}}</ref> Later the coalition was ripped apart and in 2020 Assembly elections the disunity among the three castes and split of votes led to huge decline in number of Kushwaha legislators.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/one-in-every-four-members-in-new-bihar-assembly-will-be-from-upper-caste/articleshow/79214031.cms|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210129214537/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/one-in-every-four-members-in-new-bihar-assembly-will-be-from-upper-caste/articleshow/79214031.cms?from=mdr |title=One in every four new Bihar assembly members is from upper castes|website=[[Times of India]]|access-date=2020-11-24|archive-date=29 January 2021}}</ref>

==Culture and beliefs==
[[File:The women of Kushwaha caste celebrating Chhath Mahaparva in Bihar.jpg|thumb|Kushwaha women offering ''[[Prasad]]'' to Sun on ''[[Chhath]]''. ]]
In the central [[Bihar]] backward castes like Koeri are numerically and politically powerful and hence they reject the traditional ''[[Jajmani|Jajmani system]]'' which relies upon Brahmanical notion of purity and pollution.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pviHAwAAQBAJ&pg=PR18|title=Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy?|author=Dipankar Gupta|publisher=SAGE Publications India|year=2004|isbn=8132103459|access-date=2020-10-09}}</ref> The backward caste groups in this region thus do not avail the services of [[Brahmin]] priests to perform their rituals. In most of the cases, Koeri households employ a Koeri priest to perform their rituals and their services are also availed by other backward castes like Yadav. These priest who belong to Koeri caste are different from the Brahmin priests in their approval of widow remarriage. They also promote non-vegetarianism and do not grow ''tuft'' like the Brahmins. The ''tika'' (liquid form of sandalwood on the head) which is made by the Brahmin priests on their forehead is also disapproved by them.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IHWKDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA97|title=Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia: Essays in Memory of Ramkrishna Mukherjee|author1=Partha Nath Mukherji|author2= N. Jayaram|author3=Bhola Nath Ghosh|publisher=Springer|year=2019|page=97|isbn=978-9811303876|access-date=2020-10-07}}</ref>

== Classification ==

===Disputed varna status===
The Kushwaha were traditionally a peasant community and considered to be of the [[Shudra]] [[Varna (Hinduism)|varna]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=81}}</ref> Pinch describes them as "skilled agriculturalists".<ref name=Pinch1996p92>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=92}}</ref> The traditional perception of Shudra status was increasingly challenged during the later decades of [[British Raj]] rule, although various castes had made claims of a higher status well before the British administration instituted its first census.{{efn|William Pinch records that, "... a popular concern with status predated the rise of an imperial census apparatus and the colonial obsession with caste. ... [C]laims to personal and community dignity appeared to be part of a longer discourse that did not require European political and administrative structures."<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=88}}</ref>}} The [[Kurmi]] community of cultivators, described by [[Christophe Jaffrelot]] as "middle caste peasants", led this charge in search of greater respectability.<ref name="Jaffrelot197"/> Pinch describes that "The concern with personal dignity, community identity, and caste status reached a peak among Kurmi, Yadav, and Kushvaha peasants in the first four decades of the twentieth century."<ref name=Pinch1996p83>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |pages=83–84}}</ref>

===Identification as Kushwaha Kshatriya===
From around 1910, the Kachhis and the Koeris, both of whom for much of the preceding century had close links with the British as a consequence of their favoured role in the cultivation of the [[opium poppy]], began to identify themselves as Kushwaha [[Kshatriya]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=90}}</ref> An organisation claiming to represent those two groups and the Muraos petitioned for official recognition as being of the Kshatriya varna in 1928.<ref name="Jaffrelot199" />

This action by the All India Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha (AIKKM) reflected the general trend for social upliftment by communities that had traditionally been classified as being Shudra. The process, which [[M. N. Srinivas]] called [[sanskritisation]],<ref>{{cite journal|last=Charsley |first=S. |s2cid=143948468 |year=1998 |title=Sanskritization: The Career of an Anthropological Theory |journal=Contributions to Indian Sociology |volume=32 |issue=2 |page=527 |doi=10.1177/006996679803200216 }}</ref> was a feature of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century caste politics.<ref name="Jaffrelot199">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |page=199}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=History of anthropological thought |first1=Vijay S. |last1=Upadhyay |first2=Gaya |last2=Pandey |publisher=Concept Publishing Company |year=1993 |isbn=978-81-7022-492-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SNw5zVN1V0oC |page=436}}</ref>

The position of the AIKKM was based on the concept of [[Vaishnavism]], which promoted the worship and claims of descent from Rama or Krishna as a means to assume the trappings of Kshatriya symbolism and thus permit the wearing of the [[sacred thread]] even though the physical labour inherent in their cultivator occupations intrinsically defined them as Shudra. The movement caused them to abandon their claims to be descended from Shiva in favour of the alternate myth that claimed descent from Rama.<ref>{{cite book |title=Daughters of the earth: women and land in Uttar Pradesh |first=Smita Tewari |last=Jassal |publisher=Technical Publications |year=2001 |isbn=978-81-7304-375-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T6gnJmoLRZQC |pages=51–53}}</ref> In 1921, Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha Sanskritization, had published a book offering proof of the Kshatriya status of the Koeri, Kachhi, Murao and Kachwaha.<ref name=Pinch1996p92 /><ref>{{cite book |title=Fascinating Hindutva: saffron politics and Dalit mobilisation |first=Badri |last=Narayan |publisher=SAGE |year=2009 |isbn=978-81-7829-906-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8bJ_rhfu6yUC |page=25}}</ref> His reconstructed history argued that the Kushwaha were Hindu descendants of Kush and that in the twelfth century they had served Raja [[Jayachandra|Jaichand]] in a military capacity during the period of Muslim consolidation of the [[Delhi Sultanate]]. Subsequent persecution by the victorious Muslims caused the Kushwaha to disperse and disguise their identity, foregoing the sacred thread and thereby becoming degraded and taking on various localised community names.<ref name=Pinch1996p92 /> Gupta's attempt to prove Kshatriya status, in common with similar attempts by others to establish histories of various castes, was spread via the caste associations, which [[Dipankar Gupta]] describes as providing a link between the "urban, politically literate elite" members of a caste and the "less literate villagers".<ref>{{cite book |title=Caste in question: identity or hierarchy? |first=Dipankar |last=Gupta |publisher=SAGE |year=2004 |page=199 |isbn=978-0-7619-3324-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bgpEIb4tNjgC}}</ref> Some communities also constructed temples in support of these claims as, for example, did the Muraos in [[Ayodhya]].<ref name=Pinch1996p98 />
[[File:An elderly couple belonging to Koeri caste.jpg|thumb|An elderly couple belonging to ''Kushwaha'' caste from ''[[Bihar]]''.]]
Some Kushwaha reformers also argued, in a similar vein to Kurmi reformer Devi Prasad Sinha Chaudhari, that since [[Rajput]]s, [[Bhumihar]]s and [[Brahmins]] worked the fields in some areas, there was no rational basis for assertions that such labour marked a community as being of the Shudra varna.<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=110}}</ref>

William Pinch describes the growth of militancy among agricultural castes in the wake of their claims to Kshatriya status. Castes like Koeris, Kurmis and Yadavs asserted their Kshatriya status not merely by words but they joined the [[British Indian Army]] as soldiers in large number. The growing militancy among them turned rural Bihar into an arena of conflict in which numerous caste-based militias surfaced and atrocities against the Dalits became the new norm. The militias founded during this period were named after folk figures or popular personalities who were revered by the whole community.<ref>{{cite book |title=Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution...
|page=209,210 |first=George |last=kunnath|publisher=Taylor and Francis group |location=New york |year=2018 |isbn=978-1-138-09955-5|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=JkcrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA209|access-date=2020-05-29}}</ref>

===Classification as Backward Caste===
{{See also|Other Backward Class}}

Kushwahas are classified as a Upper middle Caste in some of the states of India.<ref>{{Cite web|title=17 Most Backward Castes May Play Kingmaker as Purvanchal Gears Up to Vote in Final Phase|url=https://www.news18.com/news/opinion/17-most-backward-castes-may-play-kingmaker-as-purvanchal-gears-up-to-vote-in-final-phase-2141707.html|access-date=2020-09-01|website=News18}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/lok-sabha-elections-2014/news/Upper-castes-rule-Cabinet-backwards-MoS/articleshow/35624877.cms |title=Upper castes rule Cabinet, backwards MoS |work=The Times of India |date=27 May 2014 |access-date=2020-06-15}}</ref> In 2013, the Haryana government added the Kushwaha, Koeri and Maurya castes to the list of backward classes.<ref name="ht">{{cite news |url=http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/three-castes-included-in-backward-classes-list/article1-1147408.aspx |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140415174249/http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/three-castes-included-in-backward-classes-list/article1-1147408.aspx |url-status=dead |archive-date=15 April 2014 |work=Hindustan Times |title=Three castes included in backward classes list |date=5 November 2013 |access-date=14 April 2014}}</ref> In Bihar they are categorized as [[Other Backward Class]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.scbc.bih.nic.in/ObcList.htm|title=Central list of backward castes (Bihar)|website=scbc.bih.nic|access-date=2020-08-12}}</ref> The various subcastes of Kushwaha community viz Kachhi, [[Shakya]] and Koeri are categorized as OBC in [[Uttar Pradesh]] also.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ncbc.nic.in/user_panel/GazetteResolution.aspx?Value=mPICjsL1aLvxbegUDuc3MN4eB5E3Ecc1drRPAf1qXQ%2bl0IqIfhjN1xHrf4i2h5g0|title=Central list of OBC (Uttar Pradesh)|website=ncbc.nic.in|access-date=2020-08-12}}</ref>

== References ==
'''Notes'''
{{notelist}}

'''Citations'''
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}

==Further reading==
*{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=A1qXDQAAQBAJ&q=rabri+devi+government+had+10+koeri+minister|title= Social Movements and the State in India: Deepening Democracy?|first=Kenneth Bo Nielsen|last= Alf Gunvald Nilsen|date= 23 November 2016|publisher=Springer|pages=2016|isbn= 978-1137591333|access-date=2020-07-19}}
*{{cite book|title=From popular movement to rebellion:The Naxalite dacade|page= 317,318|first=Ranbir|last=Samaddar|publisher=Routledge|location =New york|year=2019|isbn= 978-0-367-13466-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BjZ7DwAAQBAJ&q=jagdish+prasad+mahto+naxal&pg=PT317|access-date=2020-05-30}}

[[Category:Agricultural castes]]
[[Category:Shaktism]]
[[Category:Social groups of Bihar]]
[[Category:Social groups of Uttar Pradesh]]
[[Category:Suryavansha]]
[[Category:Vaishnavism]]

Kushwaha

2026-05-21T14:25:02Z

2409:40E4:111F:399A:8000:0:0:0: No change

{{short description|Ethnic group/caste}}{{Infobox caste
| caste_name = Kushwaha or Koeri
| country =[[India]] [[Nepal]] [[Mauritius]]
| region = [[Eastern India]]
| populated_states =[[Bihar]] • [[Uttar Pradesh]]
| languages = {{unbulleted list|[[Hindi language|Hindi]] • [[Bhojpuri]]}}
| religions = [[Hinduism]]
| image =https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/08/Mata_PrasRaja_Bodh_Ram_who_obtained_Raja_title_from_Asaf-ud-daula_who_was_Koiri_by_caste.jpg
| caption =Kushwaha are an landowning upper middle caste
}}

'''Kushwaha''' (sometimes, '''Kushvaha''')<ref name="Pinch1996p91">{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=91}}</ref> is a landowning upper middle caste-community of [[Bihar]], [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Nepal]] whose traditional occupation is agriculture, notably famous for the cultivation of rice and other crops.<ref>{{cite book|last=Harper|first=Malcolm|title=Inclusive Value Chains: A Pathway Out of Poverty|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VODZCM5qblYC&pg=PA182|year=2010|publisher=World Scientific|isbn=978-981-4293-89-1|pages=182, 297}}</ref> The term is commonly used to represent the Koiri or Koeri caste. They claims descent from the mythological Suryavansh(Solar) dynasty via [[Kusha (Ramayana)|Kusha]], who was one of the twin sons of [[Rama]].<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=SfK839MBxycC&q=koeri+kush&dq=koeri+kush&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjlgPf9urCUAxXeRWwGHbsiJ8k4ChDrAXoECA4QBQ#koeri%20kush</nowiki></ref> Kushwaha or Koiri are a elite and prosperous[[caste]] amongst agriculturalist castes. They are dominant [[caste]] in various opinions due landownership and political representation.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=RndAAAAAMAAJ&q=Koeri+elite&dq=Koeri+elite&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjXyeLBvLCUAxXQRmwGHfG9AHM4FBDrAXoECAgQBQ#Koeri%20elite</nowiki></ref>

Traditionally, the main ancestral occupation of the Kushwaha community was agriculture and land ownership. However, today members of the community are involved in a wide range of professions including business, education, civil service, politics, and the military. The community is generally regarded as hardworking, socially organized, and influential within Madheshi society.

According to social classification, the Kushwaha community is commonly placed within the [[Vaishya]] category of Madheshi upper castes,<ref>Government of Nepal; Central Bureau of Statistics; UNFPA. ''Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II: Social Demography''. Kathmandu: CBS/UNFPA, 2014. [https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf](https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf)</ref> although many members of the community also claim [[Kshatriya]] status based on historical and cultural traditions. While their ancestors were traditionally vegetarian, dietary practices have gradually changed over time.

The traditional surname most commonly associated with the community is Mahato. Other surnames used by the Kushwaha/Koiri community in Nepal include Kushwaha, Singh, Mehta, Maurya, Murao, Bhagat, Sinha, and Verma.

Some Kushwaha organizations in Nepal claim that the population of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community exceeds one million people. If this claim is accepted, the community would constitute approximately 3.4% of Nepal’s total population.<ref>{{cite web |title=Kushwaha community claims over 10 lakh population in Nepal |url=[https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20](https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20) |website=eNews Bureau |date=20 January 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021 |url=[https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf](https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf) |publisher=Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal}}</ref>

== Origin ==
The Kushwaha claim descent from the Suryavansh dynasty through Kusha, a son of the mythological Rama, an [[avatar]] of [[Vishnu]], a myth of origin developed in the twentieth century. Prior to that time, the various branches that form the Kushwaha community - the Kachhis, Kachwahas, Koeris, and Muraos - favoured a connection with Shiva and Shakta.<ref name=Pinch1996pp91-92>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |pages=12, 91–92}}</ref> Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha sanskritization, claimed in the 1920s that Kushwaha families worshiped [[Hanuman]] - described by Pinch as "the embodiment of true devotion to Ram and Sita" - during [[Kartika (month)|Kartika]], a month in the [[Hindu calendar|Hindu lunar calendar]].<ref name=Pinch1996p98>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=98}}</ref>

== Demographics and distribution ==
William Pinch notes a Kushwaha presence in [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Bihar]],<ref name=Pinch1996pp91-92 /> and they are also recorded in [[Haryana]].<ref name="ht"/> Outside India, they are found in the [[Terai]] of Nepal, where they have variously been officially recorded as ''Kushwaha'' and as ''Koiri''.<ref>{{cite book |title=Social Inclusion of Ethnic Communities in Contemporary Nepal |pages=109–110 |first=Monika |last=Mandal |publisher=KW Publishers |year=2013 |isbn=978-93-81904-58-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f0y6DQAAQBAJ&pg=PT108}}</ref> They also have significant presence among Bihari diaspora in [[Mauritius]]. The migration of [[Biharis]] to neighbouring countries was a phenomenon which became more pronounced in the post independence [[India]]. Thus, small island nations like Mauritius has significant population of people of Indian origin. The tradition and culture of [[Hindu]] migrants in countries like Mauritius is quite different from Indian subcontinent. This is so with ''[[Varna (Hinduism)|varna]]'' status and "social hierarchy" as both these terms have several variation in Mauritius vis a vis India. The traditional ruling elites like [[Rajput]]s and [[Brahmin]]s are politically and economically marginalised on the island while cultivating castes like Koeri, [[Ahir]], Kurmi, [[Kahar]] and others have improved their social and financial position.<ref name="Crispin">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_F7NCwAAQBAJ&q=koeri+in+Mauritius&pg=PA14|title=Community, Empire and Migration: South Asians in Diaspora|first=Crispin|last=Bates|publisher=Springer|page=14|year= 2016|isbn=978-0333977293|access-date=2020-07-01}}</ref> According to Crispin Bates:
{{quote|The Vaish are the largest and most influential caste group on the island. Internally the group is divided into Koeri, Kurmi, Kahar, Ahir the kshtriya, Lohar and other jatis. In the past many admitted to Chamar status (as shown by historical records), but recently this seems to have become completely taboo. This group, now commonly known as 'Rajputs', will also sometimes describe themselves as 'Raviveds.' An explanation may lie in the rapid economic growth of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the lack of positive discrimination measures of the sort seen in India.<ref name="Crispin"/> |author=|title=|source=}}

==Economy==
According to Arun Sinha, the Koeris were known for their market gardening activities. Since [[Independence Day (India)|Indian independence]], the land reform movement was making it difficult for the erstwhile upper-caste landlords to maintain their existing holdings. The growing pressure from left-wing militants backed by [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)|CPI(ML)]] and some local political parties, as well as the weakening of the [[Zamindar|Zamindari system]] was making it difficult for them to survive in the rural areas. Hence, the decades following independence were marked by the urbanization of upper castes. Their migration to cities was accompanied by selling off of their unproductive holdings, which were mostly bought by the peasants of cultivating middle castes, who were financially sound enough to purchase land. Some of the land was also bought from Muslim families who were migrating to [[Pakistan]]. The Koeris, along with [[Kurmi]]s and [[Yadav]]s were the main buyers of these lands.<ref name="Sinha">{{cite book | last=Sinha | first=A. | title=Nitish Kumar and the Rise of Bihar|publisher=Viking | year=2011 | isbn=978-0-670-08459-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rT2xWp_iTCYC|pages=80–84 | access-date=7 April 2015}}</ref>

However, since the peasant castes considered their land to be their most productive asset, they rarely sold it. The zeal of peasant castes to buy more and more land gradually changed their economic profile, and some of them became 'neo-landlords'. This transformation caused them to attempt to protect their new economic status from those below them, especially the Dalits, who were still mainly landless labourers. Thus they adopted many of the practices of their erstwhile landlords.<ref name="Sinha"/> The pattern of land reform in states like [[Bihar]] which mainly benefitted the middle castes like those of Koeris was also responsible for the imperfect mobilisation of backward castes in the politics. The space carved by backwards in electoral politics after 1967 was dominated mainly by these middle peasant castes and they were the biggest beneficiary of the ''politics of [[socialism]]'', the proponent of which were people like [[Ram Manohar Lohia]].<ref name="Sanjay 55">{{cite book |last=Kumar|first=Sanjay |title=Post mandal politics in Bihar:Changing electoral patterns|publisher=SAGE publication|pages=55|isbn=978-93-528-0585-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2zhODwAAQBAJ&q=jagdeo+prasad&pg=PA55|date=2018-06-05}}</ref> The unequitable political space at the disposal of other ''Backward Castes'' and [[Scheduled Caste]]s was thus an implicit implication of these land reforms as according to Varinder Grover:
{{quote|The pattern of land reforms in Bihar is one of the main reason for imperfect mobilisation of backward castes into the politics. The abolition of all intermediaries had definitely helped the hard working castes like Kurmi, Koeris and Yadav. These small peasant proprietors worked very hard on their land and also drive their labourers hard, and any resistance by agricultural labourers gives rise to the mutual conflicts and atrocities on [[Harijan]]s.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=M4yABACTXw4C&pg=PA780|title=Indian Political System: Trends and Challenges, Volume 10
|isbn=8171008844|chapter=Political system and constitution of India|author=Verinder Grover|publisher=Deep and Deep Publications|year=1997|pages=780–781|access-date=2020-10-05}}</ref>}}

The differences between upper backward castes and the extremely backward castes and Dalits due to unequal distribution of the benefits of land reforms was thus a major challenge before the CPI(ML) in mobilisation of collective force of lower castes against the upper caste landlords. The upper backward castes like Koeri were initially less attached to the CPI(ML) due to their economic progress and the communists were successful in mobilising them only in some regions like [[Patna]], [[Bhojpuri region|Bhojpur]], [[Aurangabad]] and [[Rohtas District|Rohtas]] district. These success were attributed to the widespread [[dacoity]] and oppressive attitude of the upper caste landlords faced by these hardworking caste groups which propelled them to join the fold of revolutionary organisations.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zA2rCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT178|title=Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace|chapter=Bihar 1990-2011|author=Ranabir Samaddar|date=3 March 2016|publisher=Routledge, 2016|isbn=978-1317125372|access-date=2020-10-05|page=178}}</ref>

==Political presence==
The Kushwaha also engaged in political action during these latter days of the Raj. Around 1933–1934,{{efn|The date of formation of the Triveni Sangh has been variously stated. Some sources have said it was the 1920s but Kumar notes recently discovered documentation that makes 1933 more likely,<ref>{{cite book |pages=43, 196 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA43 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> whilst Jaffrelot has said 1934.<ref name="Jaffrelot197"/>}} the Koeris joined with the Kurmis and Yadavs to form the [[Triveni Sangh]], a caste federation that by 1936 claimed to have a million supporters. This coalition followed an alliance for the 1930 local elections which fared badly at the polls. The new grouping had little electoral success: it won a few seats in the 1937 elections but was stymied by a two-pronged opposition which saw the rival [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] wooing some of its more wealthy leading lights to a newly formed unit called the "''Backward Class Federation''" and an effective opposition from upper castes organised to keep the lower castes in their customary place. Added to this, the three putatively allied castes were unable to set aside their communal rivalries and the Triveni Sangh also faced competition from the [[All India Kisan Sabha]], a peasant-oriented socio-political campaigning group run by the Communists. The appeal of the Triveni Sangh had waned significantly by 1947<ref name="Jaffrelot197">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |pages=197–198}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |page=44 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA44 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> but had achieved a measure of success away from the ballot box, notably by exerting sufficient influence to bring an end to the [[Veth (India)|begar]] system of forced unpaid labour and by providing a platform for those voices seeking reservation of jobs in government for people who were not upper castes.<ref>{{cite book |page=36 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref> Many years later, in 1965, there was an abortive attempt to revive the defunct federation.<ref>{{cite book |page=62 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA62 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

The Kisan Sabha was dominated by peasant castes like the Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav, which led some historians such as [[Gyanendra Pandey (historian)|Gyan Pandey]] to term them mainly movements of the middle peasant castes who organized against ''bedakhil'' (eviction), with limited participation of other communities. The reality, however, was more complex. Dalit communities like the Chamars and Pasis, whose traditional occupations were leatherwork and toddy-tapping respectively, formed a significant portion of the landless peasantry and were thus significant in the Kisan Sabha, and present were even members of the high castes such as Brahmins.<ref>{{cite book |title=Reconsidering Untouchability: Chamars and Dalit History in North India |first=Ramnarayan S. |last=Rawat |author-link=Ram Narayan Rawat |year=2011 |isbn=978-0-25322-262-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bz5dKC81O3IC&pg=PA12 |publisher=Indiana University Press |pages=12–15}}</ref>

The Koeris also had significant presence in the Naxalite movement of 1960's rural Bihar, particularly in [[Bhojpuri region|Bhojpur]] and nearby areas like [[Arrah]], where an economic system dominated by the upper caste landlords was still in place.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nationalheraldindia.com/politics/bihar-seat-sharing-amit-shah-had-no-time-to-meet-kushwaha-rlsp-leaders-upset|title= Bihar-seat-sharing-amit-shah-had-no-time-to-meet-kushwaha-rlsp-leaders-upset|website=[[National Herald]]|first=Suroor|last=Ahmed|access-date=2020-08-03}}</ref> For the lower castes, the issue was not merely economic but it was the question of ''Ijjat'' (honour), since upper caste men often raped lower-caste women with impunity. Here, the Communist upsurge against the prevalent feudal system was led by [[Jagdish Mahto]], a Koeri teacher who had read [[B. R. Ambedkar|Ambedkar]] and [[Marx]] and was sympathetic to the cause of [[Dalit]]s.<ref name="Santosh"/>

According to Santosh Singh, the [[Bhumihar]]s of the region beat him mercilessly when he was found voicing support for [[Communist Party of India|CPI]] in upcoming elections. After Mahto was discharged from the hospital he formed his own militant outfit with the help of his associates Ram Naresh Ram and Rameswar Ahir. Mahto's organisation was affiliated to [[Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War|Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)]], a radical faction of [[Communist Party of India]]. Mahto led his militia, which assassinated many upper-caste landlords in the region, until he was killed during a police raid. However, the action of Jagdish clearly demarcated the dividing lines between Koeris and [[Bhumihar]]s in the Ekwaari.<ref name="Santosh">{{cite book|title = Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India|first=Gail|last= Omvedt|publisher=M.E.Sharpe |page=59|year=1993|isbn=0765631768|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Wlxb0uacnRcC&q=Reinventing+Revolution:+New+So/jagdish+mahto&pg=PA59|access-date=2020-06-16}}^ Its first mass leader was Jagdish Mahto, a koeri teacher who had read ambedkar before he discovered Marx and started a paper in the town of arrah called Harijanistan("dalit land")..</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SVu8CgAAQBAJ&q=on+February+17+1967+jagdish+went+to+the+polling+booth+to+caste+his+vote&pg=PT142|title=Ruled or Misruled: Story and Destiny of Bihar|first=Santosh|last= Singh|publisher= Bloomsbury Publishing|year= 2015|isbn=978-9385436420|access-date=2020-07-19}}</ref>

For much of the 20th century, the Koeries were generally less politically effective, even less involved, than the Kurmis and Yadavs who broadly shared their socio-economic position in Hindu society. The latter two groups were more vociferous in their actions, including involvement in caste rioting, whilst the Koeris had only a brief prominence during the ascendancy of [[Jagdeo Prasad]]. This muted position changed dramatically in the 1990s when the rise to power of [[Lalu Prasad]] in Bihar caused an assertion of Yadav-centric policies that demanded a loud reaction.<ref name="Ashwini">{{cite book |pages=34–37 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

Earlier, the Koeris were given fair representation in Laloo Yadav as well as [[Rabri Devi]] regime. The backward politics unleashed by Laloo Prasad resulted in rise to political prominence of numerous backward castes, among which Koeri were prominent.<ref name="Ashwini"/> In this period, caste remained the most effective tool of political mobilisation and even leaders who were theoretically against caste-based politics also appealed to caste loyalties to secure their victory. The Rabri Devi government had appointed ten Koeris as minister in her cabinet, which was sought by many community leaders as a fair representation to the clan.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5-CavJF-EVEC&q=rabri+devi+government+had+10+koeri+minister&pg=PA166|title=Towards a New Era: Economic, Social and Political Reforms|first=M. L.|last= Sondhi|publisher=Har-Anand Publications|year= 2001|isbn=8124108005|access-date=2020-07-19}}</ref>
The portrayal of Laloo Yadav as a "Messiah of backward castes" lost the ground when the Yadav ascendancy in politics led other aspirational backward castes to move away from his party. In the meantime during 1990s, [[Nitish Kumar]], who was projected as the leader of Kurmi and Koeri communities formed the [[Samta Party]], leading to the isolation of Koeri-Kurmi community from Yadavs and Laloo Prasad.<ref name="Ashwini"/><ref name="Thakur">{{cite book|title=City, Society, and Planning: Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=odCJoIaDqZ0C&q=koeri+bihar+politics&pg=PA400|first=Baleshwar|last=Thakur|location =University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|pages=393–400|year=2007|
isbn=978-8180694608|access-date=2020-06-16}} While Samta with its leader Nitish is considered to be the party of Koeri-Kurmi, Bihar people's party led by Anand Mohan is perceived to be a party having sympathy and support of Rajputs.</ref>

Thus, the decades following independence witnessed a complete shift of power from upper castes to the "upper backward castes": a term coined to describe castes like the Koeri, Yadav, Kurmi and [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] in Bihar. The transfer of power was also witnessed at the local level of governance. The upper caste were first to acquire education and they benefitted from it initially but with the expansion in electoral franchise and growth of "party system", they lost the ground to upper backward communities. Nepotism and patronage for fellow caste members in government, which had previously been an upper-caste phenomenon, was now available to the upper backward communities. This phenomenon continued with [[Karpoori Thakur]] in the 1970s, who had provided 12% reservation to lower backward castes and 8% to upper backwards in which Koeri were included. The peak of this patronage was reached during the tenure of Laloo Yadav.<ref name="Thakur"/>

From 1990 onwards the solidarity of backward castes was severely weakened due to division among the Koeri-Kurmi community and Yadavs. The former's voting pattern was in quite contrast to that of the latter. When Samta Party allied with the [[Bhartiya Janata Party]], Koeris voted for this alliance and thus in 1996 Lok Sabha elections BJP fared well, primarily with the support of Koeri and Kurmis. The division among backwards also costed their representation in the assemblies. It was seen that profile of Bihar legislative assembly was changing rapidly since 1967 and till 1995-96 the representation of upper caste was reduced to as lower as 17%. But, the division among backwards served as a hope to the upper castes to at least increase their representation. The success of BJP-Samta coalition however also consolidated the Koeris and the Kurmis, who now emerged as political force in 1996 elections.<ref>{{cite book|title=Caste and Democratic Politics in India|first=Ghanshyam|last=Shah|publisher=Orient Blackswan|year=2004|isbn=8178240955|pages=346, 350–354
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Aou17T8KaEEC&q=caste+and+bihar+politics&pg=PA346|access-date=2020-06-18}}</ref>

Since 1996 the Koeris voted en masse for the JD (U) and BJP coalition. The caste based polarisation in states like Bihar drifted the dominant backward castes away from the [[Rashtriya Janata Dal]] and distributed their votes to various political parties. The Koeris who constituted one of the most populous caste group were shifted first towards [[Janata Dal (United)|JD (U)]]-[[Bhartiya Janata Party|BJP]] coalition. Later after the expulsion of [[Upendra Kushwaha]] from the JD (U) and formation of [[Rashtriya Lok Samata Party]], their votes were distributed amongst the JD (U) on the one hand and the new social coalition made by BJP with [[Lok Janshakti Party]] and Rashtriya Lok Samata Party on the other hand.<ref>{{cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ONcNDgAAQBAJ&pg=PT158|title=Electoral Politics in India: The Resurgence of the Bharatiya Janata Party|chapter=7. The eastern gift, BJP's 2014 victory in Bihar|author1=Suhas Palshikar|author2=Sanjay Kumar|author3=Sanjay Lodha|publisher=Taylor & Francis|year=2017|isbn =978-1351996914|access-date=2020-10-03}}</ref>
In 2015 [[Bihar Legislative Assembly]] elections the [[Janata Dal (United)]] allied with its rival [[Rashtriya Janata Dal]] due to differences with [[Bhartiya Janata Party]]. The social composition of these parties and the core voter base are such that this coalition drew immense support from the [[Yadav]], [[Kurmi]] and Kushwaha caste who hardly voted together after the 1990s. Consequently, the coalition emerged with massive victory with the number of legislators from these agrarian castes reaching higher as compared to previous elections.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.thequint.com/videos/news-videos/bihar-caste-politics-data-analysis-nitish-kumar-advantage-nda-bjp-jdu-mahagathbandhan-rjd-return-as-cm#read-more|title=Which Caste Holds Key to Nitish’s Return as CM? Here’s the Data|website=[[The Quint]]|access-date=2020-11-24}}</ref> Later the coalition was ripped apart and in 2020 Assembly elections the disunity among the three castes and split of votes led to huge decline in number of Kushwaha legislators.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/one-in-every-four-members-in-new-bihar-assembly-will-be-from-upper-caste/articleshow/79214031.cms|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210129214537/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/assembly-elections/bihar/one-in-every-four-members-in-new-bihar-assembly-will-be-from-upper-caste/articleshow/79214031.cms?from=mdr |title=One in every four new Bihar assembly members is from upper castes|website=[[Times of India]]|access-date=2020-11-24|archive-date=29 January 2021}}</ref>

==Culture and beliefs==
[[File:The women of Kushwaha caste celebrating Chhath Mahaparva in Bihar.jpg|thumb|Kushwaha women offering ''[[Prasad]]'' to Sun on ''[[Chhath]]''. ]]
In the central [[Bihar]] backward castes like Koeri are numerically and politically powerful and hence they reject the traditional ''[[Jajmani|Jajmani system]]'' which relies upon Brahmanical notion of purity and pollution.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pviHAwAAQBAJ&pg=PR18|title=Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy?|author=Dipankar Gupta|publisher=SAGE Publications India|year=2004|isbn=8132103459|access-date=2020-10-09}}</ref> The backward caste groups in this region thus do not avail the services of [[Brahmin]] priests to perform their rituals. In most of the cases, Koeri households employ a Koeri priest to perform their rituals and their services are also availed by other backward castes like Yadav. These priest who belong to Koeri caste are different from the Brahmin priests in their approval of widow remarriage. They also promote non-vegetarianism and do not grow ''tuft'' like the Brahmins. The ''tika'' (liquid form of sandalwood on the head) which is made by the Brahmin priests on their forehead is also disapproved by them.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IHWKDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA97|title=Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia: Essays in Memory of Ramkrishna Mukherjee|author1=Partha Nath Mukherji|author2= N. Jayaram|author3=Bhola Nath Ghosh|publisher=Springer|year=2019|page=97|isbn=978-9811303876|access-date=2020-10-07}}</ref>

== Classification ==

===Disputed varna status===
The Kushwaha were traditionally a peasant community and considered to be of the [[Shudra]] [[Varna (Hinduism)|varna]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=81}}</ref> Pinch describes them as "skilled agriculturalists".<ref name=Pinch1996p92>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=92}}</ref> The traditional perception of Shudra status was increasingly challenged during the later decades of [[British Raj]] rule, although various castes had made claims of a higher status well before the British administration instituted its first census.{{efn|William Pinch records that, "... a popular concern with status predated the rise of an imperial census apparatus and the colonial obsession with caste. ... [C]laims to personal and community dignity appeared to be part of a longer discourse that did not require European political and administrative structures."<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=88}}</ref>}} The [[Kurmi]] community of cultivators, described by [[Christophe Jaffrelot]] as "middle caste peasants", led this charge in search of greater respectability.<ref name="Jaffrelot197"/> Pinch describes that "The concern with personal dignity, community identity, and caste status reached a peak among Kurmi, Yadav, and Kushvaha peasants in the first four decades of the twentieth century."<ref name=Pinch1996p83>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |pages=83–84}}</ref>

===Identification as Kushwaha Kshatriya===
From around 1910, the Kachhis and the Koeris, both of whom for much of the preceding century had close links with the British as a consequence of their favoured role in the cultivation of the [[opium poppy]], began to identify themselves as Kushwaha [[Kshatriya]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=90}}</ref> An organisation claiming to represent those two groups and the Muraos petitioned for official recognition as being of the Kshatriya varna in 1928.<ref name="Jaffrelot199" />

This action by the All India Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha (AIKKM) reflected the general trend for social upliftment by communities that had traditionally been classified as being Shudra. The process, which [[M. N. Srinivas]] called [[sanskritisation]],<ref>{{cite journal|last=Charsley |first=S. |s2cid=143948468 |year=1998 |title=Sanskritization: The Career of an Anthropological Theory |journal=Contributions to Indian Sociology |volume=32 |issue=2 |page=527 |doi=10.1177/006996679803200216 }}</ref> was a feature of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century caste politics.<ref name="Jaffrelot199">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |page=199}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=History of anthropological thought |first1=Vijay S. |last1=Upadhyay |first2=Gaya |last2=Pandey |publisher=Concept Publishing Company |year=1993 |isbn=978-81-7022-492-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SNw5zVN1V0oC |page=436}}</ref>

The position of the AIKKM was based on the concept of [[Vaishnavism]], which promoted the worship and claims of descent from Rama or Krishna as a means to assume the trappings of Kshatriya symbolism and thus permit the wearing of the [[sacred thread]] even though the physical labour inherent in their cultivator occupations intrinsically defined them as Shudra. The movement caused them to abandon their claims to be descended from Shiva in favour of the alternate myth that claimed descent from Rama.<ref>{{cite book |title=Daughters of the earth: women and land in Uttar Pradesh |first=Smita Tewari |last=Jassal |publisher=Technical Publications |year=2001 |isbn=978-81-7304-375-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T6gnJmoLRZQC |pages=51–53}}</ref> In 1921, Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha Sanskritization, had published a book offering proof of the Kshatriya status of the Koeri, Kachhi, Murao and Kachwaha.<ref name=Pinch1996p92 /><ref>{{cite book |title=Fascinating Hindutva: saffron politics and Dalit mobilisation |first=Badri |last=Narayan |publisher=SAGE |year=2009 |isbn=978-81-7829-906-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8bJ_rhfu6yUC |page=25}}</ref> His reconstructed history argued that the Kushwaha were Hindu descendants of Kush and that in the twelfth century they had served Raja [[Jayachandra|Jaichand]] in a military capacity during the period of Muslim consolidation of the [[Delhi Sultanate]]. Subsequent persecution by the victorious Muslims caused the Kushwaha to disperse and disguise their identity, foregoing the sacred thread and thereby becoming degraded and taking on various localised community names.<ref name=Pinch1996p92 /> Gupta's attempt to prove Kshatriya status, in common with similar attempts by others to establish histories of various castes, was spread via the caste associations, which [[Dipankar Gupta]] describes as providing a link between the "urban, politically literate elite" members of a caste and the "less literate villagers".<ref>{{cite book |title=Caste in question: identity or hierarchy? |first=Dipankar |last=Gupta |publisher=SAGE |year=2004 |page=199 |isbn=978-0-7619-3324-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bgpEIb4tNjgC}}</ref> Some communities also constructed temples in support of these claims as, for example, did the Muraos in [[Ayodhya]].<ref name=Pinch1996p98 />
[[File:An elderly couple belonging to Koeri caste.jpg|thumb|An elderly couple belonging to ''Kushwaha'' caste from ''[[Bihar]]''.]]
Some Kushwaha reformers also argued, in a similar vein to Kurmi reformer Devi Prasad Sinha Chaudhari, that since [[Rajput]]s, [[Bhumihar]]s and [[Brahmins]] worked the fields in some areas, there was no rational basis for assertions that such labour marked a community as being of the Shudra varna.<ref>{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uEP-ceGYsnYC |page=110}}</ref>

William Pinch describes the growth of militancy among agricultural castes in the wake of their claims to Kshatriya status. Castes like Koeris, Kurmis and Yadavs asserted their Kshatriya status not merely by words but they joined the [[British Indian Army]] as soldiers in large number. The growing militancy among them turned rural Bihar into an arena of conflict in which numerous caste-based militias surfaced and atrocities against the Dalits became the new norm. The militias founded during this period were named after folk figures or popular personalities who were revered by the whole community.<ref>{{cite book |title=Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution...
|page=209,210 |first=George |last=kunnath|publisher=Taylor and Francis group |location=New york |year=2018 |isbn=978-1-138-09955-5|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=JkcrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA209|access-date=2020-05-29}}</ref>

===Classification as Backward Caste===
{{See also|Other Backward Class}}

Kushwahas are classified as a Upper middle Caste in some of the states of India.<ref>{{Cite web|title=17 Most Backward Castes May Play Kingmaker as Purvanchal Gears Up to Vote in Final Phase|url=https://www.news18.com/news/opinion/17-most-backward-castes-may-play-kingmaker-as-purvanchal-gears-up-to-vote-in-final-phase-2141707.html|access-date=2020-09-01|website=News18}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/lok-sabha-elections-2014/news/Upper-castes-rule-Cabinet-backwards-MoS/articleshow/35624877.cms |title=Upper castes rule Cabinet, backwards MoS |work=The Times of India |date=27 May 2014 |access-date=2020-06-15}}</ref> In 2013, the Haryana government added the Kushwaha, Koeri and Maurya castes to the list of backward classes.<ref name="ht">{{cite news |url=http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/three-castes-included-in-backward-classes-list/article1-1147408.aspx |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140415174249/http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/three-castes-included-in-backward-classes-list/article1-1147408.aspx |url-status=dead |archive-date=15 April 2014 |work=Hindustan Times |title=Three castes included in backward classes list |date=5 November 2013 |access-date=14 April 2014}}</ref> In Bihar they are categorized as [[Other Backward Class]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.scbc.bih.nic.in/ObcList.htm|title=Central list of backward castes (Bihar)|website=scbc.bih.nic|access-date=2020-08-12}}</ref> The various subcastes of Kushwaha community viz Kachhi, [[Shakya]] and Koeri are categorized as OBC in [[Uttar Pradesh]] also.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ncbc.nic.in/user_panel/GazetteResolution.aspx?Value=mPICjsL1aLvxbegUDuc3MN4eB5E3Ecc1drRPAf1qXQ%2bl0IqIfhjN1xHrf4i2h5g0|title=Central list of OBC (Uttar Pradesh)|website=ncbc.nic.in|access-date=2020-08-12}}</ref>

== References ==
'''Notes'''
{{notelist}}

'''Citations'''
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}

==Further reading==
*{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=A1qXDQAAQBAJ&q=rabri+devi+government+had+10+koeri+minister|title= Social Movements and the State in India: Deepening Democracy?|first=Kenneth Bo Nielsen|last= Alf Gunvald Nilsen|date= 23 November 2016|publisher=Springer|pages=2016|isbn= 978-1137591333|access-date=2020-07-19}}
*{{cite book|title=From popular movement to rebellion:The Naxalite dacade|page= 317,318|first=Ranbir|last=Samaddar|publisher=Routledge|location =New york|year=2019|isbn= 978-0-367-13466-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BjZ7DwAAQBAJ&q=jagdish+prasad+mahto+naxal&pg=PT317|access-date=2020-05-30}}

[[Category:Agricultural castes]]
[[Category:Shaktism]]
[[Category:Social groups of Bihar]]
[[Category:Social groups of Uttar Pradesh]]
[[Category:Suryavansha]]
[[Category:Vaishnavism]]

Koeri

2026-05-21T14:20:12Z

2409:40E4:111F:399A:8000:0:0:0: No change

{{Infobox ethnic group
|group = کوئیری
|image = Mata PrasRaja Bodh Ram who obtained Raja title from Asaf-ud-daula who was Koiri by caste.jpg
|image_size = 250px
|caption = Raja Bodh Ram, a Koiri by caste, obtained the title of Raja from Asaf-ud-Daula, the Nawab of Awadh (1775–1797), and held an estate in Rai Bareli.
|regions = {{flag|India}}, {{flag|Nepal}}
|region1 = [[Bihar]]
|pop1 = {{estimation}} 3–4% of the population
|langs = {{hlist|[[Hindi]]|[[Bhojpuri]]|[[Nepali language|Nepali]]}}
|rels = [[File:Om.svg|12px]] [[Hinduism]]
}}
The '''Koeri''' (also known as '''Koiry''' or '''Koiri''') are a landowning upper [[caste]] mainly found in [[Bihar]], [[Uttar Pradesh]] and [[Nepal]] whose traditional occupation is [[agriculture]], traditionally known for advance agriculture and rice cultivation.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=SfK839MBxycC&q=Koeri+bihar+uttarpradesh&dq=Koeri+bihar+uttarpradesh&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjetO7WrLGUAxXQjWMGHfTIKYwQ6wF6BAgREAU#Koeri%20bihar%20uttarpradesh</nowiki></ref> A colonial report noted them as landlords.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=jJgfNVjZ8koC&pg=PA280&dq=Landowner+Koeri&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiE1-ftsrGUAxVCJNAFHUqHDH8Q6wF6BAgPEAU#v=onepage&q=Landowner%20Koeri&f=false</nowiki></ref> The Koiri or Koeri were an ancient [[caste]], they considered as agriculturalist, high landowning [[caste]].<ref>https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.55891/page/n103/mode/1up</ref> In [[Bengal]], people of the Koiri [[caste]] often acted as moneylenders and were quite prosperous, frequently hiring labourers for cultivation of [[rice]] and other crops.<ref>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=hN89zPZ6vIcC&q=Koeri+money+lender&dq=Koeri+money+lender&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjOldabrrGUAxXvSWwGHcVRHvA4ChDrAXoECAgQBQ#Koeri%20money%20lender</ref> They are described as a dominant [[caste]] in various opinions.<ref>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=DUuxDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT76&dq=koeri+dominant+Caste&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiSisqJr7GUAxU9qVYBHYA3GCQQ6wF6BAgQEAU#v=onepage&q&f=false</ref> Koiri or Koeri are a elite and prosperous [[caste]] amongst agriculturalist communities.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=e41uAAAAMAAJ&q=Koeri+prosperous&dq=Koeri+prosperous&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiLx4zEsbGUAxWazDgGHXusI1wQ6wF6BAgPEAU#Koeri%20prosperous</nowiki></ref>

Koeris benefitted greatly from the land reform policies of the Indian government. Faced with the land ceiling laws and communist pressure in the 1970s, Muslim landlords resorted to selling off their lands, often to Koeris. This allowed the Koeris themselves to aspire to be big landowners. According to britishers, Koeris were agriculturist landowning [[caste]].<ref>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=pjVdJMBeXU8C&pg=PA203&dq=koiri+agriculturalist&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiMqKmMraqUAxVUS3ADHdNqCUUQ6wF6BAgOEAU#v=onepage&q=koiri%20agriculturalist&f=false</ref>

The Koeris are found in [[Saran district]] and also live in the Samastipur district of [[Bihar]]. Outside India, the Koeris are distributed among the Bihari diaspora in [[Mauritius]]. The Koiri or Kushwaha also have significant population in [[Nepal]], they are categorised as upper and elite [[caste]] in [[nepal]] due to large land ownership and political dominance.

==Koiri & kushwaha in Nepal==
'''Kushwaha (Koiri or koeri)''' are an landowning high caste-community residing in the [[Terai]] region. In Nepal, the population of the Kushwaha community is around 1.22%, numbering more than approximately 355,000 people. This community mainly resides in districts of [[Madhesh Province]], [[Koshi Province]], and Lumbini Province, and is considered an important community in Madheshi society.
<ref>{{cite report |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021: Caste/Ethnicity Report |publisher=Government of Nepal, National Statistics Office |location=Kathmandu |year=2023 |url=https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Caste%20Ethnicity_report_NPHC_2021.pdf}}</ref>

Their traditional ancestral occupations were agriculture and landlordship. However, they are now engaged in various professions, businesses, education, civil service, and the military, and are regarded as an influential, organized, and powerful community compared to other Madheshi castes. Koiri or Koeri considered as prosperous [[caste]] in [[Magadha]] and [[terai]] region.

The Kushwaha community belongs to the [[Vaishya]] class among the Madheshi high castes.
<ref>{{cite report |title=Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II: Social Demography |publisher=Government of Nepal, Central Bureau of Statistics & UNFPA |location=Kathmandu |year=2014 |url=https://nepal.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Population%20Monograph%20V02.pdf}}</ref>
<ref>{{cite book |last=Hofer |first=András |title=The Caste Hierarchy and the State in Nepal: A Study of the Muluki Ain of 1854 |publisher=Universitätsverlag Wagner |location=Innsbruck |year=1979}}</ref>

However, many also claim [[Kshatriya]] status.
<ref>{{cite book |last=Pinch |first=William R. |title=Peasants and Monks in British India |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996}}</ref>

Although their ancestors were traditionally vegetarian, this practice has gradually changed over time. The traditionally common surname in this community is ''Mahato''. Surnames used among the Kushwaha/Koiri community in Nepal include Mahato, Singh, Kushwaha, Mehta, Maurya, Morao, Bhagat, Sinha, and Verma,etc among others in nepal.

Some Kushwaha organizations in Nepal have claimed that the population of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community in Nepal exceeds one million. If accepted, this figure would account for approximately 3.4% of Nepal’s total population.
<ref>{{cite web |title=Kushwaha community claims over 10 lakh population in Nepal |url=https://www.enewsbureau.com/news-details/9602/2021-01-20 |website=eNews Bureau |date=20 January 2021}}</ref>
<ref>{{cite web |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021 |url=https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Final_Population_compostion_12_2.pdf |publisher=Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal}}</ref>

=== Socio-economic status ===
[[File:Literacy rate of nepali koiri.png|thumb|Caste-wise literacy rate of Nepali Koiris]]

Although the Kushwaha (Koiri) community in Nepal has traditionally been associated with agriculture, their relatively high literacy rate has contributed to their strong social and economic position. Particularly in the Terai region, the Kushwaha community has made notable progress in education, professional skills, and leadership. According to recent census data, more than 80% of Kushwahas are literate, which is above Nepal’s national average literacy rate of 77.4%.

The Koiri community is not limited only to agriculture, but also has a significant presence in government service, politics, business, and other professional sectors. Their comparatively high literacy rate and community unity have contributed to their representation in policy-making, administration, and local leadership. Kushwahas are regarded as one of the organized and influential Madheshi communities. Some descriptions portray them as economically and politically strong landowning groups in parts of the Terai region.

Various social and community organizations within the community have played active roles in educational awareness, cultural preservation, social development, and leadership building. These initiatives have contributed to establishing the Kushwaha community as an influential and socially active group within Nepali society.
<ref name="NKKS">{{cite web |title=Nepal Kushwaha Kalyan Samaj |url=https://nkks.org.np/}}</ref>

=== Koiri in Terai region ===
[[File:Caste-wise Agricultural Landholding Data - Terai Region.jpg|thumb|Caste-wise Agricultural Landholding Data - Terai Region.]]

This table, prepared on the basis of data related to Nepal’s 2021 national census, presents the average agricultural land ownership and share of total agricultural land among different caste communities in the Terai region. According to the data, the Kushwaha (Koiri) community remains strongly associated with agriculture and is reported to possess an average of approximately 6.2 bighas of land, which is among the higher figures listed in the table. Likewise, Yadav, Bhumihar, and Tharu communities are also shown to have notable involvement in agriculture and significant agricultural land ownership.

Agriculture is considered the backbone of Nepal’s economy, while the Terai region is regarded as the country’s primary grain-producing area. Such statistics help in understanding the economic and social structure of different agrarian communities in the Terai region. The Koiri community is often described as a strong agriculturist caste in Nepal.

=== Culture ===

[[File:Holi festival celebration in Kathmandu 2025-070A3169.jpg|thumb|Women of the Kushwaha (Koiri) community celebrating Holi in Nepal]]
[[File:Chhath Puja Ritual from India.jpg|thumb|Nepali Kushwaha (Koiri) community celebrating Chhath Puja in Kathmandu]]

The Kushwaha community predominantly follows [[Hinduism]]. Members of the community particularly worship deities such as [[Shiva]], [[Rama]], and [[Vishnu]]. Major festivals celebrated by the Kushwaha community include [[Chhath]], [[Diwali]], and [[Holi]].
<ref>{{cite web |title=Kushwaha Religious Practices |url=https://news.sainicaste.com/2024/03/who-is-kushwaha-caste-god.html |website=Saini Caste News}}</ref>

=== Subgroups (clans) ===
Historically, various subgroups (clans) have been identified within the Koiri/[[kushwaha]] community. Colonial-era caste studies mention the following subgroups within the Koiri community:
<ref>{{cite book |title=The Tribes and Castes of Bengal |last=Risley |first=H. H. |year=1891 |publisher=Government of Bengal}}</ref>

* Jaruhar
* Kanaujiya
* Magahiya
* Tirhutia
* Sakya
* koliya
* Banaphar
* Goita
* Morao
* Bhagatiya
* Purabiya
* Barakar
* Palmoha

=== Architecture ===

An example of architecture associated with the Koiri (Kushwaha) community can be seen in [[Janaki Mandir]] in Janakpur, which is sometimes regarded as an important example of “Koiri-style” architecture. Some local narratives also associate the temple’s construction with members of the Koiri community.
<ref>{{cite web |title=Janaki Mandir |url=https://visitsnepal.com/product/janaki-mandir/}}</ref>

[[File:Drone image of jankai temple ( jankapur nepal) in koiri style architecture.png|thumb|Drone image of Janaki Mandir, Janakpur, in Koiri-style architecture]]

This style of architecture reflects a blend of Hindu, Mughal, and regional Mithila artistic influences. Janaki Mandir is a three-storey structure primarily constructed using stone and white marble.
<ref>{{cite web |title=Janaki Mandir |url=https://visitsnepal.com/product/janaki-mandir/}}</ref>

The temple structure includes domes, lattice-carved windows, coloured glass, pillars, and decorations inspired by Mithila paintings. The temple complex is said to contain around 60 rooms, contributing to its distinctive and attractive architectural character.
<ref>{{cite web |title=Janaki Mandir |url=https://visitsnepal.com/product/janaki-mandir/}}</ref>

This architectural style is considered reflective of the cultural influence and religious traditions of the Madhesh and Mithila regions.

=== Dominanace ===

Historically, different caste and ethnic groups in Nepal have had varying levels of representation in government administration, agriculture, trade, civil service, judiciary, and military institutions.

During the rule of the [[Shah dynasty]] (1768–2008), hill high-caste groups such as [[Bahun]] and [[Kshatriya|Chhetri]] held significant dominance in the civil service, judiciary, and senior military positions.

According to some studies conducted in the Terai region using data from before 2015, certain Madheshi caste groups were represented in the civil service at rates higher than their share of the national population. For example, the representation of the [[Kushwaha]] ([[Koiri]]) community in Nepal’s civil service was reported to be approximately 3.2 times higher than their population share, placing them fourth in terms of representation. Similarly, the [[Rajput]] community was reported to have representation approximately 5.6 times higher than its population share, while [[Maithil Brahmin]] representation was around 4.2 times higher.
<ref name="Hatlebakk07">{{cite web |last=Hatlebakk |first=Magnus |year=2007 |title=Economic and social structures that may explain the recent conflicts in the Terai of Nepal |location=Kathmandu |publisher=Norwegian Embassy |url=http://www.norway.org.np/NR/rdonlyres/0993F5660B3548A98F819167B4FD596C/72944/http___wwwcmi.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110724190445/http://www.norway.org.np/NR/rdonlyres/0993F5660B3548A98F819167B4FD596C/72944/http___wwwcmi.pdf |archive-date=2011-07-24}}</ref>

The [[Yadav]] community is one of the largest Madheshi caste groups in Nepal. Due to their substantial population in some districts, their political representation has increased significantly in recent decades. One prominent figure from this community is [[Ram Baran Yadav]], who served as the first President of Nepal from 23 July 2008 to 29 October 2015.
<ref name="OCHA1">{{cite journal |url=http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpDocuments)/B66F206172F49BE4C12572D50030C3F0/$file/OCHA+overview+no+12+April+07.pdf |title=Highlights |journal=OCHA Nepal Situation Overview |issue=12 |date=April 2007 |publisher=OCHA}}</ref>

In Nepal, [[Nepali language]] is the national language, while [[Maithili language]] is one of the most widely spoken languages in the country. The traditional caste system in Hindu society was legally abolished by the ''New Muluki Ain'' implemented in 1963.
<ref name="OCHA2">{{cite journal |url=https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2E89F2121C2C57A24925733F000F4F21-Full_report.pdf |title=Highlights |journal=OCHA Nepal Situation Overview |issue=16 |date=July–August 2007 |publisher=OCHA}}</ref>

[[File:Average Height of Nepalese Men and Women in every Province.png|thumb|Average height of Nepali men and women in different provinces]]

=== Population ===

Nepal’s Central Bureau of Statistics classifies the Kushwaha caste as a subgroup within the broader upper Madheshi caste communities. The community is primarily concentrated in the [[Terai]] region of Nepal, where agriculture has traditionally been the main occupation.

According to the [[2021 Nepal census]] published by the [[National Statistics Office (Nepal)]], the population of the Kushwaha community in Nepal was 355,707, representing approximately 1.22% of the country’s total population.
<ref name="Census2021">{{cite report |title=National Population and Housing Census 2021: Caste/Ethnicity Report |publisher=National Statistics Office, Nepal |location=Kathmandu |year=2023 |url=https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results/files/result-folder/Caste%20Ethnicity_report_NPHC_2021.pdf}}</ref>

The provincial distribution of the Kushwaha population is as follows:
<ref name="Census2021"/>

* [[Madhesh Province]] – 4.56%
* [[Lumbini Province]] – 2%
* [[Koshi Province]] – 1%
* [[Bagmati Province]] – 0.5%
* [[Gandaki Province]] – 0.1%
* [[Karnali Province]] – 0.1%
* [[Sudurpashchim Province]] – 0.7%

The following districts have Kushwaha populations above the national average (approximately 1.3%):
<ref>{{cite web |title=2011 Nepal Census, District Level Detail Report |url=https://cbs.gov.np/wp-content/upLoads/2018/12/Volume05Part02.pdf |publisher=Central Bureau of Statistics, Nepal |access-date=2025-06-20 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230314170005/https://cbs.gov.np/wp-content/upLoads/2018/12/Volume05Part02.pdf |archive-date=2023-03-14}}</ref>

* [[Sarlahi]] – 7.9%
* [[Rautahat]] – 3.5%
* [[Bara District|Bara]] – 4.5%
* [[Parsa District|Parsa]] – 3.9%
* [[Dhanusha District|Dhanusha]] – 5.1%
* [[Siraha District|Siraha]] – 6.0%
* [[Saptari District|Saptari]] – 1.0%
* [[Mahottari District|Mahottari]] – 5.8%
* [[Sunsari District|Sunsari]] – 4.1%
* [[Morang District|Morang]] – 1.0%
* [[Kapilvastu District|Kapilvastu]] – 0.5%
* [[Rupandehi District|Rupandehi]] – 1.0%
* [[Banke District|Banke]] – 0.5%
* [[Bardiya District|Bardiya]] – 0.2%
* [[Jhapa District|Jhapa]] – 0.1%
* [[Chitwan District|Chitwan]] – <0.1%
* [[Nawalparasi District|Nawalparasi]] – <0.1%
* [[Kathmandu]] – 0.1%

==History & Philosophy ==

=== Koiri connections with Sakya And Koliya Clans ===
The Koiri or (Koeri/Kushwaha) [[Caste]] of magadh region is associated in several historical and community traditions with the ancient Shakya and Koliya clans of the Himalayan foothills. The ancient Shakya republic was located in present-day southern Nepal, with important sites such as Lumbini, traditionally regarded as the birthplace of Gautama Buddha. The [[Shakya]] capital Kapilavastu is commonly linked with Tilaurakot. The Koliya republic existed in the same region and maintained close political and matrimonial relations with the Shakya during the 6th century BCE. Many historians, [[caste]] studies, and community traditions connect present-day Koiri/kushwaha communities with these ancient republican clans like Sakya , Moriya and koliya due to historical, regional and inscriptional connections. Koiri or Koeri [[caste]] was ruling elite [[Tribe|caste]] during ancient period who established maurya dynasty along with sakya kingdom in [[nepal]] and [[india]].<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=WisVAQAAIAAJ&q=Koeri+koliya&dq=Koeri+koliya&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwisx6uWtquUAxVcJxAIHfBXGfoQ6wF6BAgIEAU#Koeri%20koliya</nowiki></ref>

[[File:Mahajanapadas (c. 500 BCE).png|thumb|The Mahajanapadas in the post-Vedic period. Koliya was to east of Sakya]]

=== Koiri caste link with kutumbin term and Rashtrakuta Empire ===
The Koiri (or Koeri) are a significant agricultural community in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, recognised as a landowning Upper middle [[caste]] with a strong agricultural base, particularly in cultivating crops like [[Rice]]. Epigraphic records suggest that Kutumbins were agriculturist house-holders. From the term kutumbin has been derived cultivating caste name such as the Koeri or Koiri of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. The term "Rashtrakuta" being used to refer to the heads of kutumbins/cultivators from which koiri or koeri caste derived.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=i_sIE1sO5kwC&pg=PA30&dq=Koeries+kutumbin&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjghcjpvquUAxXMExAIHawtJCAQ6wF6BAgMEAU#v=onepage&q=Koeries%20kutumbin&f=false</nowiki></ref>

Koiri or Koeri community claims ancestry from [[Kusha (Ramayana)|Kusha]] and the [[Maurya Empire|Mauryans]]. Some of the leading political parties have supported their claims to reap the benefits arising from their demographic strength in electoral politics, particularly in North Indian states like [[Bihar]] and [[Uttar Pradesh]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://m.timesofindia.com/city/patna/BJP-banking-on-votes-of-Koeris/articleshow/47321629.cms|title=BJP banking on votes of Koeris|first=Abhay |last=Singh|work=[[The Times of India]]|access-date=18 May 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://theprint.in/opinion/caste-groups-are-burning-rajnath-singhs-effigies-as-he-called-chandragupta-maurya-shepherd/|title=Caste groups are burning Rajnath Singh's effigies as he called Chandragupta Maurya shepherd|first=Shivam|last=Vij|work=theprint.in|access-date=27 May 2020}}</ref>

==Economy==
The community was at the heart of the Indian opium trade, which had its main base in Bihar as the Koeris were involved in opium production through hired labour from lower castes like Dusadh , Yadava , and others. Based on available reports and studies , the Kushwaha (Koeri) community is ranked among the highest-earning social groups in Bihar, often placed below general castes in per capita income but higher than many other OBC groups like Kurmi and Yadav. Koiri or Koeri considered as most dominant [[caste]] of OBC in [[Bihar]] and [[Uttar Pradesh]] due to large land holdings along with prosperity.<ref><nowiki>https://www.thedailyjagran.com/india/bjp-ministers-finalised-for-samrat-choudhary-cabinet-in-bihar-mangal-pandey-narayan-prasad-surendra-mehta-list-10311152</nowiki></ref>

===Post land reforms===
Peasants in [[Upper Backward Castes|upper backward castes]] like the Koeris benefitted the most from the land reform policies of the Indian government. Faced with the land ceiling laws and communist pressure in the 1970s, general caste landlords resorted to selling off their lands. In most cases the buyer would be from the Koeri, the [[Kurmi]], or the [[Yadav]] castes. These peasants worked skillfully on their land and made their holdings more productive. In contrast, the general castes were unable to do so, and they seemed to be satisfied with the price they got for their land. The increased urbanisation among general castes created a category of new landlords in the countryside as these three middle castes seldom sold their land, rather they looked on reforms as an opportunity to buy more.<ref>{{cite book | last=Sinha | first=A. | title=Nitish Kumar and the Rise of Bihar | page=80,81|publisher=[[Viking Press|Viking]] | year=2011 | isbn=978-0-670-08459-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rT2xWp_iTCYC&pg=PA81 | access-date=7 April 2015}}</ref>

This phenomenon promoted the upward mobility of middle peasant castes. While this mobility in the Yadavas consolidated them as big peasants and farm workers, in the Koeris, the vertical mobility was exclusively towards them becoming big [[landlords]].<ref>{{cite book|title=Agrarian Reforms, Land Markets, and Rural Poor|first=D. Narasimha |last=Reddy|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|page=279|year= 2009|isbn=978-8180696046|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jJgfNVjZ8koC&q=bihar+and+caste&pg=PA279|access-date=16 June 2020}}</ref> The Upper middle caste such as Koiri functioned as landlord rulers, while other backward castes worked in the field of Koiri [[landlord]]. Koiri landlords did not allow lower castes, such as Yadavs and Dusadhs, to sit with them.<ref><nowiki>https://books.google.co.in/books?id=3u21AAAAIAAJ&q=koeri+yadavas+sit&dq=koeri+yadavas+sit&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&ovdme=1&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwij4vrs26qUAxV8TWwGHQUOBI4Q6wF6BAgPEAU#koeri%20yadavas%20sit</nowiki></ref>

In 1989, Frankel observed that 95% of the upper castes and 36% of the middle peasant castes like the Koeri and the Yadav belonged to a rich peasant-cum-landlord class. An aversion to manual labour characterised this class. However, some Koeris and Yadavas who held comparatively less land to provide them with subsistence also worked as agricultural labourers, though the bulk of agricultural labourers belonged to the Dalit caste. According to Frankel, the bulk of middle and poor peasantry belonged to castes like the Koeris and the Yadavas; this class worked in their own fields but considered it beneath their dignity to work in others' fields.<ref>{{cite book |title=Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution ...
|page=31 |first=George |last=Kunnath|publisher=[[Taylor and Francis Group]] |location=New York |year=2018 |isbn=978-1-138-09955-5|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IkcrDwAAQBAJ&q=koeri+landlords&pg=PT31
|access-date=29 May 2020}}</ref>
However, the socio-economic progress and transition towards the upper edge of the social hierarchy was not unabated. The Koeris, like the other middle level castes in north India, were facing a double-edged confrontation from the upper castes who were supporters of the status quo as well as from the Dalits and the lowest castes who now became assertive for their own rights. All this made the middle castes aggressive.<ref>{{cite book|title =Beyond Ambedkar: Essays on Dalits in India|first=Nandu|last= Ram|publisher=Har Anand Publications|year=2009|isbn=978-8124114193
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BV0FuSXACbUC&q=koeri+caste+improved+economic+status&pg=PA32|access-date=16 June 2020}}</ref>

The conflict with general caste landlords led to an attraction towards far-left [[Naxalite|naxalism]]. This was witnessed in [[Ekwari]], a village, in the [[Bhojpur district, India|Bhojpur district]] where [[Jagdish Mahto]], a Koeri teacher belonging to upper middle [[caste]], began leading the Maoists and organised the murders of general caste landlords.

Later, a section of the upper strata of the Koeris and other middle peasant castes voiced their support for the militant organisation [[Ranvir Sena]]. This group had benefitted the most from land reforms and became ruthless towards the [[Dalits]].<ref>{{cite book |title=The situated politics of belonging |page=135,136 |first=Nira-Yuval-Davis |last=Kalpana |publisher=[[Sage Publications]] |location=london|year=2006|isbn=1-4129-2101-5|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=d6pIf0EjBXIC&q=koeri+in+army&pg=PA135|access-date=30 May 2020}}</ref>

==Distribution==
Between 1872 and 1921 the Koeris represented approximately seven per cent of the population in [[Saran district]], according to tabulated data prepared by [[Anand Yang]]. Yang also notes their involvement in tenanted landholdings around the period 1893–1901: the Koeris worked around nine per cent of the total cultivated area of the district which was one per cent less than the Ahirs, although they represented around five per cent more of the population.<ref>{{cite book |title=The limited Raj: agrarian relations in colonial India, Saran District, 1793–1920 |first=Anand A. |last=Yang |publisher=[[University of California Press]] |year=1989 |isbn=978-0-520-05711-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ck4jmD7H34UC |page=45 |access-date=4 October 2011}}</ref> According to [[Christopher Bayly]] :
{{quote|"Eighteenth-century settlement of Kurmi ,Kacchi and Koeri cultivators were also numerous in northern and western Awadh. On the fringes of cultivation, these castes were given special rental rates for bringing areas of jungle under plough. In the first five years, for instance the rent might be only half of what was common for soil of the same type. The revenue benefits to the entrepreneur or official who planted the colony were very great."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xfo3AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA101|title=Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion|first=C. A.|last= Bayly|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |year=1988|isbn=0521310547|access-date=1 July 2020|page=101}}</ref>}}
They are also distributed in the [[Samastipur]] district of Bihar. In this district the Koeri caste is notorious for their criminal affairs and represent most of the ten [[Bihar Legislative Assembly|legislative assembly]] seats in this district.<ref>{{cite book|title=Women Empowerment Through Panchayati Raj Institutions|first=Minni |last=Thakur|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|year= 2010|isbn=978-8180696800
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0hbA4A--9HcC&q=koeri+and+bhumihar&pg=PA31|access-date=16 June 2020}}</ref> In a study conducted in 1991, in villages of the [[Buxar]] district of southwestern Bihar, the Koeris were one of the largest landholding caste.<ref>{{cite book|title=Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia|first=Partha Nath Mukherji|last=N. Jayaram|publisher=[[Springer Publishing]]|year=2019|isbn=978-9811303876|page=88,89
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IHWKDwAAQBAJ&q=bihar+landholdings+koeri&pg=PA89|access-date=16 June 2020}}</ref> Further, another study conducted in some select villages of rural Bihar revealed the Koeris perform the function of a ''[[purohit]]'' (family priest) and a significant number of houses were seen availing themselves of the services of the purohits of the Koeri caste.<ref>{{cite book|title=Readings in Indian Sociology: Volume II|first=K. L.|last= Sharma|publisher=[[SAGE Publications]]|location= India|year=2013|isbn=978-8132118725
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JOqICwAAQBAJ&q=koeri+caste+occupational+change&pg=PA136|access-date=16 June 2020}}</ref>

===Distribution outside India===
Outside India, Koeris are distributed among the Bihari diaspora in [[Mauritius]]. Though the island is divided along ethnic and religious lines, 'Hindu' Mauritians follow a number of original customs and traditions, quite different from those seen on the Indian subcontinent. Some castes in Mauritius in particular are unrecognisable from a subcontinental Indian perspective, and may incorporate mutually antagonistic castes into a single group. The title 'Rajput' describes primarily the [[Shudra]] castes in Mauritius, which was usurped by the Koeris in the nineteenth century. The 'vaish', which includes the Koeris, is the largest and most influential caste group on the island. The former Brahmin elites together with former [[Kshatriya]] are called 'Babuji' and enjoy the prestige conferred by high caste status, though politically they are marginalised.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_F7NCwAAQBAJ&q=koeri+in+Mauritius&pg=PA14|title=Community, Empire and Migration: South Asians in Diaspora|first=Crispin|last=Bates|publisher=Springer|page=14|year= 2016|isbn=978-0333977293|access-date=1 July 2020}}</ref>

The Koeris also have a significant population residing in [[Nepal]]. The 1991 census conducted there included estimates of their population estimates but these were not included in the 2001 census.<ref>{{cite book |title=Social Inclusion of Ethnic Communities in Contemporary Nepal |pages=109–110 |first=Monika |last=Mandal |publisher=KW Publishers |year=2013 |isbn=978-93-81904-58-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=f0y6DQAAQBAJ&pg=PT109}}</ref>

==Subdivisions, classification and culture==

Communities related to the Koeri in North India include the [[Maurya]], the [[Kushwaha]], the [[Mahto]], the Kachhi, the [[Shakya]] and the [[Saini]]. Over time, these castes grew closer and began intermarrying while developing the all India network to strengthen their caste solidarity.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=58G8PPAN48cC&q=koeri+,Maurya,+Shakya,+kachhi&pg=PA36|title=Awareness in Weaker Section: Perspective Development and Prospects|first=Mahendra Lal|last= Patel|publisher=M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd.|year= 1997|page=37|isbn=8175330295}}</ref>
In 1811, the physician [[Francis Buchanan-Hamilton]] classified the producer castes of Bihar and Patna - the Koeri, the Gwala, the Kurmi, the Sonar (goldsmith) and even the [[Kayastha]]s (a scribe caste) as "pure [[Shudra]]". However, due to the advancements in their level of education, the Kayastha community was first among them to challenge their Shudra status and claimed a higher Varna. They were followed by the rest of these communities.<ref name="William Pinch">{{cite book |title=Peasants and monks in British India |first=William R. |last=Pinch |publisher=University of California Press |year=1996 |isbn=978-0-520-20061-6 |url=https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft22900465&chunk.id=s1.2.11&toc.depth=1&toc.id=ch2|pages=73–75|quote=Buchanan, in the early nineteenth century, had included in the term "pure shudra" the well-known designations of Kayasth, Koiri, Kurmi, Kahar, Goala, Dhanuk (archers, cultivators, palanquin bearers), Halwai (sweets vendor), Mali (flower gardener), Barai (cultivator and vendor of betel-leaf), Sonar (goldsmith), Kandu (grain parcher), and Gareri (blanket weavers and shepherds)[108].108. Buchanan, Bihar and Patna, 1811–1812, 1:329–39; Martin, Eastern India, 2:466–70}}</ref>

Some Koeris like Shivcharan Bhagat were well known for their knowledge of [[Persian language|Persian]] and they also contributed to the [[Ramanandi Sampradaya]] and their disciples later became major contributors to Ramanandi literature.<ref name="William Pinch"/> In the households of the cultivator castes like the Koeris, there was no major segregation of family duties based on gender. Here, both male and female members of the family participated in cultivation- related operations, thus paving the way for egalitarianism and a lack of gender-related discrimination and seclusion. The view of the Koeris regarding their women is portrayed through their (Jati) Caste pamphlet, where Koeri women are described as being loyal to their husbands and having all the qualities of a true [[Kshatriya]] woman, who faces the enemy with courage and fights along with her husband rather than being defeated outrught.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oDeFAAAAIAAJ&q=koeri+women|
title=Daughters of the Earth: Women and Land in Uttar Pradesh|first=Smita Tewari|last=Jassal|publisher=Manohar|year=2001|isbn=8173043752|access-date=1 July 2020|page=71,53}}</ref>

===Martial tradition===
{{Quote box|width=20em|align=right|quote=''Kshatriyatva''( the essence of being Kshatriya, or valour) constituted an important component of this new political framework for reform, in part because martial element contained therein fit a colonial ideology that placed a premium on virility and power. Their claim to "''Kshatriyatva''" was matched by an aggressiveness and violence which had lasting implications for rulral life in Bihar.<ref name="George"/> |salign=right|source= – William Pinch}}
The Kshatriya reform movement in the middle peasant castes which took place during 1890s turned rural Bihar into an arena of conflict. William Pinch claims that castes like the Koeris, the Kurmi, joined the [[British Indian Army]] as soldiers. George Kunnath writes that "their claims to ''kshatriyatva'' was matched by an aggressiveness and violence" which led to the formation of many caste armies resulting in intercaste conflict.<ref name="George">{{cite book |title=Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution ...
|page=209,210 |first=George |last=kunnath|publisher=Taylor and Francis group |location=New york |year=2018 |isbn=978-1-138-09955-5|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=JkcrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA209|access-date=29 May 2020}}</ref>

==Organisation==
[[File:Kushwaha Ashram, headquarter of community organisation in Bihar.jpg|thumb|Kushwaha Ashram, the headquarter of community organisation of Koeri caste in North Bihar.]]
In the interwar years, during a period when there was a general movement among various castes seeking to uplift their status, there was also at least one journal being published for the Koeri community, the ''Kashbala Kshatriya Mitra'',<ref>{{cite book |title=Hindu nationalism and the language of politics in late colonial India |first=William |last=Gould |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2004 |isbn=978-0-521-83061-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XNsganXnq-oC |page=31 |access-date=4 October 2011}}</ref> while other interests of the Koeri community is taken care of by the Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha.<ref name="Ashwani2008_36">{{cite book|last=Kumar|first=Ashwani|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA36|title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar|publisher=Anthem Press|year=2008|isbn=978-1-84331-709-8|pages=36}}</ref>

==Politics==
In the heyday of [[British Raj]], the Koeris aligned with the Kurmis and the Yadavs to form a caste coalition-cum-political party called [[Triveni Sangh]]. The actual date of the formation of Triveni Sangh is disputed among scholars. This caste coalition fared badly against the [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] party and faced a considerable challenge from Congress's backward class federation. Though politically it was not able to make a significant mark, it remained successful in eradicating the practice of [[begar]] (forced labour).<ref name="Jaffrelot197">{{cite book |title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India |first=Christophe |last=Jaffrelot |edition=Reprinted |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-85065-670-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OAkW94DtUMAC |pages=197–198}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |page=44 |title=Community Warriors: State, Peasants and Caste Armies in Bihar |first=Ashwani |last=Kumar |publisher=Anthem Press |year=2008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=num2I4NFGqIC&pg=PA44 |isbn=978-1-84331-709-8}}</ref>

The period of the 1960s witnessed an improvement in the fortunes of the backward castes in politics, with a significant growth seen in the number of backward caste MLAs in the Bihar legislative assembly. In the 1970s, with the defining slogan of social justice, Koeris rose to prominence in the politics of Bihar under the leadership of [[Jagdeo Prasad]]. However, this achievement was short-lived and their representation was gradually lost to other backward castes after Prasad's death.<ref>{{cite book |last=Kumar|first=Sanjay |title=Post mandal politics in Bihar:Changing electoral patterns|publisher=SAGE Publication|isbn=978-93-528-0585-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2zhODwAAQBAJ&q=jagdeo+prasad&pg=PA39|date=5 June 2018}}</ref> This period also witnessed [[Satish Prasad Singh]], a lesser known Koeri leader, become the chief minister of Bihar merely a week after the fall of [[Mahamaya Prasad Sinha]] government. He led a coalition of the Shoshit Samaj Dal party of Jagdeo Prasad and the Congress.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rik-AAAAMAAJ&q=satish+prasad+singh+caste|title=Teaching Politics, Volume 6 - Volume 7, Issue 4|first=Delhi University|last= Political Science Association|publisher= Delhi University Political Science Association(Original from the University of Michigan)
|year= 1981|access-date=22 June 2020}} In 1969 , Bindeshwar Prasad Mandal , a rich landlord Yadav of Saharsa district in manipulating some M . L . A ' s to defect from U . F . Parties to cause the fall of Mahamaya Ministry , asked Satish Prasad Singh a lesser known Koeri leader to head the ministry for a day to facilitate his nomination in the Council.</ref><ref name="Sharma1989">{{cite book|author=Bijender Kumar Sharma|title=Political Instability in India|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZHMBgjfitvQC&pg=PA49|access-date=10 April 2018|year=1989|publisher=Mittal Publications|isbn=978-81-7099-184-7|pages=49–}}</ref>

In 1977, the [[Karpoori Thakur]] government of Bihar introduced an affirmative action of quota in government jobs and universities. While the lower backward castes were assigned 12% of the quota, only eight percent was earmarked for landowning castes like the Koeri, the Kurmi and the Yadavs. Being a [[Nai (caste)|Nai]] by caste, Thakur was aware of the robust economic position and aggressiveness of these castes who were many times seen bullying the Harijans and lower backwards castes.<ref>{{cite book|title=City, Society, and Planning: Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=odCJoIaDqZ0C&q=koeri+bihar+politics&pg=PA397|first=Baleshwar|last=Thakur|location =University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|year=2007|page=397 ,398|
isbn=978-8180694608|access-date=16 June 2020}}</ref>

In later years, the Koeris remained in a muted position for a long period in politics or played a secondary role, while the Yadav-centric politics of [[Lalu Prasad Yadav|Laloo Yadav]] flourished in Bihar. However, after the formation of the [[Samta Party]] (now [[Janata Dal (United)]]) by [[Nitish Kumar]], they voted en masse for [[Samta Party|Samta]]. Its alliance showed that political parties in Bihar are identified with caste and the Samta Party was considered the party of Koeri-Kurmi community.<ref>{{cite book|title=City, Society, and Planning: Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=odCJoIaDqZ0C&q=koeri+bihar+politics&pg=PA400|first=Baleshwar|last=Thakur|location =University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers|publisher=Concept Publishing Company|year=2007|
isbn=978-8180694608|access-date=16 June 2020}} While Samta with its leader Nitish is considered to be the party of Koeri-Kurmi, Bihar people's party led by Anand Mohan is perceived to be a party having sympathy and support of Rajputs.</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Caste and Democratic Politics in India|first=Ghanshyam|last=Shah|publisher=Orient Blackswan|year=2004|isbn=8178240955|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Aou17T8KaEEC&q=caste+and+bihar+politics&pg=PA346|access-date=18 June 2020}}</ref>

The parting of the ways between the Koeris and the Kurmis and the movement of the Koeris away from [[Janata Dal (United)]] (JD(U)) was witnessed after the formation of the [[Rashtriya Lok Samta Party]] by [[Upendra Kushwaha]], who commanded huge support among members of the Koeri castes. The [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] appealed to the kushwaha in the 2014 elections in hopes of getting the support of the Koeri caste who had earlier voted for [[Nitish Kumar]] and the JD(U).<ref>{{cite book|title=India's 2014 Elections: A Modi-led BJP Sweep|first=Paul|last=Wallace|publisher=SAGE Publications|location = India|year=2015|isbn=978-9351505174|page=127,129
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UFslDAAAQBAJ&q=upendra+kushwaha&pg=PT129|access-date=18 June 2020}}</ref> However, the quitting of BJP and alliance by Upendra Kushwaha left Koeri politics in Bihar in a dilemma.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://theprint.in/politics/upendra-kushwahas-exit-could-undo-bjps-carefully-planned-bihar-caste-coalition/|title=Upendra Kushwaha's exit could undo BJP's carefully planned Bihar caste coalition|first=PRAGYA|last=KAUSHIKA|website=theprint.in|access-date=28 May 2020}}</ref> This rift between the Koeris and the Kurmis was orchestrated by the rise of influential Koeri leaders like Mahendra Singh and Shakuni Chaudhry, while Kushwaha remained the strongest leader of the community in Bihar.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/nation/the-liberation-struggle-of-bihar|title=The Liberation Struggle of Bihar|first=P. R.|last=Ramesh|date=15 October 2015|work=Open Magazine|access-date=30 April 2020}} The real migraine for the JD-U led alliance is the emergence of strong leaders within the NDA who command Kushwaha loyalties as effectively as Ashok Mahto once did for the fight against Bhumihars in the past. Rocking the Grand Alliance's prospects are Kushwaha leaders such as Upendra Kushwaha, Shakuni Chaudhury and Mahendra Singh.</ref>

==See also==
*[[Bihari Mauritians]]
*[[Kachhi (caste)]]
*[[Kushwaha]]

==References==
{{reflist}}

==Further reading==
*{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=78rfCgAAQBAJ&q=koeri+rise+of+the+plebeians&pg=PA98|title=Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing Face of the Indian Legislative Assemblies|first=Christophe Jaffrelot|last=Sanjay Kumar|publisher=Routledge|year=2012|isbn=978-1136516610|access-date=30 June 2020}}

[[Category:Social groups of Bihar]]
[[Category:Agricultural castes]]