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Inquilabinte Puthri

2026-04-22T10:05:03Z

162.158.170.52:

{{short description|1988 film}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=November 2015}}
{{Use Indian English|date=November 2015}}
{{Infobox film
| name = Inquilabinte Puthri
| image =
| caption =
| director = Jayadevan
| producer = Purushan Alappuzha
| writer = [[Jagathy N. K. Achary]]
| screenplay =
| starring = [[Jose (actor)|Jose]] [[KPAC Sunny]] [[Jayalalitha]]
| music = [[A. T. Ummer]]
| cinematography =
| editing =
| studio = Sreedevi Movies
| distributor = Sreedevi Movies
| released = {{Film date|1988|8|6|df=y}}
| country = [[India]]
| language = [[Malayalam Language|Malayalam]]
}}

'''''Inquilabinte Puthri''''' is a [[Malayalam films of 1988|1988]] [[Cinema of India|Indian]] [[Malayalam language|Malayalam]] film, directed by Jayadevan and produced by Purushan Alappuzha. The film stars [[Jose (actor)|Jose]], [[KPAC Sunny]] and [[Jayalalitha]] in the lead roles. The film has musical score by [[A. T. Ummer]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.malayalachalachithram.com/movie.php?i=2098|title=Inquilabinte Puthri|accessdate=2014-10-24|publisher=www.malayalachalachithram.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://malayalasangeetham.info/m.php?2508|title=Inquilabinte Puthri|accessdate=2014-10-24|publisher=malayalasangeetham.info}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://spicyonion.com/title/inquilabinte-putnri-malayalam-movie/|title=Inquilabinte Putnri|accessdate=2014-10-24|publisher=spicyonion.com}}</ref>

==Cast==
*[[Jose (actor)|Jose]]
*[[KPAC Sunny]] as Raghavan
*[[Jayalalita]] as SI Geetha, Bhavani (double role)
*Roshni as Latha
*[[Cochin Haneefa]] as R. K. Das
*[[Jagathy Sreekumar]] as Kuttappan
*[[Anandavally]] as Sumithra Menon
*[[Lalithasree]] as HC Ammaluvamma
*[[Hari (actor)|Hari]] as Velayudan

==Soundtrack==
The music was composed by [[A. T. Ummer]] and the lyrics were written by [[Poovachal Khader]].

{| class="wikitable" style="font-size:95%;"
! No. !! Song !! Singers !! Lyrics !! Length (m:ss)
|-
| 1 || "Aalolam Thaalolam" || [[K. J. Yesudas]] || [[Poovachal Khader]] ||
|-
| 2 || "Neeyen Thozhan" || Sunanda || Poovachal Khader ||
|}

==References==
{{reflist}}

==External links==
* {{IMDB title|0352439|Inquilabinte Putnri}}

[[Category:1988 films]]
[[Category:Indian films]]
[[Category:1980s Malayalam-language films]]

{{1980s-Malayalam-film-stub}}

Miruthan

2026-04-06T15:35:07Z

162.158.170.52:

{{short description|2016 Indian Tamil-language action horror film}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=April 2016}}
{{Use Indian English|date=December 2015}}
{{Infobox film
| name = Miruthan
| image = Miruthan poster.jpg
| alt = 
| caption = Theatrical release poster
| director = [[Shakti Soundar Rajan]]
| producer = [[S. Michael Rayappan]]
| writer = Shakti Soundar Rajan
| starring = {{Plainlist|
* [[Jayam Ravi]]
* [[Lakshmi Menon (actress)|Lakshmi Menon]]
}}
| music = [[D. Imman]]
| cinematography = Venkatesh S
| editing = K J Venkatramanan
| studio = [[S. Michael Rayappan|Global Infotainment]]
| distributor = [[Ayngaran International|Ayngaran International Media]]
| released = {{film date|df=y|2016|02|19}}
| runtime = 105 minutes<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.bbfc.co.uk/releases/miruthan-film | title=''MIRUTHAN'' (15) | work=[[British Board of Film Classification]] | date=16 February 2016 | accessdate=16 February 2016}}</ref>
| country = India
| language = Tamil
| budget = 
| gross = 
}}

'''''Miruthan''''' ({{translation}} Zombie) is a 2016 Indian [[Tamil language|Tamil]]-language [[action horror film]] written and directed by [[Shakti Soundar Rajan]], starring [[Jayam Ravi]] and [[Lakshmi Menon (actress)|Lakshmi Menon]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.behindwoods.com/tamil-movies-cinema-news-15/jayam-ravis-next-movie-is-titled-as-miruthan.html|title=From Mithran To Miruthan|author=Avinash Pandian|publisher=Behindwoods|date=3 September 2015|accessdate=11 November 2015}}</ref> [[D. Imman]] composed the music, while Venkatesh S. handled the cinematography. Shot in Ooty and Coimbatore within 54 days, the film derives its title from a hybrid of two words, ''Mirugam'' meaning animal and ''Manithan'' meaning man.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://silverscreen.in/news/miruthan-will-be-a-different-zombie-film-says-jayam-ravi/|title=Miruthan Will Be A Different Zombie Film, Says Jayam Ravi|website=Silverscreen.in|date=8 February 2016}}</ref>

The film depicts a [[zombie apocalypse]] in the state of [[Tamil Nadu]] that starts after a poisonous liquid spills from a container outside a chemical laboratory in [[Ooty]]. Karthik is a traffic police officerer who learns of the outbreak when his sister goes missing, and he finds himself attacked by some zombies. He teams up with some doctors to escape from Ooty to Coimbatore and find a cure for the outbreak, while zombies keep spreading from city to city.

Prior to its release, the film faced issues when the [[Central Board of Film Certification]] granted it an A (adults only) rating. The makers approached the revising committee that passed the film with a U/A (parental guidance) rating.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.behindwoods.com/tamil-movies-cinema-news-16/miruthan-vs-censor-board.html|title=Miruthan vs Censor Board?|website=Behindwoods.com|date=6 February 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.sify.com/movies/miruthan-gets-ua-in-revising-committee-news-tamil-qcmmdRcijcdcg.html|title=Miruthan gets 'UA' in revising committee|website=[[Sify.com]]|date=12 February 2016}}</ref>

Along with a Telugu dubbed version titled ''Yamapasham'', the film was released theatrically on 19 February 2016 before the [[2016 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election]]. ''Miruthan'' has also been screened at multiple [[film festival]]s such as the [[Neuchâtel International Fantastic Film Festival]], the [[Fantasia International Film Festival]] (the second Tamil film after ''[[Enthiran]]'' to get selected for this festival), the MOTELx - Lisbon International Horror Film Festival, the Morbido Film Fest, the [[Sitges Film Festival]], the [[Yubari International Fantastic Film Festival]] and the [[Bucheon International Fantastic Film Festival]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nifff.ch/en/film/miruthan/|title=Miruthan|website=Neuchâtel International Fantastic Film Festival}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.behindwoods.com/tamil-movies-cinema-news-16/miruthan-selected-at-fantasia-international-film-festival.html|title=Miruthan selected at Fantasia International Film Festival|website=Behindwoods.com|date=6 May 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.eoilisbon.gov.in/news_detail/?newsid=14|title=MOTELX - Lisbon International Horror Film Festival celebrates its 10th anniversary through screenings of Miruthan and Psycho Raman.|website=Embassy of India, Lisbon, Portugal: News}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://screenanarchy.com/2016/10/morbido-fest-2016-this-years-amazing-poster-and-full-lineup.html|title=Morbido Fest 2016: This Year's Amazing Poster And Full Lineup|website=[[Screen Anarchy]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://sitgesfilmfestival.com/eng/film?id=10004175|title=Miruthan|website=[[Sitges Film Festival]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://twitter.com/ShaktiRajan/status/828681654419886080|title=Shakti Soundar Rajan on Twitter: "Happy 2 announce #Miruthan is playing at Yubari International Film Festival in Japan!|website=[[Twitter]]|date=7 February 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.bifan.kr/eng/program/program_view.asp?pk_seq=2413&sc_category_seq=805&sc_num=1&actEvent=view|title=World Fantastic Red - Miruthan|website=[[Bucheon International Fantastic Film Festival]]}}</ref> Later, Jayam Ravi introduced plans to make the sequel ''Miruthan 2'' as a [[superhero film]] so as to cater to younger audiences as well.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.newindianexpress.com/entertainment/tamil/2017/feb/21/miruthan-2--a-superhero-film-jayam-ravi-1572795.html|title=Miruthan 2, a superhero film: Jayam Ravi|website=[[The New Indian Express]]|date=21 February 2017}}</ref>

==Plot==
The opening scene shows a container of poisonous liquid being spilt from a transport vehicle at a chemical laboratory in [[Ooty]]. A stray dog consumes it and turns violent, which then bites a security guard. The security guard turns into a zombie within hours and starts a chain of human infections via bites.

Back to the present, Karthik is a traffic police sub-inspector in [[Ooty]] who avoids all kinds of dangers as he takes care of his younger sister Vidya, who is in her early teens. Both are orphans but live with Karthik's friend Chinnamalai, a traffic police constable.

Karthik is in love with a [[cardiology]] doctor named Renuka aka Renu, but never proposes in all their meetings. Renu is engaged and is about to marry an [[Non-resident Indian and person of Indian origin|NRI]] named Naveen, who is also a cardiologist. One day, Karthik messes up with Minister Gurumoorthy by allowing an auto carrying pregnant women in the Minister's way. Next day morning, Karthik finds that his sister Vidya goes missing while looking for her he was suddenly attacked by Zombies. At the same time, the police of Ooty are informed of the outbreak and get orders to shoot anyone who has turned into a zombie. Karthik is angrily looking for Vidya by sticking posters of his missing sister on walls and killing some zombies in his way. He receives a call in which he is told to arrive at a place to find his sister.

There, he finds Renu and a group of doctors, including the Chief doctor Dharan, all working on finding a vaccine to cure all the zombies. At Renu's house, Karthik and Chinnamalai find Minister Gurumoorthy, who is the father of Renu and learns that the Minister has kidnapped Vidya for vengeance, He finds Vidhya at a swimming pool surrounded by Minister Gurumoorthy's zombified henchman and finds that Zombies are allergic to water. Renu tells Karthik to save the doctors who are trapped inside the house, which is invaded by zombies.

Escorted by Karthik, the team comprising Dharan, Renu, another doctor Kamal, Renu's father Minister Gurumoorthy, Chinnamalai, and Vidya, the group heads to [[Coimbatore]], where they are to use medical equipment to find a cure to the tragedy. But Dharan was already scratched by a zombie, so he was not getting infected immediately. He doesn't reveal this to anyone, fearing for his safety. When they near Mettuplayam, they were shocked to see that the infection had already spread in Coimbatore. The zombies crowd around the police van, so Karthik is forced to rash-drive the van to kill the zombies one by one.

Later, Gurumoorthy unknowingly disturbs some zombies, and Karthik ended up having to shoot them, which attracts many other zombies around. Then they all are forced to take shelter in a mall, opposite the hospital. Meanwhile, Naveen is inside the hospital trying to find the vaccine. They get ahold of Shri, a frightened security guard of the mall.

After a few hours, Dharan turns into a zombie and bites Vidya. Karthik kills Dharan with his gun, but Vidya does not turn into a zombie despite the fact that she was attacked almost an hour ago. Kamal says that she will be able to help them in finding the vaccine as she has the required antibodies and immunity. Enraged, Karthik had to escort them to the hospital, which faces the mall. For this, he uses pressurized water from the mall's fire truck, knowing that they are allergic to water. Despite the reduced time, Karthik manages to bring everyone safely to the hospital except Renu. He goes back to the mall to bring Renu, but he does that without any water source. So he leads Renu to the hospital but was bitten by the zombies while escorting her. He himself slowly turns into a zombie, but he safely escorts her to the hospital before his human feelings lose and also advises Renu to shoot him. But she is too adamant about knowing the reason why he had saved her, despite the uncaring Naveen's attempts and her selfish father, and realizes his love for her, but Karthik turns into a zombie. Thus Renu shoots him.

The doctors finds the required antidote and start dealing with the virus. Later, Karthik, now completely a zombie, is seen on top of a bus which is going to [[Chennai]], implying that Renu did not shoot Karthik properly and hence he has survived the attack furious. The story will be continued in a sequel to this film.

==Cast==
* [[Jayam Ravi]] as Traffic Sub-Inspector Karthik, a police officer who loves Dr Renuka. One day, he is assigned to kill the citizens of [[Ooty]] who have turned into zombies due to infectious bites. But at last, he himself is attacked by the zombies and is presumed to be killed by Renuka.
* [[Lakshmi Menon (actress)|Lakshmi Menon]] as Dr Renuka, Karthik's love interest and Dr Naveen's would-be. She always thinks bad about Karthik, but after she kills him as he has become a zombie, she realises his good nature and his true love for her, and hence feels sorry for him.
* [[Sriman (actor)|Sriman]] as Shri, the frightened mall security who escorts the main characters to the shopping area. He is the main comedian.
* [[R. N. R. Manohar]] as Minister Guru Moorthy, who is brave towards innocents but is timid towards zombies. He is a sadist.
* [[Kaali Venkat]] as Constable Chinnamalai, Karthik's best friend who helps him in saving his sister from the zombies. He is the main relief by giving comedies.
* [[Anikha|Anikha Surendran]] as Vidhya, Karthik's only sister who is attacked by Dr Dharan after he becomes a zombie, but she survives the attack because she has the immunity power, which later helps the other doctors to find the vaccine.
* [[Jeeva Ravi]] as Chief Dr Dharan, who later turns into a zombie due to an attack and attacks Vidhya, but is killed by Karthik.
* [[Crane Manohar]] as Wedding Broker. He suggests Karthik marry some [[Chennai]]-based girls.
* [[Amit Bhargav]] as Dr Naveen, Renuka's would-be who is also a sadist.
* [[Nellai Siva]] as Gurumoorthy's henchman and comedian
* Raghavan Durairaj as Assistant Dr. Kamal. He suggests to Karthik that Vidhya is their saviour. He successfully finds the vaccine antibody through her.
* Dhilip Rayan as Karthik's friend

==Production==
The film was announced on 14 January 2015, after the shooting of Ravi's another project of the year, [[Romeo Juliet (2015 film)|Romeo Juliet]] was completed. Filming began in March 2015, after [[Jayam Ravi]] accepted an offer from Shakti Soundar Rajan to feature in a film produced by Michael Rayappan.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.sify.com/movies/jayam-ravi-on-a-signing-spree-news-tamil-pdvkuOdbafcbb.html | title=Jayam Ravi on a signing spree | publisher=[[Sify]] | date=21 March 2015 | accessdate=11 November 2015}}</ref> [[Lakshmi Menon (actress)|Lakshmi Menon]] subsequently joined the team to portray the film's heroine.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/malayalam/movies/news/Lakshmi-Menons-next-is-with-Jayam-Ravi/articleshow/47000354.cms|title=Lakshmi Menon's next is with Jayam Ravi|work=[[The Times of India]]|author=Radhika C Pillai|date=22 April 2015|accessdate=11 November 2015}}</ref> The team shot for thirty days in [[Ooty]] in May 2015, before returning to [[Chennai]] to complete portions.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.sify.com/movies/jayam-ravi-s-next-is-miruthan-news-tamil-pjdrkofjfjaji.html | title=Jayam Ravi's next is Miruthan! | publisher=Sify | date=3 September 2015 | accessdate=11 November 2015}}</ref> In July 2015, a schedule was held at Binny Mills, where the art direction team had erected a set costing 1.5 crore rupees. As of January 2016, the filming was completely ended.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.behindwoods.com/tamil-movies-cinema-news-15/set-worth-15-crores-put-up-for-jayam-ravis-mirudhan.html|title=Kabali and Mirudhan share the same spot...|author=Kaushik L M|publisher=Behindwoods|date=15 October 2015|accessdate=11 November 2015}}</ref>

==Soundtrack==
{{Infobox album
| name = Miruthan / Yamapasham
| type = Soundtrack
| artist = [[D. Imman]]
| cover =
| alt =
| released = 19 January 2016 (Tamil)
08 March 2016 (Telugu)
| recorded = 2014-2015
| venue =
| studio = ''Vijaya Vahini Studio'', [[Chennai]]
| genre = [[Film soundtrack|Feature film soundtrack]]
| length =
| label = [[Sony Music India|Sony Music]]
| producer = [[D. Imman]]
| prev_title = [[10 Enradhukulla]]
| prev_year = 2015
| next_title = [[Pokkiri Raja (2016 film)|Pokkiri Raja]]
| next_year = 2016
}}
[[D. Imman]] composed the soundtrack for both the Tamil and the Telugu versions, with durations overlapping.

{{Track listing
| headline = Track list
| extra_column = Singer(s)
| total_length =

| title1 = Munnal Kadhali / Hey Naa Preyasi
| lyrics1 = [[Madhan Karky]]
| extra1 = [[Vishal Dadlani]], Sharanya Gopinath
| length1 =

| title2 = Bitten by Insanity (Theme)
| lyrics2 =
| extra2 = [[D. Imman]]
| length2 =

| title3 = Veri Veri Veri / Kasi Kasi Kasi
| lyrics3 = Madhan Karky
| extra3 = [[Suraj Jagan]], Maria Kavita Thomas
| length3 =

| title4 = Mirutha Mirutha / Yevaro Yevaro
| lyrics4 = Madhan Karky
| extra4 = [[Shreya Ghoshal]], [[Vijay Yesudas]]
| length4 =

| title5 = Horrifying Zombies (Theme)
| lyrics5 =
| extra5 = [[D. Imman]]
| length5 =

| title6 = Munnal Kadhali (Reprise) / Hey Naa Preyasi (Reprise)
| lyrics6 = Madhan Karky
| extra6 = [[Haricharan]]
| length6 =

| title7 = Munnal Kadhali / Hey Naa Preyasi (Karaoke version)
| lyrics7 =
| extra7 =
| length7 =

| title8 = Mirudha Mirudha / Yevaro Yevaro (Karaoke version)
| lyrics8 =
| extra8 =
| length8 =
}}

==Release==
The film was later dubbed into Hindi and Malayalam. In Hindi, it was released with the name as ''Daring Rakhwala'' on zee cinema and in Malayalam, it was released with the same name of the original title 'Miruthan'.

==Reception==
Sudhir Srinivasan of The Hindu said that Miruthan was an inconsistent ‘zombie’ film with excessive melodrama.<ref>[http://www.thehindu.com/features/cinema/cinema-reviews/miruthan-review-an-inconsistent-zombie-film-with-excessive-melodrama/article8257512.ece Miruthan review: An inconsistent ‘zombie’ film with excessive melodrama]. The Hindu (19 February 2016). Retrieved on 2016-04-05.</ref> Latha Srinivasan of dna gave 2 stars and said, "The zombies of Hollywood won't do a far better job of entertaining you than Miruthan.<ref>[http://www.dnaindia.com/entertainment/review-miruthan-review-this-zombie-flick-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired-2179713 'Miruthan' Review: Jayam Ravi's zombie flick leaves a lot to be desired | Latest News & Updates at Daily News & Analysis]. Dnaindia.com (2016-02-19). Retrieved on 2016-04-05.</ref> Times of India gave 2.5/5 and wrote, "Like, you want to praise the makers for trying something different — the first zombie film in Tamil cinema, in this case — but immediately, you are worst with another thought: 'Did the first zombie film in Tamil have to be this clumsy and unexciting?'<ref>[http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/tamil/movie-reviews/Miruthan/movie-review/51065089.cms Miruthan Movie Review, Trailer, & Show timings at Times of India]. Timesofindia.indiatimes.com (20 February 2016). Retrieved on 2016-04-05.</ref>''Behindwoods'' gave the film 2.75/5 and stated, "For audiences who have seen Hollywood zombie films, Miruthan would be an old experience. And kudos definitely to Shakthi Sounder Rajan for attempting something different from the usual themes that Tamil cinema is known to churn out film after film."<ref>[http://www.behindwoods.com/tamil-movies/miruthan/miruthan-review.html Miruthan (aka) Mirudhan review]. Behindwoods.com (19 February 2016). Retrieved on 2016-04-05.</ref> Film critic Sreedhar Pillai expressed via [[Twitter]] that the "interval creates the impression (that the) 1st half (is) worst than 2nd half" while the climax was "long drawn out", giving the film a 0.5/5. IndiaGlitz.com rated the film 1.3/5 and stated, " Miruthan- Sores a lot and little else<ref>{{cite web|title = Miruthan review. Miruthan Tamil movie review, story, rating — IndiaGlitz.com|url = http://www.indiaglitz.com/miruthan-tamil-movie-review-20340.html|website = IndiaGlitz|access-date = 22 February 2016}}</ref>

==Box office==
The film collected {{INRConvert|10.66|c}} in [[Tamil Nadu]] in first weekend and {{INRConvert|20.13|c}} worldwide.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.sify.com/movies/jayam-ravi-reveals-the-box-office-collection-of-miruthan-news-tamil-qcxq2Gfhidbdg.html|title=Jayam Ravi reveals the box office collection of 'Miruthan'|website=Sify|date=2016-02-23|access-date=2020-05-18}}</ref>

==Possible Sequel==
In March 2016, Shakti Soundar Rajan announced his plans to make a sequel of the film in the future. He later began a different film featuring Jayam Ravi in the lead role titled ''[[Tik Tik Tik (2018 film)|Tik Tik Tik]]''.<ref name="Times of India 9 March 2016">{{cite news|last1=staff|title=Jayam Ravi teams up with Shakti, again|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/entertainment/tamil/movies/news/Jayam-Ravi-teams-up-with-Shakti-again/articleshow/51311646.cms|accessdate=4 May 2016|publisher=[[Times of India]]|date=9 March 2016}}</ref><ref name="IndiaGlitz 9 March 2016">{{cite news|last1=staff|title=Shakti Soundar Rajan reveals when he will start 'Miruthan 2'|url=http://www.indiaglitz.com/director-shakti-soundar-rajan-confirms-miruthan-2-only-after-directing-two-more-movies-tamil-news-154308.html|accessdate=4 May 2016|publisher=IndiaGlitz|date=9 March 2016}}</ref>

==References==
{{Reflist|30em}}

==External links==
* {{IMDb title|5455344|Miruthan}}
{{Shakti Soundar Rajan}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Miruthan}}
[[Category:2016 films]]
[[Category:Indian films]]
[[Category:Tamil-language films]]
[[Category:2010s action horror films]]
[[Category:Indian action horror films]]
[[Category:Apocalyptic films]]
[[Category:Films shot in Ooty]]
[[Category:Films shot in Coimbatore]]

Nair

2026-04-06T06:39:17Z

162.158.170.52: Minor edits

{{Short description|Caste group in India}}
{{About|a Hindu caste|other uses|Nair (disambiguation)}}

{{Infobox ethnic group
|group=
| native_name =
| native_name_lang = Malayalam
| image = Daniel Thomas-A Nair.jpg
| image_caption = ''A Nair'' by [[Thomas Daniell]]. Drawn in pencil and watercolor sometime between the 17th and 18th century.
|regions = [[Kerala]]
| region2 =
| langs = [[Malayalam]],{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}} [[Sanskrit]]{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}}
| rels = [[Hinduism]]
| related_groups =
}}
The '''Nair''' {{IPAc-en|ˈ|n|aɪər}}, also known as '''Nayar''', are a group of [[India]]n Hindu [[caste]]s, described by anthropologist [[Kathleen Gough]] as "not a unitary group but a named category of castes". The present label of Nair include several castes and many subdivisions, not all of whom historically bore the name 'Nair'.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=312|ps=}}<ref name="Fuller1975p309">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 309</ref> These people lived, and continue to live, in the area which is now the Indian state of [[Kerala]]. Their internal [[caste]] behaviours and systems are markedly different between the people in the northern and southern sections of the area, although there is not much extensive information on those inhabiting the north.<ref name="Fuller1975p284">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 284</ref>

Historically, Nairs lived in large family units called ''[[tharavad]]s'' that housed descendants of one common female ancestor. These family units along with their matrilineal marriage customs, which are no longer practiced, have been much studied. Although the detail varied from one region to the next, the main points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two particular rituals—the pre-pubertal ''[[Kettu Kalyanam|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and the later defacto marriage ''[[sambandam]]''—and the practice of [[polygamy]] in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced [[hypergamy|hypergamous marriage]] with [[Nambudiri]] Brahmins from the [[Malabar region]].

The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. Following hostilities between the Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the [[British Indian Army]]. After [[Indian independence movement|India's independence]], the [[Nair Brigade]] of the [[Travancore]] State Force was merged into the [[Indian Army]] and became a part of the [[9th Battalion, Madras Regiment]], the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.

The [[Snake|serpent]] is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The [[Snake worship|worship of snakes]] and Naga dieties is so prevalent in the area that one [[anthropologist]] notes: "In no part of the world is snake worship more general than in Kerala."<ref name="Iyer1968">{{cite book|author=L. A. Krishna Iyer|title=Social history of Kerala|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UU5DAAAAYAAJ|access-date=3 June 2011|year=1968|publisher=Book Centre Publications|page=104}}</ref> Serpent groves were found in the southwestern corner of nearly every Nair compound.<ref name="Subramanian (M.A.)1985">{{cite book|author1=K. R. Subramanian|author2=K. R. Subramanian (M.A.)|title=The origin of Saivism and its history in the Tamil land|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jHaVqNy-V6UC&pg=PA15|access-date=3 June 2011 |edition=Reprinted |year=1985 |orig-year=1929|publisher=Asian Educational Services|isbn=978-81-206-0144-4|pages=15–}}</ref>

== History ==
=== Early period ===
The origin of the Nair is disputed. Some people think the name itself is derived from ''[[Nayak (title)|nayaka]]'', an honorific meaning "leader of the people", while others believe it stems from the community's association with the [[Nāga|Naga cult]] of serpent worship.{{sfnp|Narayanan|2003|p=59|ps=}} [[Chris Fuller (academic)|Christopher Fuller]], an anthropologist, has said that it is likely that the first reference to the Nair community was made by [[Pliny the Elder]] in his ''[[Natural History (Pliny)|Natural History]]'', dating from 77 AD. That work describes what is probably the Malabar coast area wherein could be found the "Nareae, who are shut in by the Capitalis range, the highest of all the mountains in India". Fuller believes it probable that the ''Nareae'' referred to the Nairs and the Capitalis range is the [[Western Ghats]].<ref name="Fuller1976p1">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] p. 1</ref>
[[File:King of Cochin.jpg|thumb|upright=1.3|right|Nair soldiers attending the King of [[Cochin]]: A 16th century [[Europe]]an portrait. The majority of Nair men were trained in arms, and the traditional role of the Nairs was to fight in the continuous wars which characterized Kerala history.<ref name="Fuller1976pp7-8">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] pp. 7-8</ref>{{sfn | Blankenhorn | 2007 | p=106}}]]
There are large gaps in the known early history of the Kerala region, which in the 1st-century AD is thought to have been governed by the [[Chera dynasty]] and which by the late 3rd-century AD had broken up, possibly as a consequence of a decline in trade with the [[Roman Empire|Romans]]. There is no evidence of Nairs in the area during this period. Inscriptions on copper-plate regarding grants of land and rights to settlements of Jewish and Christian traders, dated approximately between the 7th- and 9th-centuries AD, refer to Nair chiefs and soldiers from the [[Eranad]], [[Kingdom of Valluvanad|Valluvanad]], [[Venad]] (later known as [[Travancore]]) and [[Palghat]] areas. As these inscriptions show the Nairs as witnesses to the agreements between those traders and the successors to the Cheras, the [[Perumal]]s, it is probable that by this time the Nairs were [[vassal]] chieftains.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–303|ps=}}

Certainly by the 13th-century, some Nairs were the rulers of small kingdoms and the Perumals had disappeared. Trade with China, which had declined for some time, began to increase once more in the 13th-century and it was during this period that two small Nair kingdoms were established. Both of these—at [[Kolathiri|Kolattunad]] and at Vernad—contained major seaports, and they expanded by taking over the inland territory of neighbouring chieftains. Although trade with China once more went into decline in the 14th-century, it was replaced by trade with Muslim Arabs. These traders had been visiting the area for several hundred years but their activities increased to the point that a third Nair kingdom, based on the port of [[History of Kozhikode|Calicut]], became established. There were also small kingdoms at Walluvanad and Palghat, away from the coastline.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–304|ps=}} This period was characterized by continuous war between these various kingdoms, and most able bodied Nair men were assigned to fight in these wars. {{sfn | Blankenhorn | 2007 | p=106}}

The large influx of travelers and traders to Kerala had left many early accounts of the Nairs. These descriptions were initially idealized by Europeans for its martial society, productivity, spirituality, and for its marriage practices. Some early examples of these works being [[John Mandeville]]’s ‘’Travels’’ (1356), [[William Caxton]]’s ‘The mirrour of the wourld’ (1481), and [[Jean Boudin]]’s ‘Les sex livres de la republique’ (1576). {{sfn | Almeida | 2017 | p=92}} The Nair men are described as being polite and well-mannered in old sources,{{sfn | Bock| Rao | 2000 | p=185}} and nearly all historical descriptions describe them as arrogant.<ref name="Fuller1976p15">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] p.15</ref>{{sfn | Bock | Rao | 2000 | p=185}} Sources on Nair women are scant and were written by men, and these primarily comment on their beauty.<ref name="Fuller1976p15" />{{sfn | Bock | Rao | 2000 | p=185}} The martial society of the Nairs was something that was covered by nearly all visitors, and their characteristic of always being armed is well described.<ref name="Fuller1976pp7-9">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] pp. 7-9</ref>

The [[Portuguese people|Portuguese]] arrived in the area from 1498, by which time the [[Zamorin of Calicut|''Zamorin'']] (King) of Calicut had come to the fore. Arab traders had firmly established themselves at his port and although trade still went to the ports of the other two small kingdoms it was in relatively small amounts. Indeed, the kingdom based at Kolattunad had split into three even smaller kingdoms; and the ruler of Vernad had conceded considerable powers to local chiefs within his kingdom.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=304|ps=}} By the time of European arrival, the title Nair was used to refer to all military castes. The Portuguese used the term Nair for all soldiers, and prior to 1498 the military or retainer Nairs are believed to have been called 'Lokar'. Gough states that the title Nair existed prior to that time referring to only those families that were involved in the military.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=312|ps=}}{{efn|Gough quotes Ayyar (1938) for the statement on Lokar}}
The Portuguese had many involvements in South India, including their support of the [[Paravar]]s in a trade battle over control of the pearl fisheries of [[Malabar Coast|Malabar]], but in the Nair kingdoms their principal interest was to obtain control of the trade in [[Black pepper|pepper]]. In this they followed the Muslim Arabs, whom they eventually marginalised; and they were in turn followed by the Dutch in 1683. The British and French were also active in the region now known as Kerala, the former from 1615 and the latter from 1725. These various European powers combined with one or another of the Nair rulers, fighting for control.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=304|ps=}} One notable alliance was that of the Portuguese with the Kingdom of [[Cochin]], with whom they sided in order to work against the power of the Zamorins of Calicut. Although Calicut remained the most significant of the kingdoms until the 1730s, its power was eroded and the rulers of Cochin were freed from being vassals of the Zamorins.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=305|ps=}}

=== Decline of dominance ===
In 1729, Marthanda Varma became the Raja of Venad and inherited a state facing war and refractory Nair chiefs. Varma curtailed the power of the Nair chiefs and introduced Tamil Brahmins to form a core component of his administration. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=4-5}} Under Marthanda Varma's reign, the Travancore Nair Infantry (also known as the ''Nair Pattalam'' ) distinguished themselves in battle against the Dutch at the [[Battle of Colachel]] (1741).<ref name="Sharma1990">{{cite book|author=Gautam Sharma|title=Valour and sacrifice: famous regiments of the Indian Army|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xLrTzZd0j1kC&pg=PA59|access-date=3 June 2011|date=1 December 1990|publisher=Allied Publishers|isbn=978-81-7023-140-0|pages=59–}}</ref> The Nair army was re-organized in the European style and had transformed from a feudal-based force into a standing army. Though this army was still made up of Nairs, this had checked the power of local chiefs and was the first limit on Nair dominance. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=4-5}}

There had been Hindu–Muslim clashes during the medieval period, notably when Muslim armies from [[Mysore]] invaded and [[Mysore invasion of Kerala|gained control of northern Kerala]] in 1766. The Nairs of Kottayam and Kadathanad led the resistance, and the Nairs managed to defeat all Mysorean garrisons except for those in Palakkad. {{sfn | Menon | 2011 | p=158}} Shortly afterwards, Haider Ali died and his son Tipu had become Sultan. The Nairs of Calicut and South Malabar had recaptured Calicut and defeated an army sent by Tipu to break the siege. This had caused the Sultan himself to intervene in 1789 during which many Hindus, especially Nairs, [[Captivity of Nairs at Seringapatam|were kept captive or killed]] by Muslims under [[Tipu Sultan]].<ref>{{cite book|title=Sarasvati's Children: A History of the Mangalorean Christians|last=Prabhu|first=Alan Machado|year=1999|publisher=I.J.A. Publications|page=250|isbn=978-81-86778-25-8|ref=mac}}</ref> {{sfn | Menon | 2011 | ps=158-161}} Many Nairs had fled to the protection of Travancore, while others engaged in guerilla warfare. {{sfn | Menon | 2011 | ps=158-161}} However the Nairs of Travancore were able to defeat the Muslim forces in 1792 at the [[Third Anglo-Mysore War]]. After this, the [[East India Company]] established its pre-eminence throughout the entire Kerala region.<ref name="Eggenberger1985">{{cite book|first=David |last=Eggenberger|title=An encyclopedia of battles: accounts of over 1,560 battles from 1479 B.C. to the present|url=https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofba00egge|url-access=registration |access-date=6 June 2011|date=1 September 1985|publisher=Courier Dover Publications|isbn=978-0-486-24913-1|pages=[https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofba00egge/page/392 392]–}}</ref>
[[File:Members of a Nair brigade.jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|left|Members of the Travancore Nair Brigade, drawn in 1855. The Nair brigade was the remnant of the Travancore Nair army after the takeover of the British.<ref name="Ramachandran2008" /><ref name="Administration of Travancore" />]]
The British imposed the next limitation on Nair dominance. After signing the treaty of subsidiary alliance with Travancore in 1795, British residents were sent to the Travancore administration; the interference from the British had caused two rebellions in 1804 and 1809, the latter of which was to have lasting repercussions. Velu Thampi, the Nair dewan of Travancore, led a [[Travancore rebellion|revolt in 1809]] to remove British influence from the Travancore [[Sarkar (country subdivision)|sarkar]].{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=5}} After a few months, the rebellion was defeated and Velu Thampi had committed suicide.{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=6}} Afterwards, the Nairs were disbanded and disarmed. Up to this time the Nairs had been historically a military community, who along with the [[Nambudiri Brahmins]] owned most of the land in the region; after it, they turned increasingly to administrative service.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] pp. 27–28</ref><ref name="Raj1974">{{cite book|author=G. Ramachandra Raj|title=Functions and dysfunctions of social conflict|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Zu7ZAAAAMAAJ|access-date=2 June 2011|year=1974|publisher=Popular Prakashan|page=18}}</ref> By this time there were nine small Nair kingdoms and several chiefdoms which were loosely affiliated to them; the British amalgamated seven of those kingdoms (Calicut, Kadattunad, Kolattunad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad, Palghat and Walluvanad) to form Malabar District, while Cochin and Travancore were left as native states under the control of their own rulers but with advice from the British.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=304|ps=}} Velu Thampi's rebellion had made the British wary of Nair leaders, and the Travancore sarkar was mainly under control of British residents although the rest of the administration had been handled for the most part by non-Malayali Brahmins and Nairs. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=6-8}}

The Travancore army became the Travancore Nair Brigade in 1818–1819.<ref name="Administration of Travancore">{{cite web| publisher=Government of Kerala| work=REPORT OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS COMMITTEE 1958| url=http://www.localgovkerala.net/lsgd-links/Committee/1Adminrpt1958.asp?intId=1| title=Army of Travancore| access-date=19 February 2007| url-status=dead| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061216022421/http://www.localgovkerala.net/lsgd-links/Committee/1Adminrpt1958.asp?intID=1| archive-date=16 December 2006| df=dmy-all}}</ref> The Nair unit, 1st Battalion of HH Rani's Troops, was likewise incorporated into this brigade, but the Brigade served only in a police capacity until the withdrawal of the East India Company troops in 1836. In 1901, the unit was relieved of its police duties and placed under a British officer.<ref name="Ramachandran2008">{{cite book|author=D. P. Ramachandran|title=Empire's First Soldiers|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Q7EiZmcMPMC&pg=PA284|access-date=6 June 2011|date=October 2008|publisher=Lancer Publishers|isbn=978-0-9796174-7-8|pages=284–}}</ref> In 1935, the Travancore Nair Regiment and the Maharaja's bodyguard were fused and renamed the Travancore State Force, as part of the [[Indian State Forces]] system.<ref name="Ramachandran2008" />

The changes in the economy and the legal system from the late 1800s had ruined many Nair tharavads. Nair leaders noted the decay of their community and struggled to deal with issues regarding widespread infighting, disunity, and feuds. This was in contrast with other communities who were quick to unite for caste interests. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=177-181}}{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=234}}{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994| p=267}} By 1908, the Nairs had not completely lost their dominance; they still held the most land, and had still held a majority of the government posts despite competition from low-castes and Christians. The dominance that Nairs historically held from their ritual status had come under opposition. The land that the Nairs historically had held was gradually lost, for there was a massive rate of wealth transfer to Christians and avarna Hindus. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=xviii-xix}} {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=267}} Christian missionaries also found interest in the dissolution of the tharavads as they saw this as an opportunity to convert the Nairs. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | ps=193}}

In 1914, the Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded by [[Mannathu Padmanabha Pillai]]. Growing up in poverty and witnessing widespread domestic disarray and land alienation amongst the Nairs had facilitated Padmanabhan to create the NSS. The organization aimed to respond to these issues by creating educational institutions, welfare programs, and to replace cumbersome customs such as the matrilineal system.<ref name="Nossiter1982p28" /> {{sfn | Jeffrey | 2016 | ps=102-104}}

Subsequent to Indian independence from British rule, the regions of Travancore, Malabar District and Cochin became the present-day state of Kerala. It is with regard to the Nairs living in the former areas of Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes jointly referred to as Central Kerala, that there is the most information; that available for North Malabar is the most scant.<ref name="Fuller1975p284" /> Two former Travancore State Army divisions, the 1st Travancore Nayar Infantry and the 2nd Travancore Nayar Infantry were converted into 9th and 16th Battalions of Madras Regiment respectively after the independence.<ref name="Sharma1990" /> The Nayar Army from Cochin was incorporated into the 17th Battalion.<ref name="Sharma1990p59">{{cite book |title=Valour and sacrifice: famous regiments of the Indian Army |first=Gautam |last=Sharma |publisher=Allied Publishers |year=1990 |page=59 |isbn=978-81-7023-140-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xLrTzZd0j1kC&pg=PA59 |access-date=4 May 2011}}</ref>

== Culture ==
=== Arts ===
Historically most Nairs were literate in Malayalam, and many in Sanskrit.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}}{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=|ps=337-338}}{{sfn | Clark-Deces | 2011 | p=1976}} The explanation for this literacy was attributed to the general needs of administration, as many Nairs served as scribes and bailiffs for the royal courts.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}}{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | pp=147-148}} Many Nairs had become prominent philosophers and poets, and from the 16th century and onwards the Nairs contributed increasingly to literature and drama. Nairs from the lowest subsections of the community had also partaken in these artistic traditions.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=146}} By the 19th century, novels written by Nairs had dealt with themes of social change. These themes would primarily relate to the rise of the nuclear family in replacement of the old matrilineal system. {{sfn | Mukherjee | 2002 | p=65}} Novels such as, for example, ''[[Indulekha (novel)|Indulekha]]'' by O.C Menon had themes which dealt with societal constraints on romantic love, while C.V Raman Pillai's ''[[Marthandavarma (novel)|Marthanda Varma]]'' had dealt with themes relating to the Nair military past. {{sfn | Sarkar | 2014 | p=138}}

[[Kathakali]] is a dance-drama which portrays scenes from Sanskrit epics or stories.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=143}} The dance drama was historically performed exclusively by Nairs {{sfn | Ashley | 1979 | p=100}}{{sfn | Zarrilli | 1984 | p=52}} and had always traditionally been associated with them; Nair rulers and chiefs had patronized the art, the first Ramanattam plays were written by a Nair from a ruling family, and Kathakali had foundations in Nair military training and religious customs.{{sfn | Wade | Jones | Zile | Higgins | 1987 | p=27}} The first Kathakali actors were most likely Nair soldiers who performed the dance-drama part-time, influenced by the techniques of [[Kalaripayattu]]. As Kathakali developed as an art form, the need for specialization and detail grew.{{sfn | Zarrilli | 1984 | p=74}} Those who had become masters of the art would pass their traditions on to their families. These families were the source of the next generations of Kathakali students, and it was often the nephew of the master that would be chosen as the disciple. {{sfn | Zarrilli | 1984 | ps=74-75}}
[[File:Raja Ravi Varma, There Comes Papa (1893).jpg|thumb|upright=1.1|[[There Comes Papa]] (1893) by Raja Ravi Varma depicts a Nair woman{{sfn | Gopinath | 2018 | p=40}}{{sfn | Bald | Chatterji | Reddy | Prashad | 2013 | p=289}} in the traditional mundum neryathum.{{sfn | Thomas | 2018 | p=38}}{{sfn | Arunima | 1995 | p=167}} The painting has also been noted by several critics due its symbolism of the decline of Nair matrilinity.{{sfn | Gopinath | 2018 | p=41}}{{sfn | Arunima | 2003 | p=1}}{{sfn | Jacobsen | 2015 | p=377}}]]

=== Attire ===
The historical attire of the Nair men was the ''mundu'', a cloth wrapped around the waist and then left to hang down nearly to the ground, rather than tucked in as in other parts of India. The low-hanging fabric was considered as specific to the Nair caste, and at the start of the 20th century it was noted that in more conservative rural areas a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a cloth hanging low to the ground. Wealthy Nairs might use silk for this purpose, and they also would cover their upper body with a piece of laced muslin; the remainder of the community used once to wear a material manufactured in Eraniyal but by the time of Panikkar's writing were generally using cotton cloth imported from [[Lancashire]], England, and wore nothing above the waist. Nair men eschewed turbans or other head coverings, but would carry an umbrella against the sun's rays. They also eschewed footwear, although some of the wealthy would wear elaborate sandals.<ref name="Fawcett1901p254">[[#Fawcett1901|Fawcett (1901)]] p. 254.</ref><ref name="Panikkar1918pp287-288">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 287–288.</ref>

The historical dress of the Nair woman was the mundu, as well as a cloth that covered the upper body. The ''[[mundum neryathum]]'', a garment that roughly resembles the [[sari]], had later become the traditional dress of the Nair women. {{sfn | Thomas | 2018 | p=38}}{{sfn | Lukose | 2009 | p=105}}The dress consisted of a cloth tied around the waist as well as a cloth covering the breast, and worn without a blouse. The mundum neryathum had become the essence for the set sari, which is considered to be Kerala's specific regional wear. Sonja Thomas describes how this is an example of how “primacy was given to upper caste cultural norms”. {{sfn | Thomas | 2018 | p=38}} The Nair women would also wear ''onera'' (''onnara''), a loincloth worn as an undergarment by more conservative women.<ref name="Sinclair-Brull1997">{{cite book|first=Wendy |last=Sinclair-Brull|title=Female ascetics: hierarchy and purity in an Indian religious movement|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oywmBhWH-zAC&pg=PA148|access-date=6 June 2011|year=1997|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-0-7007-0422-4|page=148}}</ref><ref name="Kerala1982">{{cite book|author=University of Kerala|title=Journal of Kerala studies|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Gk1DAAAAYAAJ|access-date=6 June 2011|year=1982|publisher=University of Kerala.|page=142}}</ref> The undergarment was noted as beautifying and slimming the waist.<ref name="DasKrishnankutty2003">{{cite book|first=Kamala |last=Das|others=Trans. Gita Krishnankutty|title=A childhood in Malabar: a memoir |author-link=Kamala Das |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SFpkAAAAMAAJ|access-date=6 June 2011|year=2003|publisher=Penguin Books|isbn=978-0-14-303039-3|page=76}}</ref>

=== Religion and ritual ===
The primary deity of the Nairs is [[Devi|Bhagavati]], who is the patron goddess of war and fertility. {{sfn | Massey | 2004 | p=106}}{{sfn | Vickery | 1998 | p=154}} Central to all aspects of Nair life and revered as a kind and ferocious virgin mother, Bhagavati identifies with both Sanskritic and regional based aspects of worship.{{sfn | Zarrilli | 2003 | p=131}} The goddess was worshipped in the temples of the royal Nair matrilineages and also the village Nair matrilineages. {{sfn | Vickery | 1998 | p=154}} {{sfn | Stone | King | 2018 | p=149}} The idol would either be placed in the western side of the house or be placed in a room with other deities.{{sfn | Zarrilli | 2003 | p=131}} The kalaris would also have an area for the worship of Kali, the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati. {{sfn | Massey | 2004 | p=106}}

Serpent deities known as [[Nāga]] were revered by the Nairs, and these deities would be placed in a grove in the family property. The groves would portray a miniature forest made to resemble [[Patala]], and could feature various types of idols. {{sfn | Neff | 1987 | p=63}} Naga worship was significant to the entire tharavad since, as Gough says, they "... could inflict or avert sickness in general but were especially believed to be responsible for the fertility or barrenness of tharavad women".<ref name="Gough 1961 p. 342">[[#Gough|Gough (1961)]] p. 342.</ref> Gough speculates that the Nagas were seen as phallic symbols representing the procreative powers of the ancestors.<ref name="Gough 1961 p. 342" />
[[File:The Hindu Goddess Kali LACMA M.2011.5 (2 of 5).jpg|thumb|upright=1.1|left|17th century wooden idol of Kali from Kerala.<ref name="LACMA Collections">{{cite web | title=The Hindu Goddess Kali | website=LACMA Collections | url=https://collections.lacma.org/node/222402 | access-date=2019-01-03}}</ref> Kali is the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati, the patron deity of the Nairs.{{sfn | Massey | 2004 | p=106}}{{sfn | Vickery | 1998 | p=154}}|alt=]]
Nairs believed in spirits, which on some occasions they attempted to tame by performing various rituals. According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such as ''[[Preta]]m'', ''[[Bhoot (ghost)|Bhutam]]'' and ''[[Pishacha|Pisachu]]''. ''Pretam'' is the spirit of prematurely dead people; ''Bhutam'', Panikkar says, "is seen generally in marshy districts and does not always hurt people unless they go very near him"; and ''Pisachu'' is spirit of bad air causing illnesses. Believing ''Pretam'' to be wandering around the place of death, they warned people to stay away from those areas between 9 am and 3 pm.<ref name="Panikkar1918p279-280">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 279–280</ref> They also believed in a comic elf called Kutti Chattan who would be prone to mischief.<ref name="Panikkar1918p279-281-">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 279-281</ref> They believed in ''evil eye''—that compliments from others had negative effect; they also believed that utterances of a person with ''kari nakku'' (black-tongue) had a similarly bad effect. They also believed ''koti'' from a poor man watching someone eating a delicious food will cause stomach-aches and [[dysentery]].<ref name="Panikkar1918p282-283">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 282–283</ref>

==== Birth and death rituals ====
The Nair traditionally practised certain rituals relating to births, although often only for those of the first-born. Of these, ''pulicudi'' was the most significant to them. This involved rubbing coconut oil into the pregnant woman, followed by bathing, formal dressing, consultation with an astrologer regarding the expected date of birth and a ceremonial drinking of [[tamarind]] juice, dripped along the blade of a sword. The woman would also select a grain, from which it was believed possible to determine the gender of the child. This ritual was performed in front of the community and contained many symbolic references; for example, the use of the sword was believed to make the child a warrior.<ref name="Panikkarpp272-275">[[#Panikkar|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 272–275.</ref>

In the months subsequent to the birth there followed other rituals, including those of purification and the adornment of the child with a symbolic belt to ward off illness, as well as a name-giving ceremony at which an astrologer again played a significant role. There were also various dietary restrictions, both for the woman during pregnancy and for the child in the first few months of its life.<ref name="Panikkarpp272-275" />

Although birth was considered to be ritually polluting, a death in the family was thought to be much more so.<ref name="Panikkarpp272-275" /> In the case of the death of the oldest member of the family, whether male or female, the body would be cremated on a pyre; for all other family members burial was the norm. In either case, the ceremonies were conducted by the [[Maarar|Maran]] subgroup of the community and they utilised both elements of superstition and of Hinduism. The occasions involving cremation were more ritualised than those involving burial.<ref name="Panikkarpp275-276">[[#Panikkar|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 275–276.</ref>

An elaborate fourteen-day period of mourning followed the cremation, during which the family performed various symbolic acts around the pyre and were regarded to be highly polluted in ritual terms, thus necessitating not only that they took regular baths but also that any other Nair who might touch them must also take a bath. The period was followed by a feast and by participation in sports events, which also involved Nairs from nearby villages. Subsequently, the family stayed in mourning while one male member undertook a ''[[diksha]]'', during which time he had to maintain a pure life. This involved him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice daily and desisting from cutting either his hair or his fingernails, as well as being prevented from speaking with or indeed even seeing women. In some cases the ''diksha'' might last for a year rather than the more usual forty-one days, in which case there would be considerable celebration at its end.<ref name="Panikkarpp275-276" />

=== Diet ===
Pork was noted as a favourite food of the Nair,<ref name="AnthropologyClub1965">{{cite journal|first=J. B. |last=Freeland |title=The Nayar of Central Kerala |journal=Papers in Anthropology|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=B0fzAAAAMAAJ|year=1965|page=12}}</ref> and even high-status Nairs were noted as eating buffalo meat.<ref name="OsellaOsella2000">{{cite book|first1=Filippo |last1=Osella |first2=Caroline |last2=Osella|title=Social mobility in Kerala: modernity and identity in conflict|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rMRw0gTZSJwC&pg=PA32|access-date=5 June 2011|year=2000|publisher=Pluto Press|isbn=978-0-7453-1693-2}}</ref>

The Nair avoided beef, and many did not eat lamb.<ref name="Kurien2002">{{cite book|first=Prema A. |last=Kurien |author-link=Prema A. Kurien|title=Kaleidoscopic ethnicity: international migration and the reconstruction of community identities in India|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lMmSFw8G4wgC&pg=PA124|access-date=5 June 2011|year=2002|publisher=Rutgers University Press|isbn=978-0-8135-3089-5|pages=124–}}</ref> In the modern day, alcohol is a component of Nair-dominated festivals in Kerala.<ref name="OsellaOsella2000" />

== Social and political organisation ==
=== Political organization ===
Prior to the reorganisation of the region by the British, Kerala was divided into around ten feudal states. Each of these was governed by a ''rajah'' (king) and was subdivided into organisational units known as ''nads''. In turn, the ''nads'' were divided into ''dēsams''.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}}

The person who governed the ''nad'' was known as the ''[[naduvazhi]]''. It was an inherited role, originally bestowed by a king, and of a lower ritual rank than the royal lineages. Although Nair families, they generally used the title of ''Samantan'' and were treated as vassals. However, some ''naduvazhi'' were feudatory chiefs, former kings whose territory had been taken over by, for example, the Zamorins of Calicut. In these instances, although they were obeisant to the ''rajah'' they held a higher ritual rank than the Zamorin as a consequence of their longer history of government; they also had more power than the vassal chiefs. The ''naduvazhi'' families each saw themselves as a distinct caste in the same manner as did the rajahs; they did not recognise other ''naduvazhi'' families as being equal to them.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}} The ''naduvazhi'' maintained criminal and civil order and could demand military service from all Nairs below him. There was usually a permanent force of between 500 and 1000 men available and these were called upon by the ''rajah'' when required.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" /> All fighting was usually suspended during the monsoon period of May to September, when movement around the country was almost impossible. Roads did not exist, nor wheeled vehicles or pack animals, until after 1766.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–303|ps=}}

The ''desavazhi'' had the right to operate ''[[kalari]]s'', which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar]] pp. 257–258</ref>

According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the ''desavazhi'' (headman) and in all cases their families were known as ''[[jenmi]]s''. These landlords were from the lineages of the Nair royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest ''jenmis'' in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}}

The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–303|ps=}} The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" />

Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the special temples of the ''sanketams'', the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they had access to the outer courtyard and sometimes the inner courtyard area barring the garbagriha (idol room). Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to [[Bhagavadi]], that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=310|ps=}}

=== Social organization ===
By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found anywhere in India. There were over 500 groups represented in an elaborate structure of relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to [[untouchability]] but even further, to [[unapproachability]]. The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those reformers, [[Swami Vivekananda]], having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes. The usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving the ''varnas'' of ''Brahmin'' (priest), ''Kshatriya'' (warrior), ''Vaishya'' (business person, involved in trading, entrepreneurship and finance) and ''Shudra'' (service person), did not exist. ''Kshatriyas'' were rare and the ''Vaishyas'' were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks were taken to some extent by a few Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] pp. 25–27</ref>

The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked even the kings.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=306|ps=}} They regarded all Nairs as ''[[Shudra]]''. Below the Nambudiris came the [[Tamil Brahmin]]s and other later immigrants of the Brahmin ''varna''. Beyond this, the precise ranking is subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the [[Samantan]] caste below the Kshatriya rank but above the Nairs, but Gough considers that the [[Pushpaka Brahmin|Pushpagans]] and [[Chakyar]]s, both of which were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as [[Ambalavasi]]s, were ranked between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi group.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=309–311|ps=}} She also believes that some Nairs adopted the title of Samantan in order to emphasise their superiority over others in their caste.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}} The unwillingness of the higher ''varnas'' to engage in what they considered to be the polluting activities of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as a reason for the region's relatively limited economic development.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Kodoth2008">{{cite journal |title=Gender, Caste and Matchmaking in Kerala: A Rationale for Dowry |first=Praveena |last=Kodoth |journal=Development and Change |volume=39 |issue=2 |pages=263–283 |year=2008 |publisher=Institute of Social Studies |doi=10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00479.x}}{{subscription required}}</ref><ref name="Fullerpp299-301">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–301</ref>

Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. For example, [[Dalits]] were prohibited within 64 feet.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Dilip M. |last=Menon |title=The Moral Community of the Teyyattam: Popular Culture in Late Colonial Malabar |journal=Studies in History |date=August 1993 |volume=9 |pages=187–217 |issue=2 |doi=10.1177/025764309300900203|s2cid=161804169 }}{{subscription required}}</ref> Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a Nambudiri.<ref name="Sharma2004">{{cite book|author=Rajendra Kumar Sharma|title=Rural Sociology|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Cq99HbGpIWsC&pg=PA150|access-date=23 May 2011|date=1 January 2004|publisher=Atlantic Publishers & Dist|isbn=978-81-7156-671-6|page=150}}</ref>

==== Subgroups ====
The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961. These analyses bear similarities to the ''[[Jatinirnayam]]'', a Malayalam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the ''Kiriyam'' and ''Illam''. Although the ''Jatinirnayam'' did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup (''vibhagam'') to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king. These names included ''Nair'' itself, ''Kurup'', ''Menon'', and ''[[Pillai (Nair title)|Pillai]]''.<ref name="Fuller1975pp286-289">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 286–289</ref>

{| class="wikitable collapsible collapsed" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto;"
|-
!colspan="5"| Nair subdivisions in descending order of rank according to standard descriptions, compiled by C J Fuller in 1975<ref>[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] Reproduced from p. 288</ref>
|-
! Ranking !! Jatinirnayam{{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing K. P. Padmanabha Menon, ''History of Kerala'', volume 3 (1933), pp. 192–195}} !! Aiya (1906){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing V. Nagam Aiya, ''The Travancore State Manual'', volume 2 (1906), pp. 348–349}} !! Iyer (1912){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, ''The Cochin Tribes and Castes'', volume 2 (1912), pp. 14–18}} !! Innes (1908){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing C. A. Innes, ''Madras District Gazetteers: Malabar and Anjengo'', (ed. F. B. Evans), volume 1 (1908), pp. 116–120}} !! Gough (1961){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing E. Kathleen Gough, ''Nayar, Central Kerala'' in ''Matrilineal Kinship'', (ed. D. M. Schneider & E. K. Gough), (1961), pp. 308–312}}
|-
|1|| [[Kiryathil Nair|Kiriyam]] || Kiriyam || Kiriyam || Kiriyam || Kiriyam
|-
|2|| [[Illathu Nair|Illam]] || Illam || Illam || Purattu Charna || Purattu Charna
|-
|3|| [[Swaroopathil Nair|Svarupam]] || Svarupam || Svarupam || Akattu Charna || Akattu Charna
|-
|4|| [[Padamangalam Nair|Padamangalam]] || Padamangalam || Purattu & Akattu Charna || Illam || Pallicchan
|-
|5|| Tamil Padam || Tamil Padam || Menokki || Mutta || Illam
|-
|6|| Itasseri || Itasseri || Maran || Taraka || Vattakkatan
|-
|7|| Maran (or [[Maarar]]) || Maran || Padamangalam || Ravari || Otattu
|-
|8|| Chempukotli || Chempukotli || Pallicchan || Anduran || Anduran
|-
|9|| Otattu || Otattu || Vattakkatan || Otattu || Asthikkuracchi
|-
|10|| [[Pallicchan Nair|Pallicchan]] || Kalamkotti || Chempukotti || Pallicchan || Veluttetan
|-
|11|| Matavan/Puliyath || Vattakkatan || Otattu || Urali || Vilakkittalavan
|-
|12|| Kalamkotti/Anduran || Pallicchan || Itasseri || Chempukotti ||
|-
|13|| [[Chakkala Nair|Vattakkatan/Chakkala]] || Asthikkuracchi || Anduran || Vattakkatan ||
|-
|14|| Asthikkuracchi/Chitikan || Chetti || Asthikkuracchi || Asthikkuracchi/Chitikan ||
|-
|15|| Chetti || Chaliyan || Tarakan || Kulangara ||
|-
|16|| Chaliyan || Veluttetan || Vilakkittalavan || Itasseri ||
|-
|17|| Veluttetan || Vilakkittalavan || Veluttetan || Veluttetan ||
|-
|18|| [[Velakkathala Nayar|Vilakkittalavan]] || || Chaliyan || Vilakkittalavan ||
|-
|19|| || || || Kaduppattam ||
|-
|20|| || || || Chaliyan ||
|}

A re-evaluation of the broad system of classification took place from the late 1950s. Fuller, writing in 1975, claims that the approach to classification by use of titular names was a misconception. People could and did award themselves the titles; and on those occasions when a title was in fact bestowed, it nonetheless did not signify their subgroup. He argues that the broad outline of the subdivisions {{quote|... embodies, so to speak, a caste system within a caste system. Except for high-ranking priests, the Nayar subdivisions mirror all the main caste categories: high-status aristocrats, military and landed; artisans and servants; and untouchables. But ... this structure is ideal rather than real.<ref name="Fuller1975pp286-289" />}}

[[M. N. Srinivas]] observed in 1957 that, "''Varna'' has been the model to which observed facts have been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent." Instead of analysing the structure of the subgroups independently, commentators had explained them inappropriately by using an existing but alien social structure. From this unsuitable methodology had come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions.<ref name="Srinivas1957">{{cite journal |title=Caste in Modern India |first=Mysore Narasimhachar |last=Srinivas |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |volume=16 |issue=4 |date=August 1957 |pages=529–548 |publisher=Association for Asian Studies |author-link=M. N. Srinivas|jstor=2941637 |doi=10.2307/2941637}}{{subscription required}}</ref> He also argued, in 1966, that "Some Nayars "ripened" into Samantans and Kshatriyas. The royal lineages of Calicut, Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin, for instance, although of Nayar origin, considered themselves superior in ritual rank to their Nayar subjects." That is to say, they assumed a position above the status that they were perceived as being by others.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZrJB-MsbWvoC&pg=PA38 |title=Social change in modern India (Rabindranath Tagore memorial lectures) |first=Mysore Narasimhachar |last=Srinivas |page=38 |publisher=Orient Blackswan |year=1995 |orig-year=1966 |isbn=978-81-250-0422-6}}</ref>

The hypothesis, proposed by writers such as Fuller and [[Louis Dumont]], that most of the subgroups were not subcastes arises in large part because of the number of ways in which Nairs classified themselves, which far exceeded the 18 or so groups which had previously been broadly accepted. Dumont took the extreme view that the Nairs as a whole could not be defined as a caste in the traditional sense, but Fuller believed this to be unreasonable as, "since the Nayars live in a caste society, they must evidently fit into the caste system at some level or another." The [[1891 Census of India]] listed a total of 128 Nair subgroups in the Malabar region and 55 in the Cochin region, as well as a further 10 in the [[Madras]] area but outside Malabar. There were 44 listed in Travancore in the census of 1901. These designations were, however, somewhat fluid: the numbers tended to rise and fall, dependent upon which source and which research was employed; it is likely also that the figures were skewed by Nairs claiming a higher status than they actually had, which was a common practice throughout India. Data from the late 19th-century and early 20th-century censuses indicates that ten of these numerous subdivisions accounted for around 90% of all Nairs, that the five{{efn|Fuller names the five highest subdivisions as Kiriyam, Illam, Svarupam, Purattu Charna and Akattu Charna. Of the other five main subdivisions, the Chakkala and Itasseri were to be found in Travancore and the Pallicchan, Vattakkatan and Asthikkuracchi in Cochin and Malabar.<ref name="Fullerp290">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 290.</ref>}} highest ranking of these accounted for the majority, and that some of the subdivisions claimed as little as one member. The writer of the official report of the 1891 census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes,<ref name="Fuller1975pp289-291">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 289–291.</ref> and Fuller has speculated that the single-member subdivisions were "Nayars satisfying their vanity, I suppose, through the medium of the census."<ref name="Fuller1975p294">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 294.</ref>

The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include [[Joan Mencher]], proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the ''Veluttetan'', ''Chakkala'' and ''Vilakkittalavan'', would take titles such as ''Nair'' or ''Nayar'' in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them. It has also been postulated that some [[exogamous group|exogamous]] families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became an [[endogamous group|endogamous]] subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere.<ref name="Fuller1975pp291-292">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 291–292, 305</ref> The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social mobility within the Nair community as a whole.<ref name="Fuller1975p303">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 303</ref>

Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopted [[hypergamy]] and would utilise the rituals of ''[[Kettu Kalyanam|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and ''[[sambandham]]'', which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-295+298">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 293–295, 298</ref>

==== Attempts to achieve caste cohesion ====
The [[Nair Service Society]] (NSS) was founded in 1914. Nossiter has described its purpose at foundation as being "... to liberate the community from superstition, taboo and otiose custom, to establish a network of educational and welfare institutions, and to defend and advance Nair interests in the political arena."<ref name="Nossiter1982p28" /> Devika and Varghese believe the year of formation to be 1913 and argue that the perceived denial of 'the natural right' of upper castes to hold elected chairs in Travancore, a Hindu state, had pressured the founding of the NSS.<ref>{{cite book |first1=J. |last1=Devika |first2=V. J. |last2=Varghese |date=March 2010 |title=To Survive or to flourish? Minority rights and Syrian Christian assertions in 20th century Travancore |publisher=Centre for Development Studies |location=Trivandrum |url=http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |pages=15–17 |access-date=28 April 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120526104825/http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |archive-date=26 May 2012 |df=dmy-all }}</ref>

As late as 1975, the NSS still had most of its support in the Central Travancore region,<ref name="Fuller1975pp303-304">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 303–304.</ref> although it also has numerous satellite groups around the world.

From its early years, when it was contending that the Nairs needed to join together if they were to become a political force, it argued that the caste members should cease referring to their traditional subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole. Census information thereafter appears to have become unreliable on the matter of the subdivisions, in part at least because of the NSS campaign to ensure that respondents did not provide the information requested of them. The NSS also promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion, although in this instance it met with only limited success. Indeed, even in the 1970s it was likely that cross-subdivision marriage was rare generally, and this was certainly the case in the Central Travancore area.<ref name="Fuller1975pp303-304" />

It has been concluded by Fuller, in 1975, that {{quote|... the question of what the Nayar caste is (or was): it is a large, named social group (or, perhaps preferably, category) with a stable status, vis-a-vis other castes in Kerala. It is not, however, a solidary group, and, the efforts of the N.S.S. notwithstanding, it is never likely to become one.<ref name="Fuller1975p309" />}}

The influence of the NSS, both within the community and in the wider political sphere, is no longer as significant as once it was. It did attempt to reassert its influence in 1973, when it established its own political party—the National Democratic Party—but this lasted only until 1977.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29" />

==== Present day ====
Today, the government of India does not treat the Nair community as a single entity. It classifies some, such as the Illathu and [[Swaroopathil Nair|Swaroopathu]] Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections, such as the Veluthedathu, [[Velakkathala Nayar|Vilakkithala]] and Andhra Nairs, as [[Backward class|Other Backward Classes]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1|access-date=12 June 2011|title=List of Other Backward Communities|publisher=District of Thiruvananthapuram|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120322053123/http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1|archive-date=22 March 2012|df=dmy-all}}</ref> These classifications are for the purpose of determining which groups of people in certain areas are subject to [[positive discrimination]] policies for the purposes of education and employment.

== Historical matrilineal system ==
=== Tharavad ===
[[File:Taravad.gif|thumb|upright=1.5|A typical ''tharavad'' reproduced from Panikkar's article published in 1918. Capital and small letters represent females and males respectively. Supposing that the females A, B and C were dead and the oldest male member ''karnavan'' being d, if the male members t, k and others demanded partition, the property would be divided into three parts.]]
Nairs operated a matrilineal (''[[marumakkathayam]]'') joint family structure called ''[[tharavad]]'', whereby descendant families of one common ancestress lived under a single roof. ''Tharavads'' consisting of 50 to 80 members were not uncommon and some with membership as high as 200 have been reported. Only the women lived in the main house; men lived in separate rooms{{Clarify|reason=a room is a defined space in a house|date=June 2011}} and, on some occasions, lived in a separate house nearby. The families split on instances when they became unwieldy and during crisis among its members. When it split, the family property was separated along the female lines. The ''karnavan'', the oldest male member in the ''tharavad'', had the decision-making authority including the power to manage common property. [[K. M. Panikkar|Panikkar]], a well-known writer from the Nair community, wrote in 1918 that,

{{quote|Authority in the family is wielded by the eldest member, who is called ''karnavan''. He has full control of the common property, and manages the income very much as he pleases. He arranges marriages (''sambandhams'') for the boys as well as the girls of the family. He had till lately full power (at least in practice) of alienating anything that belonged to them. His will was undisputed law. This is, perhaps, what is intended to be conveyed by the term Matri-potestas in communities of female descent. But it should be remembered that among the Nayars the autocrat of the family is not the mother, but the mother's brother.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp260-264" /> }}

The husband visited the ''tharavad'' at night and left the following morning and he had no legal obligation to his children which lay entirely with the ''karnavan''.<ref name="Nakane">{{cite journal | title=The Nayar family in a disintegrating matrilineal system| first=Chie |last=Nakane| journal=International Journal of Comparative Sociology | year=1962| volume=3 |issue=1 |edition=Reprinted (in ''Family and Marriage'', International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology: 1963: E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands)| pages=17–28| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pMMeAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA17 | doi=10.1177/002071526200300105| s2cid=220876041 }}</ref> In Nair families, young men and women about the same age were not allowed to talk to each other, unless the young man's sister was considerably older than him. The wife of ''karnavan'' had an unusual relationship in his ''tharavad'' as she belonged to a different one and her interests lay there. Panikkar wrote that ''Karnavan'' loved his sister's son more than his own and he believes it was due mainly to the instability of Nair marriages. Divorce rate was very high as both man and woman had equal right to terminate the marriage. ''Enangar'' was another family with which a ''tharavad'' remained closely related; a few such related families formed a social group whose members participated in all social activities.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp260-264">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 260–264</ref> Nakane wrote in 1956 that ''tharavads'' as a functional unit had ceased to exist and large buildings that had once hosted large ''tharavads'' were occupied by just a few of its remnants.<ref name="Nakane" />

=== Marriage system ===
Fuller has commented that "The Nayars' marriage system has made them one of the most famous of all communities in anthropological circles",<ref name="Fuller1975p283" /> and Amitav Ghosh says that, although matrilineal systems are not uncommon in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "have achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality".<ref>{{cite book |title=The Imam and the Indian: prose pieces |first=Amitav |last=Ghosh |author-link=Amitav Ghosh |edition=Third |publisher=Orient Blackswan |year=2003 |isbn=978-81-7530-047-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QQHp9wsWaZcC |page=193 |access-date=27 December 2011}}</ref> None of the rituals survive in any significant way today. Two forms of ritual marriage were traditional:<ref name="Fuller1975p284+297">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 284, 297</ref>
* the pre-puberty rite for girls known as ''thalikettu kalyanam'', which was usually followed by ''sambandham'' when they became sexually mature. The ''sambandham'' was the point at which the woman might take one or more partners and bear children by them, giving rise to the theories of them engaging in [[polyandry|polyandrous]] practices. A ritual called the ''tirandukuli'' marked the first menstruation and usually took place between these two events.<ref name="Fuller1975p297">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 297</ref>
* a form of hypergamy,{{efn|There are differences in the form of hypergamy common to south India and that which existed in north India, and these have been subject to much academic discussion.<ref name="Fullerp298">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 298</ref>}} whereby high-ranked Nairs married Samantans, Kshatriyas and Brahmins.

There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair rituals fitted the traditional definition of marriage and which of ''thalikettu kalyanam'' or ''sambandham'' could lay claim to it.<ref name="Moore1985">{{cite journal | title=A New Look at the Nayar Taravad| first=Melinda A. |last=Moore| journal=Man |series=New series| date=September 1985| volume=20 | issue = 3| pages=523–541| jstor=2802444 | doi=10.2307/2802444}}{{subscription required}}</ref><ref name="Moore1988">{{cite journal | title=Symbol and meaning in Nayar marriage ritual| first=Melinda A. |last=Moore| journal=American Ethnologist| date=May 1988| volume=15 | issue = 2| pages=254–273| jstor=644756 | doi=10.1525/ae.1988.15.2.02a00040}}{{subscription required}}</ref> Thomas Nossiter has commented that the system "was so loosely arranged as to raise doubts as to whether 'marriage' existed at all."<ref name="Nossiter1982p27">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 27</ref>

==== Thalikettu kalyanam ====
The ''[[Mangalsutra|thali]]'' is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The ''thalikettu kalyanam'' was the ritual during which the ''thali'' would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" />

The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a ''tharavad'' who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The ''karnavan'' organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer, known as a ''[[Kaniyan]]''. A ''[[pandal]]'' was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them. The person who tied the ''thali'' would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the ''tharavad'', and also ''vice versa''<ref name="Fuller1975p302">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 302</ref> since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the ''thali'' for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of [[Cochin]] in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantans.<ref name="Fullerp299-300">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–300</ref> Having the ''thali'' of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls.<ref name="Fullerp300">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 300</ref> The ''thali'' tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 295, 298</ref>

The girl often never saw the man who tied the ''thali'' again and later married a different man during the ''sambandham''. However, although she neither mourned the death of her ''sambandham'' husband nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her ''thali''. Panikkar argues that this proves that the real, religious marriage is the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the ''thali kalyanam'' legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp267-270">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 267–270</ref>
[[File:Naidu Nayar children (1872).jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=355–356|ps=}}]]
It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the ''thali'' might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish ''thalikettu kalyanam ''rather than in the ''tharavadu''. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.<ref name="Fuller1975p301">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 301</ref> Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own ''thali'' tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the ''tharavadu'', leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.<ref name="Fuller1975pp302-303">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 302–303</ref>

==== Sambandham ====
{{Main|Sambandham}}
Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was ''sambandham'', a word that comes from [[Sanskrit]] and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman had ''sambandham'' marriages with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage. This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and [[primogeniture]]. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste. The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their ''thali'', provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent (however far back that may be) or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 270–271</ref>

The ''sambandham'' ceremony although marked with many wedding rituals was simple compared to the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', being marked by the gift of clothes (''pudava'') to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement. The pompous nature of the Sambandham ceremony depended on the status of the families involved. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayalam festivals. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />

The ''sambandham'' relationship was usually arranged by the ''karanavan'' but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first ''sambandham'' of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such marriages increased his reputation in his community. ''Sambandham'' marriages could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a ''karavanan'' forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman.<ref name="Moore1988" /> Marriage by ''sambandham'' was legally recognised and binding according to observations by William Logan. However the relationship could end at will by both parties and the participants could remarry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate ''sambandham'' marriages in colonial era by the Nayar Regulation Act of 1912 in Travancore and the [[Malabar Marriage Act, 1896|Malabar Marriage Act]] of 1896 in British Malabar were not very successful.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />

Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her ''sambandham'' husband's (whether present or divorced) if she was to avoid being out-caste, sold into slavery or even executed. Adultery was not tolerated in the Nair society.{{quote|... a caste is a bilateral grouping and a child's place in the caste society cannot be determined by only one parent. Further, the Indian system of status attribution, under most circumstances, proscribes sexual relations between a woman and a man of status lower than herself, and generally denies to any children born of such a union membership of either parent's caste. For these reasons, some recognition of paternity and an assurance that the genitor is of the right status is necessary - even if it is only the minimal one of a man asserting paternity.<ref name="Fuller1975pp296-297">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 296–297</ref>}}

==== Hypergamy ====
The Nambudiri Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of marriage within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. Gough notes that {{quote|These hypergamous unions were regarded by Brahmans as socially acceptable concubinage, for the union was not initiated with Vedic rites, the children were not legitimized as Brahmans, and neither the woman nor her child was accorded the rights of kin. By the matrilineal castes, however, the same unions were regarded as marriage, for they fulfilled the conditions of ordinary Nayar marriage and served to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of his matrilineal lineage and caste.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=320|ps=}}}}

The disparity in caste ranking in a relationship between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to live with her husband(s) in the Brahmin family and so remained in her own family. The children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. Panikkar argues that it is this type of relationship that resulted in the matrilineal and matrilocal system.<ref name="Panikkar1918p265">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 265.</ref> It has also been argued that the practice, along with judicious selection of the man who tied the ''thali'', formed a part of the Nair aspirational culture whereby they would seek to improve their status within the caste. Furthermore, that {{quote|... among the higher-ranking Nayars (and Kshatriyas and Samantans) in contradistinction to the "commoner" Nayars, no two subdivisions admitted to equal status. Thus the relations set up by the tall-rite [ie: the ''thalikettu kalyanam''] and the sambandham union were always hypergamous.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298" />}}

Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-293">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 292–293, 302</ref>

==== Polyandry ====
{{See also|Polyandry in India}}
Fuller argues that there is overwhelming evidence that Nair women as well as men had more than one ''sambandham'' partner at the same time, that "both men and women could have several partners at once, and either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished."<ref name="Fuller1975p296">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 296</ref>

He believes that both polyandrous ''sambandhams'' and hypergamy were most common in Central Kerala. In northern Travancore there appears not to have been as great a prevalence of hypergamy because of a relative scarcity of Brahmins living there. Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore [[monogamy]] may have been predominant, and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the ''tharavad'' of her husband.<ref name="Fuller1975pp284-285">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 284–285</ref><ref name="Gough1965">{{cite journal | title=A Note on Nayar Marriage| first=Kathleen |last=Gough| journal=Man|publisher=Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland| date=January–February 1965| volume=65| pages=8–11| jstor=2796033 | doi=10.2307/2796033 }}</ref>

Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree state that while Nair women were maritally involved with a number of men, the men were also married to more than one woman. The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than "sexual liaison" and legitimacy for the children.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Conclusion: Asian and African Systems of Polyandry| first1=Nancy E. |last1=Levine |first2=Walter H. |last2=Sangree| journal=Journal of Comparative Family Studies| year=1980| volume=XI (3)| page=399}}Quote:The nature of the Nayar system was that just as a woman was involved in marital relationships with a number of men, a man was married to a number of women. Nayar women and their husbands traditionally did not live together in the same household. Husbands were obliged to present their wives certain gifts at specified times, but their relationship had little significance beyond the sexual liaison and the provision of legitimacy to children produced in the marriage. Since the men resided separately and were not ranked in any way, Nayar co-husbandship cannot be typified by the hierarchy characteristic of associated marriage or the solidarity of fraternal polyandry. Also in contrast with both fraternal and associated systems, the men who visited a single woman could not be brothers, nor could a man have sexual relations with two women of the same household. That is, fraternal polyandry and sororal polygyny were prohibited.</ref>
[[File:Raja Ravi Varma, Reclining Woman.jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|Reclining Nayar Woman (1902) by Raja Ravi Varma shows a Nair lady,<ref name="Dinkar p10">{{cite journal | last=Dinkar | first=Niharika | title=Private Lives and Interior Spaces: Raja Ravi Varma's Scholar Paintings | journal=Art History | publisher=Wiley | volume=37 | issue=3 | date=2014-04-11 | issn=0141-6790 | doi=10.1111/1467-8365.12085 | page=10| url=https://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1010&context=art_facpubs }}</ref><ref name="Sen 2002 p.76 ">{{cite book | last=Sen | first=G. | title=Feminine fables: imaging the Indian woman in painting, photography, and cinema | publisher=Mapin Publishing | year=2002 | isbn=978-81-85822-88-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_AEqAAAAYAAJ | access-date=2018-07-09 | page=76}}</ref> identified as the character Indulekha, a main character from a Malayalam novel of the same name.<ref name="Dinkar p10" /> The novel had criticized the Nair matrilocal and matrilineal system; notably the relationships with Nambudiri Brahmins.<ref name="Fuller1976p128">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] p128</ref>{{sfn | Arunima | 1995 | pp=161-162}}]]

Gough has gone further than Fuller with regard to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry in that area at all. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry came from the region of Central Kerala. Gough notes the differing personal experiences of earlier Nair commentators and that this could go some way to explaining the varied pronouncement: Panikkar, who queries the existence of polyandry, comes from the northern Travancore region; that [[A. Aiyappan]], who acknowledges its existence, comes from Central Kerala; and that both have based their writings on customs they grew up with in their very different environs.<ref name="Gough1965" />

==== Decline of traditional practices ====
The practices of ''thalikettu kalyanam'', the polyandrous ''sambandhams'', and also the existence of large ''tharavads'' declined during the nineteenth century, as did that of hypergamy. Monogamy and small nuclear family units became the norm, as they were elsewhere in the country. This process occurred more rapidly in some areas than in others, and in Central Kerala the traditional systems still lingered as late as the 1960s, although hypergamy had largely disappeared everywhere by the 1920s.<ref name="Fuller1975p285">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 285</ref> A possible reason for the various rates of change across the region lies in the extent to which the various agrarian local economies were dominated by the Nairs.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29" />

V. K. S. Nayar has said that, "the matrilineal system tends to produce a society at once hierarchical and authoritarian in outlook. The system is built round family pride as well as loyalty to the ''karavanar''".<ref>{{cite book |title=State Politics in India |chapter=Kerala Politics since 1947: Community Attitudes |year=1967 |editor-first=Iqbal |editor-last=Narain |first=V. K. S. |last=Nayar |page=153 |volume=1965 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Bj9YAAAAMAAJ&q=authoritarian}}</ref> Nossiter cites this as one reason why it was "congruent with the role of a military caste in a feudal society."<ref name="Nossiter1982p28">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 28</ref> and explains that the decline in the traditional warrior role, the rise of an economy based on money, together with the ending of agricultural slavery and the effects of western education, all combined to cause the decline of the traditional practices. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between [[World War I]] and [[World War II]] where that dominance was lost,<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the 1930s when the [[Diwan (title)#Title|Diwan]] [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] adopted a pro-Nair stance and an oppressive attitude towards communities such as the Syrian Christians.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20>{{cite book |first1=J. |last1=Devika |first2=V. J. |last2=Varghese |date=March 2010 |title=To Survive or to flourish? Minority rights and Syrian Christian assertions in 20th century Travancore |publisher=Centre for Development Studies |location=Trivandrum |url=http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |pages=19–20 |access-date=27 April 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120526104825/http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |archive-date=26 May 2012 |df=dmy-all }}</ref>{{efn|The attitude of [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] during the 1930s reflected a concern among Hindus that the Christian population of Travancore was rising and that there was a consequent danger of the region becoming a Christian state. The 1931 census recorded over 31 per cent of the population as being Christian, compared to around 4 per cent in 1820.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20 />}} The main beneficiaries in the shifting balance of social influence were the Syrian Christians and the Ezhavas. The former, in particular, were in a position to acquire, often by subdivision, the economically unviable ''tharavad'' buildings and landholdings around the time of the [[Great Depression]]. The role of the Nair Service Society in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> This collapse of the rural society facilitated the rise of the socialist and communist political movements in the region.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 29</ref>

== Demographics ==
{{Main|Demography of Nair community}}
The 1968 Socio-Economic Survey by the Government of Kerala gave the population of the Nair community as approximately 14.5% (2.9 million) of the total population of the state.<ref name="Fuller1975p283">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 283</ref>

== See also ==
* [[C. Krishna Pillai]]
* [[List of Nairs]]
* [[Nambiar (Nair subcaste)|Nambiar]]
* [[Mamankam]]
* [[Moopil Nair]]
* [[Onnu Kure Áyiram Yogam]]
* [[Nair ceremonies and customs]]

== References ==

=== Notes ===
{{notelist}}

=== Citations ===
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}

=== Bibliography ===
{{refbegin}}
* {{cite journal | last=Ashley | first=Wayne | title=The Teyyam Kettu of Northern Kerala | journal=The Drama Review: TDR | publisher=JSTOR | volume=23 | issue=2 | pages=99–112 | year=1979 | issn=0012-5962 | doi=10.2307/1145219 | jstor=1145219 }}
* {{cite book | last=Menon | first=A.S. | title=Kerala History and its Makers | publisher=DC Books | year=2011 | isbn=978-81-264-3782-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wnAjqjhc1VcC | access-date=2019-01-01}}
* {{cite book | last=Jeffrey | first=R. | title=Politics, Women and Well-Being: How Kerala became 'a Model' | publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK | series=Cambridge Commonwealth Series | year=2016 | isbn=978-1-349-12252-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ENC-DAAAQBAJ&pg=PA102 | access-date=2019-01-01}}
* {{cite book | last=Almeida | first=H. | title=Indian Renaissance: British Romantic Art and the Prospect of India | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2017 | isbn=978-1-351-56296-6 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HzcrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA92 | access-date=2018-12-31}}
* {{cite book | last1=Bock | first1=M. | last2=Rao | first2=A. | title=Culture, Creation, and Procreation: Concepts of Kinship in South Asian Practice | publisher=Berghahn Books | series=ACLS Humanities E-Book | year=2000 | isbn=978-1-57181-911-6 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qQOLBhSPRtIC&pg=PA185 | access-date=2018-12-31}}
* {{cite book | last=Blankenhorn | first=D. | title=The Future of Marriage | publisher=Encounter Books | year=2007 | isbn=978-1-59403-359-9 | url=https://archive.org/details/futureofmarriage0000blan | url-access=registration | page=[https://archive.org/details/futureofmarriage0000blan/page/106 106] | access-date=2019-01-01}}
*{{cite book | last=Arunima | first=G. | title=There Comes Papa: Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala, Malabar, C. 1850–1940 | publisher=Orient BlackSwan | year=2003 | isbn=978-81-250-2514-6 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kiFuAAAAMAAJ | access-date=2018-06-30}}
*{{cite journal |last1=Arunima |first1=G. |title=Matriliny and its Discontents |journal=India International Centre Quarterly |date=1995 |volume=22 |issue=2/3 |pages=157–167 |id=JSTOR |jstor=23003943 }}
* {{cite book | last1=Bald | first1=V. | last2=Chatterji | first2=M. | last3=Reddy | first3=S. | last4=Prashad | first4=V. | last5=Vimalassery | first5=M. | title=The Sun Never Sets: South Asian Migrants in an Age of U.S. Power | publisher=NYU Press | series=NYU Series in Social and Cultural Analysis | year=2013 | isbn=978-0-8147-8644-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UCEUCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA289 | access-date=2018-12-20}}
* {{cite book|first=F. |last=Fawcett|title=Nâyars of Malabar|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eF-pMrcqw5UC&pg=PA254 |orig-year=1901 |year=2004|publisher=Asian Educational Services|isbn=978-81-206-0171-0 |ref=Fawcett1901}}
* {{cite journal |title=The Internal Structure of the Nayar Caste |first=Christopher John |last=Fuller |author-link=Chris Fuller (academic) |journal=Journal of Anthropological Research |volume=31 |issue=4 |date=Winter 1975 |pages=283–312 |jstor=3629883|ref=Fuller1975|doi=10.1086/jar.31.4.3629883 |s2cid=163592798 }}{{subscription required}}
* {{cite book |title=The Nayars Today |first=Christopher John |last=Fuller |year=1976 |author-link=Chris Fuller (academic) |publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=978-0-521-29091-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yQM4AAAAIAAJ|ref=Fuller1976}}
* {{cite book | last=Clark-Deces| first=I. | title=A Companion to the Anthropology of India | publisher=Wiley | series=Wiley Blackwell Companions to Anthropology | year=2011 | isbn=978-1-4443-9058-2 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=98uLj5FpTHQC&pg=RA3-PA1976 | access-date=2019-01-07}}
*{{cite book | last=Gopinath | first=G. | title=Unruly Visions: The Aesthetic Practices of Queer Diaspora | publisher=Duke University Press | series=Perverse Modernities: A Series Edited by Jack Halberstam and Lisa Lowe | year=2018 | isbn=978-1-4780-0216-1 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qw5zDwAAQBAJ&pg=PP41 | access-date=2018-12-20}}
* {{cite book | last=Jacobsen | first=K.A. | title=Routledge Handbook of Contemporary India | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2015 | isbn=978-1-317-40357-9 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tPBWCgAAQBAJ&pg=PT377 | access-date=2018-12-20}}
* {{cite book | last=Lukose | first=R.A. | title=Liberalization's Children: Gender, Youth, and Consumer Citizenship in Globalizing India | publisher=Duke University Press | series=e-Duke books scholarly collection. | year=2009 | isbn=978-0-8223-9124-1 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R5gNOdw9E_0C&pg=PT105 | access-date=2018-12-20}}
* {{cite book | last=Goody | first=J. | title=Literacy in Traditional Societies | publisher=Cambridge University Press | year=1975 | isbn=978-0-521-29005-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=B9SUyI-3tRwC&pg=PA132 | access-date=2019-01-07}}
* {{citation |title=Matrilineal Kinship |editor1-first=David Murray |editor1-last=Schneider |editor2-first=E. Kathleen |editor2-last=Gough |chapter=Nayars: Central Kerala |first=E. Kathleen |last=Gough |year=1961 |publisher=University of California Press |isbn=978-0-520-02529-5 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lfdvTbfilYAC |author-link=Kathleen Gough |access-date=9 June 2011}}
* {{cite book | last=Massey | first=R. | title=India's Dances: Their History, Technique, and Repertoire | publisher=Abhinav Publications | year=2004 | isbn=978-81-7017-434-9 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=t6MJ8jbHqIwC&pg=PA106 | access-date=2018-12-22}}
* {{citation |title=Agrarian Relations in Late Medieval Malabar |first=M. T. |last=Narayanan |publisher=Northern Book Centre |year=2003 |isbn=978-81-7211-135-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kHtbkuXruzwC}}
* {{cite journal | last=Neff | first=Deborah L. | title=Aesthetics and Power in Pambin Tullal: A Possession Ritual of Rural Kerala | journal=Ethnology | publisher=JSTOR | volume=26 | issue=1 | pages=63–71 | year=1987 | issn=0014-1828 | doi=10.2307/3773417 | jstor=3773417 }}
* {{cite book |title=Communism in Kerala: a study in political adaptation |first=Thomas Johnson |last=Nossiter |publisher=University of California Press |year=1982 |pages=12–44 |chapter=Kerala's identity: unity and diversity |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8CSQUxVjjWQC |isbn=978-0-520-04667-2 |author-link=Thomas Nossiter |access-date=9 June 2011|ref=Nossiter1982}}
* {{cite journal | title=Some Aspects of Nayar Life| first=Kavalam Madhava |last=Panikkar| journal=Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute| date=July–December 1918| volume=48| pages=254–293| url=https://archive.org/stream/SomeAspectsOfNayarLife/SomeAspectsOfNayarLifeCopy#page/n0/mode/2up |author-link=Kavalam Madhava Panikkar |access-date=9 June 2011 |ref=Panikkar1918}}
* {{cite book | last=Mukherjee | first=M. | title=Early Novels in India | publisher=Sahitya Akademi | year=2002 | isbn=978-81-260-1342-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VPJ7jqVSl34C&pg=PA65 | access-date=2019-01-07}}
* {{cite book | last=Sarkar | first=S. | title=Modern India 1886–1947 | publisher=Pearson India | year=2014 | isbn=978-93-325-4085-9 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PJeKBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA138 | access-date=2019-01-07}}
* {{cite book | last1=Stone | first1=L. | last2=King | first2=D.E. | title=Kinship and Gender: An Introduction | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2018 | isbn=978-0-429-87165-8 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Os5wDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT149 | access-date=2018-12-22}}
*{{cite book | last=Thomas | first=S. | title=Privileged Minorities: Syrian Christianity, Gender, and Minority Rights in Postcolonial India | publisher=University of Washington Press | year=2018 | isbn=978-0-295-74383-7 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9nRuDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA38 | access-date=2018-12-20}}
* {{cite book | last=Vickery | first=M. | title=Society, economics, and politics in pre-Angkor Cambodia: the 7th-8th centuries | publisher=Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for Unesco, Toyo Bunko | year=1998 | isbn=978-4-89656-110-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-29uAAAAMAAJ | access-date=2018-12-22}}
* {{cite journal | last1=Wade | first1=Bonnie C. | last2=Jones | first2=Betty True | last3=Zile | first3=Judy Van | last4=Higgins | first4=Jon B. | last5=Qureshi | first5=Regula Burckhardt | last6=Owens | first6=Naomi | last7=Flora | first7=Reis | title=Performing Arts in India: Essays on Music, Dance, and Drama | journal=Asian Music | publisher=JSTOR | volume=18 | issue=2 | pages=1 | year=1987 | issn=0044-9202 | doi=10.2307/833942 | jstor=833942 }}
* {{cite book |title=The Decline of Nair Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1847–1908 |first=Robin |last=Jeffrey |author-link=Robin Jeffrey |orig-year=1976 |year=1994 |publisher=Sussex University Press |isbn=978-0-85621-054-9 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/declineofnayardo0000jeff }}
* {{cite book | last=Zarrilli | first=P. | title=Kathakali Dance-Drama: Where Gods and Demons Come to Play | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2003 | isbn=978-1-134-65110-8 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gluFAgAAQBAJ | access-date=2019-01-02}}
{{refend}}
* {{cite book | last=Zarrilli | first=P. | title=The Kathakali Complex: Actor, Performance & Structure | publisher=Abhinav Publications | year=1984 | isbn=978-81-7017-187-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CjwYysH2ZQIC&pg=PA52 | access-date=2019-01-07}}

== External links ==
{{Commons category|Nair}}
* {{cite web |url=http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm |title=Digital Colonial Documents (India) |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070901154501/http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm |archive-date=1 September 2007 |df=dmy-all }}

{{Social class}}

{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2016}}

[[Category:Nair| ]]
[[Category:Indian castes]]
[[Category:Indian surnames]]
[[Category:Social groups of Kerala]]

Nair

2026-04-06T06:31:36Z

162.158.170.52: Minor edits

{{Short description|Caste group in India}}
{{About|a Hindu caste|other uses|Nair (disambiguation)}}

{{Infobox ethnic group
|group=
| native_name =
| native_name_lang = Malayalam
| image = Daniel Thomas-A Nair.jpg
| image_caption = ''A Nair'' by [[Thomas Daniell]]. Drawn in pencil and watercolor sometime between the 17th and 18th century.
|regions = [[Kerala]]
| region2 =
| langs = [[Malayalam]],{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}} [[Sanskrit]]{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}}
| rels = [[Hinduism]]
| related_groups =
}}
The '''Nair''' {{IPAc-en|ˈ|n|aɪər}}, also known as '''Nayar''', are a group of [[India]]n Hindu [[caste]]s, described by anthropologist [[Kathleen Gough]] as "not a unitary group but a named category of castes". The present label of Nair include several castes and many subdivisions, not all of whom historically bore the name 'Nair'.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=312|ps=}}<ref name="Fuller1975p309">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 309</ref> These people lived, and continue to live, in the area which is now the Indian state of [[Kerala]]. Their internal [[caste]] behaviours and systems are markedly different between the people in the northern and southern sections of the area, although there is not much extensive information on those inhabiting the north.<ref name="Fuller1975p284">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 284</ref>

Historically, Nairs lived in large family units called ''[[tharavad]]s'' that housed descendants of one common female ancestor. These family units along with their matrilineal marriage customs, which are no longer practiced, have been much studied. Although the detail varied from one region to the next, the main points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two particular rituals—the pre-pubertal ''[[Kettu Kalyanam|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and the later defacto marriage ''[[sambandam]]''—and the practice of [[polygamy]] in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced [[hypergamy|hypergamous marriage]] with [[Nambudiri]] Brahmins from the [[Malabar region]].

The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. Following hostilities between the Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the [[British Indian Army]]. After [[Indian independence movement|India's independence]], the [[Nair Brigade]] of the [[Travancore]] State Force was merged into the [[Indian Army]] and became a part of the [[9th Battalion, Madras Regiment]], the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.

The [[Snake|serpent]] is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The [[Snake worship|worship of snakes]] and Naga dieties is so prevalent in the area that one [[anthropologist]] notes: "In no part of the world is snake worship more general than in Kerala."<ref name="Iyer1968">{{cite book|author=L. A. Krishna Iyer|title=Social history of Kerala|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UU5DAAAAYAAJ|access-date=3 June 2011|year=1968|publisher=Book Centre Publications|page=104}}</ref> Serpent groves were found in the southwestern corner of nearly every Nair compound.<ref name="Subramanian (M.A.)1985">{{cite book|author1=K. R. Subramanian|author2=K. R. Subramanian (M.A.)|title=The origin of Saivism and its history in the Tamil land|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jHaVqNy-V6UC&pg=PA15|access-date=3 June 2011 |edition=Reprinted |year=1985 |orig-year=1929|publisher=Asian Educational Services|isbn=978-81-206-0144-4|pages=15–}}</ref>

== History ==
=== Early period ===
The origin of the Nair is disputed. Some people think the name itself is derived from ''[[Nayak (title)|nayaka]]'', an honorific meaning "leader of the people", while others believe it stems from the community's association with the [[Nāga|Naga cult]] of serpent worship.{{sfnp|Narayanan|2003|p=59|ps=}} [[Chris Fuller (academic)|Christopher Fuller]], an anthropologist, has said that it is likely that the first reference to the Nair community was made by [[Pliny the Elder]] in his ''[[Natural History (Pliny)|Natural History]]'', dating from 77 AD. That work describes what is probably the Malabar coast area wherein could be found the "Nareae, who are shut in by the Capitalis range, the highest of all the mountains in India". Fuller believes it probable that the ''Nareae'' referred to the Nairs and the Capitalis range is the [[Western Ghats]].<ref name="Fuller1976p1">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] p. 1</ref>
[[File:King of Cochin.jpg|thumb|upright=1.3|right|Nair soldiers attending the King of [[Cochin]]: A 16th century [[Europe]]an portrait. The majority of Nair men were trained in arms, and the traditional role of the Nairs was to fight in the continuous wars which characterized Kerala history.<ref name="Fuller1976pp7-8">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] pp. 7-8</ref>{{sfn | Blankenhorn | 2007 | p=106}}]]
There are large gaps in the known early history of the Kerala region, which in the 1st-century AD is thought to have been governed by the [[Chera dynasty]] and which by the late 3rd-century AD had broken up, possibly as a consequence of a decline in trade with the [[Roman Empire|Romans]]. There is no evidence of Nairs in the area during this period. Inscriptions on copper-plate regarding grants of land and rights to settlements of Jewish and Christian traders, dated approximately between the 7th- and 9th-centuries AD, refer to Nair chiefs and soldiers from the [[Eranad]], [[Kingdom of Valluvanad|Valluvanad]], [[Venad]] (later known as [[Travancore]]) and [[Palghat]] areas. As these inscriptions show the Nairs as witnesses to the agreements between those traders and the successors to the Cheras, the [[Perumal]]s, it is probable that by this time the Nairs were [[vassal]] chieftains.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–303|ps=}}

Certainly by the 13th-century, some Nairs were the rulers of small kingdoms and the Perumals had disappeared. Trade with China, which had declined for some time, began to increase once more in the 13th-century and it was during this period that two small Nair kingdoms were established. Both of these—at [[Kolathiri|Kolattunad]] and at Vernad—contained major seaports, and they expanded by taking over the inland territory of neighbouring chieftains. Although trade with China once more went into decline in the 14th-century, it was replaced by trade with Muslim Arabs. These traders had been visiting the area for several hundred years but their activities increased to the point that a third Nair kingdom, based on the port of [[History of Kozhikode|Calicut]], became established. There were also small kingdoms at Walluvanad and Palghat, away from the coastline.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–304|ps=}} This period was characterized by continuous war between these various kingdoms, and most able bodied Nair men were assigned to fight in these wars. {{sfn | Blankenhorn | 2007 | p=106}}

The large influx of travelers and traders to Kerala had left many early accounts of the Nairs. These descriptions were initially idealized by Europeans for its martial society, productivity, spirituality, and for its marriage practices. Some early examples of these works being [[John Mandeville]]’s ‘’Travels’’ (1356), [[William Caxton]]’s ‘The mirrour of the wourld’ (1481), and [[Jean Boudin]]’s ‘Les sex livres de la republique’ (1576). {{sfn | Almeida | 2017 | p=92}} The Nair men are described as being polite and well-mannered in old sources,{{sfn | Bock| Rao | 2000 | p=185}} and nearly all historical descriptions describe them as arrogant.<ref name="Fuller1976p15">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] p.15</ref>{{sfn | Bock | Rao | 2000 | p=185}} Sources on Nair women are scant and were written by men, and these primarily comment on their beauty.<ref name="Fuller1976p15" />{{sfn | Bock | Rao | 2000 | p=185}} The martial society of the Nairs was something that was covered by nearly all visitors, and their characteristic of always being armed is well described.<ref name="Fuller1976pp7-9">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] pp. 7-9</ref>

The [[Portuguese people|Portuguese]] arrived in the area from 1498, by which time the [[Zamorin of Calicut|''Zamorin'']] (King) of Calicut had come to the fore. Arab traders had firmly established themselves at his port and although trade still went to the ports of the other two small kingdoms it was in relatively small amounts. Indeed, the kingdom based at Kolattunad had split into three even smaller kingdoms; and the ruler of Vernad had conceded considerable powers to local chiefs within his kingdom.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=304|ps=}} By the time of European arrival, the title Nair was used to refer to all military castes. The Portuguese used the term Nair for all soldiers, and prior to 1498 the military or retainer Nairs are believed to have been called 'Lokar'. Gough states that the title Nair existed prior to that time referring to only those families that were involved in the military.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=312|ps=}}{{efn|Gough quotes Ayyar (1938) for the statement on Lokar}}
The Portuguese had many involvements in South India, including their support of the [[Paravar]]s in a trade battle over control of the pearl fisheries of [[Malabar Coast|Malabar]], but in the Nair kingdoms their principal interest was to obtain control of the trade in [[Black pepper|pepper]]. In this they followed the Muslim Arabs, whom they eventually marginalised; and they were in turn followed by the Dutch in 1683. The British and French were also active in the region now known as Kerala, the former from 1615 and the latter from 1725. These various European powers combined with one or another of the Nair rulers, fighting for control.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=304|ps=}} One notable alliance was that of the Portuguese with the Kingdom of [[Cochin]], with whom they sided in order to work against the power of the Zamorins of Calicut. Although Calicut remained the most significant of the kingdoms until the 1730s, its power was eroded and the rulers of Cochin were freed from being vassals of the Zamorins.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=305|ps=}}

=== Decline of dominance ===
In 1729, Marthanda Varma became the Raja of Venad and inherited a state facing war and refractory Nair chiefs. Varma curtailed the power of the Nair chiefs and introduced Tamil Brahmins to form a core component of his administration. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=4-5}} Under Marthanda Varma's reign, the Travancore Nair Infantry (also known as the ''Nair Pattalam'' ) distinguished themselves in battle against the Dutch at the [[Battle of Colachel]] (1741).<ref name="Sharma1990">{{cite book|author=Gautam Sharma|title=Valour and sacrifice: famous regiments of the Indian Army|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xLrTzZd0j1kC&pg=PA59|access-date=3 June 2011|date=1 December 1990|publisher=Allied Publishers|isbn=978-81-7023-140-0|pages=59–}}</ref> The Nair army was re-organized in the European style and had transformed from a feudal-based force into a standing army. Though this army was still made up of Nairs, this had checked the power of local chiefs and was the first limit on Nair dominance. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=4-5}}

There had been Hindu–Muslim clashes during the medieval period, notably when Muslim armies from [[Mysore]] invaded and [[Mysore invasion of Kerala|gained control of northern Kerala]] in 1766. The Nairs of Kottayam and Kadathanad led the resistance, and the Nairs managed to defeat all Mysorean garrisons except for those in Palakkad. {{sfn | Menon | 2011 | p=158}} Shortly afterwards, Haider Ali died and his son Tipu had become Sultan. The Nairs of Calicut and South Malabar had recaptured Calicut and defeated an army sent by Tipu to break the siege. This had caused the Sultan himself to intervene in 1789 during which many Hindus, especially Nairs, [[Captivity of Nairs at Seringapatam|were kept captive or killed]] by Muslims under [[Tipu Sultan]].<ref>{{cite book|title=Sarasvati's Children: A History of the Mangalorean Christians|last=Prabhu|first=Alan Machado|year=1999|publisher=I.J.A. Publications|page=250|isbn=978-81-86778-25-8|ref=mac}}</ref> {{sfn | Menon | 2011 | ps=158-161}} Many Nairs had fled to the protection of Travancore, while others engaged in guerilla warfare. {{sfn | Menon | 2011 | ps=158-161}} However the Nairs of Travancore were able to defeat the Muslim forces in 1792 at the [[Third Anglo-Mysore War]]. After this, the [[East India Company]] established its pre-eminence throughout the entire Kerala region.<ref name="Eggenberger1985">{{cite book|first=David |last=Eggenberger|title=An encyclopedia of battles: accounts of over 1,560 battles from 1479 B.C. to the present|url=https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofba00egge|url-access=registration |access-date=6 June 2011|date=1 September 1985|publisher=Courier Dover Publications|isbn=978-0-486-24913-1|pages=[https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofba00egge/page/392 392]–}}</ref>
[[File:Members of a Nair brigade.jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|left|Members of the Travancore Nair Brigade, drawn in 1855. The Nair brigade was the remnant of the Travancore Nair army after the takeover of the British.<ref name="Ramachandran2008" /><ref name="Administration of Travancore" />]]
The British imposed the next limitation on Nair dominance. After signing the treaty of subsidiary alliance with Travancore in 1795, British residents were sent to the Travancore administration; the interference from the British had caused two rebellions in 1804 and 1809, the latter of which was to have lasting repercussions. Velu Thampi, the Nair dewan of Travancore, led a [[Travancore rebellion|revolt in 1809]] to remove British influence from the Travancore [[Sarkar (country subdivision)|sarkar]].{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=5}} After a few months, the rebellion was defeated and Velu Thampi had committed suicide.{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=6}} Afterwards, the Nairs were disbanded and disarmed. Up to this time the Nairs had been historically a military community, who along with the [[Nambudiri Brahmins]] owned most of the land in the region; after it, they turned increasingly to administrative service.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] pp. 27–28</ref><ref name="Raj1974">{{cite book|author=G. Ramachandra Raj|title=Functions and dysfunctions of social conflict|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Zu7ZAAAAMAAJ|access-date=2 June 2011|year=1974|publisher=Popular Prakashan|page=18}}</ref> By this time there were nine small Nair kingdoms and several chiefdoms which were loosely affiliated to them; the British amalgamated seven of those kingdoms (Calicut, Kadattunad, Kolattunad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad, Palghat and Walluvanad) to form Malabar District, while Cochin and Travancore were left as native states under the control of their own rulers but with advice from the British.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=304|ps=}} Velu Thampi's rebellion had made the British wary of Nair leaders, and the Travancore sarkar was mainly under control of British residents although the rest of the administration had been handled for the most part by non-Malayali Brahmins and Nairs. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=6-8}}

The Travancore army became the Travancore Nair Brigade in 1818–1819.<ref name="Administration of Travancore">{{cite web| publisher=Government of Kerala| work=REPORT OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS COMMITTEE 1958| url=http://www.localgovkerala.net/lsgd-links/Committee/1Adminrpt1958.asp?intId=1| title=Army of Travancore| access-date=19 February 2007| url-status=dead| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061216022421/http://www.localgovkerala.net/lsgd-links/Committee/1Adminrpt1958.asp?intID=1| archive-date=16 December 2006| df=dmy-all}}</ref> The Nair unit, 1st Battalion of HH Rani's Troops, was likewise incorporated into this brigade, but the Brigade served only in a police capacity until the withdrawal of the East India Company troops in 1836. In 1901, the unit was relieved of its police duties and placed under a British officer.<ref name="Ramachandran2008">{{cite book|author=D. P. Ramachandran|title=Empire's First Soldiers|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Q7EiZmcMPMC&pg=PA284|access-date=6 June 2011|date=October 2008|publisher=Lancer Publishers|isbn=978-0-9796174-7-8|pages=284–}}</ref> In 1935, the Travancore Nair Regiment and the Maharaja's bodyguard were fused and renamed the Travancore State Force, as part of the [[Indian State Forces]] system.<ref name="Ramachandran2008" />

The changes in the economy and the legal system from the late 1800s had ruined many Nair tharavads. Nair leaders noted the decay of their community and struggled to deal with issues regarding widespread infighting, disunity, and feuds. This was in contrast with other communities who were quick to unite for caste interests. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=177-181}}{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=234}}{{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994| p=267}} By 1908, the Nairs had not completely lost their dominance; they still held the most land, and had still held a majority of the government posts despite competition from low-castes and Christians. The dominance that Nairs historically held from their ritual status had come under opposition. The land that the Nairs historically had held was gradually lost, for there was a massive rate of wealth transfer to Christians and avarna Hindus. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | pp=xviii-xix}} {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | p=267}} Christian missionaries also found interest in the dissolution of the tharavads as they saw this as an opportunity to convert the Nairs. {{sfn | Jeffrey | 1994 | ps=193}}

In 1914, the Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded by [[Mannathu Padmanabha Pillai]]. Growing up in poverty and witnessing widespread domestic disarray and land alienation amongst the Nairs had facilitated Padmanabhan to create the NSS. The organization aimed to respond to these issues by creating educational institutions, welfare programs, and to replace cumbersome customs such as the matrilineal system.<ref name="Nossiter1982p28" /> {{sfn | Jeffrey | 2016 | ps=102-104}}

Subsequent to Indian independence from British rule, the regions of Travancore, Malabar District and Cochin became the present-day state of Kerala. It is with regard to the Nairs living in the former areas of Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes jointly referred to as Central Kerala, that there is the most information; that available for North Malabar is the most scant.<ref name="Fuller1975p284" /> Two former Travancore State Army divisions, the 1st Travancore Nayar Infantry and the 2nd Travancore Nayar Infantry were converted into 9th and 16th Battalions of Madras Regiment respectively after the independence.<ref name="Sharma1990" /> The Nayar Army from Cochin was incorporated into the 17th Battalion.<ref name="Sharma1990p59">{{cite book |title=Valour and sacrifice: famous regiments of the Indian Army |first=Gautam |last=Sharma |publisher=Allied Publishers |year=1990 |page=59 |isbn=978-81-7023-140-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xLrTzZd0j1kC&pg=PA59 |access-date=4 May 2011}}</ref>

== Culture ==
=== Arts ===
Historically most Nairs were literate in Malayalam, and many in Sanskrit.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}}{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=|ps=337-338}}{{sfn | Clark-Deces | 2011 | p=1976}} The explanation for this literacy was attributed to the general needs of administration, as many Nairs served as scribes and bailiffs for the royal courts.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=132}}{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | pp=147-148}} Many Nairs had become prominent philosophers and poets, and from the 16th century and onwards the Nairs contributed increasingly to literature and drama. Nairs from the lowest subsections of the community had also partaken in these artistic traditions.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=146}} By the 19th century, novels written by Nairs had dealt with themes of social change. These themes would primarily relate to the rise of the nuclear family in replacement of the old matrilineal system. {{sfn | Mukherjee | 2002 | p=65}} Novels such as, for example, ''[[Indulekha (novel)|Indulekha]]'' by O.C Menon had themes which dealt with societal constraints on romantic love, while C.V Raman Pillai's ''[[Marthandavarma (novel)|Marthanda Varma]]'' had dealt with themes relating to the Nair military past. {{sfn | Sarkar | 2014 | p=138}}

[[Kathakali]] is a dance-drama which portrays scenes from Sanskrit epics or stories.{{sfn | Goody | 1975 | p=143}} The dance drama was historically performed exclusively by Nairs {{sfn | Ashley | 1979 | p=100}}{{sfn | Zarrilli | 1984 | p=52}} and had always traditionally been associated with them; Nair rulers and chiefs had patronized the art, the first Ramanattam plays were written by a Nair from a ruling family, and Kathakali had foundations in Nair military training and religious customs.{{sfn | Wade | Jones | Zile | Higgins | 1987 | p=27}} The first Kathakali actors were most likely Nair soldiers who performed the dance-drama part-time, influenced by the techniques of [[Kalaripayattu]]. As Kathakali developed as an art form, the need for specialization and detail grew.{{sfn | Zarrilli | 1984 | p=74}} Those who had become masters of the art would pass their traditions on to their families. These families were the source of the next generations of Kathakali students, and it was often the nephew of the master that would be chosen as the disciple. {{sfn | Zarrilli | 1984 | ps=74-75}}
[[File:Raja Ravi Varma, There Comes Papa (1893).jpg|thumb|upright=1.1|[[There Comes Papa]] (1893) by Raja Ravi Varma depicts a Nair woman{{sfn | Gopinath | 2018 | p=40}}{{sfn | Bald | Chatterji | Reddy | Prashad | 2013 | p=289}} in the traditional mundum neryathum.{{sfn | Thomas | 2018 | p=38}}{{sfn | Arunima | 1995 | p=167}} The painting has also been noted by several critics due its symbolism of the decline of Nair matrilinity.{{sfn | Gopinath | 2018 | p=41}}{{sfn | Arunima | 2003 | p=1}}{{sfn | Jacobsen | 2015 | p=377}}]]

=== Attire ===
The historical attire of the Nair men was the ''mundu'', a cloth wrapped around the waist and then left to hang down nearly to the ground, rather than tucked in as in other parts of India. The low-hanging fabric was considered as specific to the Nair caste, and at the start of the 20th century it was noted that in more conservative rural areas a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a cloth hanging low to the ground. Wealthy Nairs might use silk for this purpose, and they also would cover their upper body with a piece of laced muslin; the remainder of the community used once to wear a material manufactured in Eraniyal but by the time of Panikkar's writing were generally using cotton cloth imported from [[Lancashire]], England, and wore nothing above the waist. Nair men eschewed turbans or other head coverings, but would carry an umbrella against the sun's rays. They also eschewed footwear, although some of the wealthy would wear elaborate sandals.<ref name="Fawcett1901p254">[[#Fawcett1901|Fawcett (1901)]] p. 254.</ref><ref name="Panikkar1918pp287-288">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 287–288.</ref>

The historical dress of the Nair woman was the mundu, as well as a cloth that covered the upper body. The ''[[mundum neryathum]]'', a garment that roughly resembles the [[sari]], had later become the traditional dress of the Nair women. {{sfn | Thomas | 2018 | p=38}}{{sfn | Lukose | 2009 | p=105}}The dress consisted of a cloth tied around the waist as well as a cloth covering the breast, and worn without a blouse. The mundum neryathum had become the essence for the set sari, which is considered to be Kerala's specific regional wear. Sonja Thomas describes how this is an example of how “primacy was given to upper caste cultural norms”. {{sfn | Thomas | 2018 | p=38}} The Nair women would also wear ''onera'' (''onnara''), a loincloth worn as an undergarment by more conservative women.<ref name="Sinclair-Brull1997">{{cite book|first=Wendy |last=Sinclair-Brull|title=Female ascetics: hierarchy and purity in an Indian religious movement|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oywmBhWH-zAC&pg=PA148|access-date=6 June 2011|year=1997|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-0-7007-0422-4|page=148}}</ref><ref name="Kerala1982">{{cite book|author=University of Kerala|title=Journal of Kerala studies|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Gk1DAAAAYAAJ|access-date=6 June 2011|year=1982|publisher=University of Kerala.|page=142}}</ref> The undergarment was noted as beautifying and slimming the waist.<ref name="DasKrishnankutty2003">{{cite book|first=Kamala |last=Das|others=Trans. Gita Krishnankutty|title=A childhood in Malabar: a memoir |author-link=Kamala Das |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SFpkAAAAMAAJ|access-date=6 June 2011|year=2003|publisher=Penguin Books|isbn=978-0-14-303039-3|page=76}}</ref>

=== Religion and ritual ===
The primary deity of the Nairs is [[Devi|Bhagavati]], who is the patron goddess of war and fertility. {{sfn | Massey | 2004 | p=106}}{{sfn | Vickery | 1998 | p=154}} Central to all aspects of Nair life and revered as a kind and ferocious virgin mother, Bhagavati identifies with both Sanskritic and regional based aspects of worship.{{sfn | Zarrilli | 2003 | p=131}} The goddess was worshipped in the temples of the royal Nair matrilineages and also the village Nair matrilineages. {{sfn | Vickery | 1998 | p=154}} {{sfn | Stone | King | 2018 | p=149}} The idol would either be placed in the western side of the house or be placed in a room with other deities.{{sfn | Zarrilli | 2003 | p=131}} The kalaris would also have an area for the worship of Kali, the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati. {{sfn | Massey | 2004 | p=106}}

Serpent deities known as [[Nāga]] were revered by the Nairs, and these deities would be placed in a grove in the family property. The groves would portray a miniature forest made to resemble [[Patala]], and could feature various types of idols. {{sfn | Neff | 1987 | p=63}} Naga worship was significant to the entire tharavad since, as Gough says, they "... could inflict or avert sickness in general but were especially believed to be responsible for the fertility or barrenness of tharavad women".<ref name="Gough 1961 p. 342">[[#Gough|Gough (1961)]] p. 342.</ref> Gough speculates that the Nagas were seen as phallic symbols representing the procreative powers of the ancestors.<ref name="Gough 1961 p. 342" />
[[File:The Hindu Goddess Kali LACMA M.2011.5 (2 of 5).jpg|thumb|upright=1.1|left|17th century wooden idol of Kali from Kerala.<ref name="LACMA Collections">{{cite web | title=The Hindu Goddess Kali | website=LACMA Collections | url=https://collections.lacma.org/node/222402 | access-date=2019-01-03}}</ref> Kali is the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati, the patron deity of the Nairs.{{sfn | Massey | 2004 | p=106}}{{sfn | Vickery | 1998 | p=154}}|alt=]]
Nairs believed in spirits, which on some occasions they attempted to tame by performing various rituals. According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such as ''[[Preta]]m'', ''[[Bhoot (ghost)|Bhutam]]'' and ''[[Pishacha|Pisachu]]''. ''Pretam'' is the spirit of prematurely dead people; ''Bhutam'', Panikkar says, "is seen generally in marshy districts and does not always hurt people unless they go very near him"; and ''Pisachu'' is spirit of bad air causing illnesses. Believing ''Pretam'' to be wandering around the place of death, they warned people to stay away from those areas between 9 am and 3 pm.<ref name="Panikkar1918p279-280">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 279–280</ref> They also believed in a comic elf called Kutti Chattan who would be prone to mischief.<ref name="Panikkar1918p279-281-">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 279-281</ref> They believed in ''evil eye''—that compliments from others had negative effect; they also believed that utterances of a person with ''kari nakku'' (black-tongue) had a similarly bad effect. They also believed ''koti'' from a poor man watching someone eating a delicious food will cause stomach-aches and [[dysentery]].<ref name="Panikkar1918p282-283">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 282–283</ref>

==== Birth and death rituals ====
The Nair traditionally practised certain rituals relating to births, although often only for those of the first-born. Of these, ''pulicudi'' was the most significant to them. This involved rubbing coconut oil into the pregnant woman, followed by bathing, formal dressing, consultation with an astrologer regarding the expected date of birth and a ceremonial drinking of [[tamarind]] juice, dripped along the blade of a sword. The woman would also select a grain, from which it was believed possible to determine the gender of the child. This ritual was performed in front of the community and contained many symbolic references; for example, the use of the sword was believed to make the child a warrior.<ref name="Panikkarpp272-275">[[#Panikkar|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 272–275.</ref>

In the months subsequent to the birth there followed other rituals, including those of purification and the adornment of the child with a symbolic belt to ward off illness, as well as a name-giving ceremony at which an astrologer again played a significant role. There were also various dietary restrictions, both for the woman during pregnancy and for the child in the first few months of its life.<ref name="Panikkarpp272-275" />

Although birth was considered to be ritually polluting, a death in the family was thought to be much more so.<ref name="Panikkarpp272-275" /> In the case of the death of the oldest member of the family, whether male or female, the body would be cremated on a pyre; for all other family members burial was the norm. In either case, the ceremonies were conducted by the [[Maarar|Maran]] subgroup of the community and they utilised both elements of superstition and of Hinduism. The occasions involving cremation were more ritualised than those involving burial.<ref name="Panikkarpp275-276">[[#Panikkar|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 275–276.</ref>

An elaborate fourteen-day period of mourning followed the cremation, during which the family performed various symbolic acts around the pyre and were regarded to be highly polluted in ritual terms, thus necessitating not only that they took regular baths but also that any other Nair who might touch them must also take a bath. The period was followed by a feast and by participation in sports events, which also involved Nairs from nearby villages. Subsequently, the family stayed in mourning while one male member undertook a ''[[diksha]]'', during which time he had to maintain a pure life. This involved him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice daily and desisting from cutting either his hair or his fingernails, as well as being prevented from speaking with or indeed even seeing women. In some cases the ''diksha'' might last for a year rather than the more usual forty-one days, in which case there would be considerable celebration at its end.<ref name="Panikkarpp275-276" />

=== Diet ===
Pork was noted as a favourite food of the Nair,<ref name="AnthropologyClub1965">{{cite journal|first=J. B. |last=Freeland |title=The Nayar of Central Kerala |journal=Papers in Anthropology|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=B0fzAAAAMAAJ|year=1965|page=12}}</ref> and even high-status Nairs were noted as eating buffalo meat.<ref name="OsellaOsella2000">{{cite book|first1=Filippo |last1=Osella |first2=Caroline |last2=Osella|title=Social mobility in Kerala: modernity and identity in conflict|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rMRw0gTZSJwC&pg=PA32|access-date=5 June 2011|year=2000|publisher=Pluto Press|isbn=978-0-7453-1693-2}}</ref>

The Nair avoided beef, and many did not eat lamb.<ref name="Kurien2002">{{cite book|first=Prema A. |last=Kurien |author-link=Prema A. Kurien|title=Kaleidoscopic ethnicity: international migration and the reconstruction of community identities in India|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lMmSFw8G4wgC&pg=PA124|access-date=5 June 2011|year=2002|publisher=Rutgers University Press|isbn=978-0-8135-3089-5|pages=124–}}</ref> In the modern day, alcohol is a component of Nair-dominated festivals in Kerala.<ref name="OsellaOsella2000" />

== Social and political organisation ==
=== Political organization ===
Prior to the reorganisation of the region by the British, Kerala was divided into around ten feudal states. Each of these was governed by a ''rajah'' (king) and was subdivided into organisational units known as ''nads''. In turn, the ''nads'' were divided into ''dēsams''.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}}

The person who governed the ''nad'' was known as the ''[[naduvazhi]]''. It was an inherited role, originally bestowed by a king, and of a lower ritual rank than the royal lineages. Although Nair families, they generally used the title of ''Samantan'' and were treated as vassals. However, some ''naduvazhi'' were feudatory chiefs, former kings whose territory had been taken over by, for example, the Zamorins of Calicut. In these instances, although they were obeisant to the ''rajah'' they held a higher ritual rank than the Zamorin as a consequence of their longer history of government; they also had more power than the vassal chiefs. The ''naduvazhi'' families each saw themselves as a distinct caste in the same manner as did the rajahs; they did not recognise other ''naduvazhi'' families as being equal to them.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}} The ''naduvazhi'' maintained criminal and civil order and could demand military service from all Nairs below him. There was usually a permanent force of between 500 and 1000 men available and these were called upon by the ''rajah'' when required.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" /> All fighting was usually suspended during the monsoon period of May to September, when movement around the country was almost impossible. Roads did not exist, nor wheeled vehicles or pack animals, until after 1766.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–303|ps=}}

The ''desavazhi'' had the right to operate ''[[kalari]]s'', which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar]] pp. 257–258</ref>

According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the ''desavazhi'' (headman) and in all cases their families were known as ''[[jenmi]]s''. These landlords were from the lineages of the royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest ''jenmis'' in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}}

The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=302–303|ps=}} The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp257-258" />

Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the temples of the ''sanketams'', the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they might have access to the outer courtyard area. Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to [[Bhagavadi]], that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=310|ps=}}

=== Social organization ===
By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found anywhere in India. There were over 500 groups represented in an elaborate structure of relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to [[untouchability]] but even further, to [[unapproachability]]. The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those reformers, [[Swami Vivekananda]], having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes. The usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving the ''varnas'' of ''Brahmin'' (priest), ''Kshatriya'' (warrior), ''Vaishya'' (business person, involved in trading, entrepreneurship and finance) and ''Shudra'' (service person), did not exist. ''Kshatriyas'' were rare and the ''Vaishyas'' were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks were taken to some extent by a few Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] pp. 25–27</ref>

The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked even the kings.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=306|ps=}} They regarded all Nairs as ''[[Shudra]]''. Below the Nambudiris came the [[Tamil Brahmin]]s and other later immigrants of the Brahmin ''varna''. Beyond this, the precise ranking is subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the [[Samantan]] caste below the Kshatriya rank but above the Nairs, but Gough considers that the [[Pushpaka Brahmin|Pushpagans]] and [[Chakyar]]s, both of which were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as [[Ambalavasi]]s, were ranked between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi group.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=309–311|ps=}} She also believes that some Nairs adopted the title of Samantan in order to emphasise their superiority over others in their caste.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=307–308|ps=}} The unwillingness of the higher ''varnas'' to engage in what they considered to be the polluting activities of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as a reason for the region's relatively limited economic development.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Kodoth2008">{{cite journal |title=Gender, Caste and Matchmaking in Kerala: A Rationale for Dowry |first=Praveena |last=Kodoth |journal=Development and Change |volume=39 |issue=2 |pages=263–283 |year=2008 |publisher=Institute of Social Studies |doi=10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00479.x}}{{subscription required}}</ref><ref name="Fullerpp299-301">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–301</ref>

Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. For example, [[Dalits]] were prohibited within 64 feet.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Dilip M. |last=Menon |title=The Moral Community of the Teyyattam: Popular Culture in Late Colonial Malabar |journal=Studies in History |date=August 1993 |volume=9 |pages=187–217 |issue=2 |doi=10.1177/025764309300900203|s2cid=161804169 }}{{subscription required}}</ref> Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a Nambudiri.<ref name="Sharma2004">{{cite book|author=Rajendra Kumar Sharma|title=Rural Sociology|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Cq99HbGpIWsC&pg=PA150|access-date=23 May 2011|date=1 January 2004|publisher=Atlantic Publishers & Dist|isbn=978-81-7156-671-6|page=150}}</ref>

==== Subgroups ====
The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961. These analyses bear similarities to the ''[[Jatinirnayam]]'', a Malayalam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the ''Kiriyam'' and ''Illam''. Although the ''Jatinirnayam'' did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup (''vibhagam'') to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king. These names included ''Nair'' itself, ''Kurup'', ''Menon'', and ''[[Pillai (Nair title)|Pillai]]''.<ref name="Fuller1975pp286-289">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 286–289</ref>

{| class="wikitable collapsible collapsed" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto;"
|-
!colspan="5"| Nair subdivisions in descending order of rank according to standard descriptions, compiled by C J Fuller in 1975<ref>[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] Reproduced from p. 288</ref>
|-
! Ranking !! Jatinirnayam{{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing K. P. Padmanabha Menon, ''History of Kerala'', volume 3 (1933), pp. 192–195}} !! Aiya (1906){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing V. Nagam Aiya, ''The Travancore State Manual'', volume 2 (1906), pp. 348–349}} !! Iyer (1912){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, ''The Cochin Tribes and Castes'', volume 2 (1912), pp. 14–18}} !! Innes (1908){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing C. A. Innes, ''Madras District Gazetteers: Malabar and Anjengo'', (ed. F. B. Evans), volume 1 (1908), pp. 116–120}} !! Gough (1961){{efn|Quoted by Fuller, citing E. Kathleen Gough, ''Nayar, Central Kerala'' in ''Matrilineal Kinship'', (ed. D. M. Schneider & E. K. Gough), (1961), pp. 308–312}}
|-
|1|| [[Kiryathil Nair|Kiriyam]] || Kiriyam || Kiriyam || Kiriyam || Kiriyam
|-
|2|| [[Illathu Nair|Illam]] || Illam || Illam || Purattu Charna || Purattu Charna
|-
|3|| [[Swaroopathil Nair|Svarupam]] || Svarupam || Svarupam || Akattu Charna || Akattu Charna
|-
|4|| [[Padamangalam Nair|Padamangalam]] || Padamangalam || Purattu & Akattu Charna || Illam || Pallicchan
|-
|5|| Tamil Padam || Tamil Padam || Menokki || Mutta || Illam
|-
|6|| Itasseri || Itasseri || Maran || Taraka || Vattakkatan
|-
|7|| Maran (or [[Maarar]]) || Maran || Padamangalam || Ravari || Otattu
|-
|8|| Chempukotli || Chempukotli || Pallicchan || Anduran || Anduran
|-
|9|| Otattu || Otattu || Vattakkatan || Otattu || Asthikkuracchi
|-
|10|| [[Pallicchan Nair|Pallicchan]] || Kalamkotti || Chempukotti || Pallicchan || Veluttetan
|-
|11|| Matavan/Puliyath || Vattakkatan || Otattu || Urali || Vilakkittalavan
|-
|12|| Kalamkotti/Anduran || Pallicchan || Itasseri || Chempukotti ||
|-
|13|| [[Chakkala Nair|Vattakkatan/Chakkala]] || Asthikkuracchi || Anduran || Vattakkatan ||
|-
|14|| Asthikkuracchi/Chitikan || Chetti || Asthikkuracchi || Asthikkuracchi/Chitikan ||
|-
|15|| Chetti || Chaliyan || Tarakan || Kulangara ||
|-
|16|| Chaliyan || Veluttetan || Vilakkittalavan || Itasseri ||
|-
|17|| Veluttetan || Vilakkittalavan || Veluttetan || Veluttetan ||
|-
|18|| [[Velakkathala Nayar|Vilakkittalavan]] || || Chaliyan || Vilakkittalavan ||
|-
|19|| || || || Kaduppattam ||
|-
|20|| || || || Chaliyan ||
|}

A re-evaluation of the broad system of classification took place from the late 1950s. Fuller, writing in 1975, claims that the approach to classification by use of titular names was a misconception. People could and did award themselves the titles; and on those occasions when a title was in fact bestowed, it nonetheless did not signify their subgroup. He argues that the broad outline of the subdivisions {{quote|... embodies, so to speak, a caste system within a caste system. Except for high-ranking priests, the Nayar subdivisions mirror all the main caste categories: high-status aristocrats, military and landed; artisans and servants; and untouchables. But ... this structure is ideal rather than real.<ref name="Fuller1975pp286-289" />}}

[[M. N. Srinivas]] observed in 1957 that, "''Varna'' has been the model to which observed facts have been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent." Instead of analysing the structure of the subgroups independently, commentators had explained them inappropriately by using an existing but alien social structure. From this unsuitable methodology had come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions.<ref name="Srinivas1957">{{cite journal |title=Caste in Modern India |first=Mysore Narasimhachar |last=Srinivas |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |volume=16 |issue=4 |date=August 1957 |pages=529–548 |publisher=Association for Asian Studies |author-link=M. N. Srinivas|jstor=2941637 |doi=10.2307/2941637}}{{subscription required}}</ref> He also argued, in 1966, that "Some Nayars "ripened" into Samantans and Kshatriyas. The royal lineages of Calicut, Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin, for instance, although of Nayar origin, considered themselves superior in ritual rank to their Nayar subjects." That is to say, they assumed a position above the status that they were perceived as being by others.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZrJB-MsbWvoC&pg=PA38 |title=Social change in modern India (Rabindranath Tagore memorial lectures) |first=Mysore Narasimhachar |last=Srinivas |page=38 |publisher=Orient Blackswan |year=1995 |orig-year=1966 |isbn=978-81-250-0422-6}}</ref>

The hypothesis, proposed by writers such as Fuller and [[Louis Dumont]], that most of the subgroups were not subcastes arises in large part because of the number of ways in which Nairs classified themselves, which far exceeded the 18 or so groups which had previously been broadly accepted. Dumont took the extreme view that the Nairs as a whole could not be defined as a caste in the traditional sense, but Fuller believed this to be unreasonable as, "since the Nayars live in a caste society, they must evidently fit into the caste system at some level or another." The [[1891 Census of India]] listed a total of 128 Nair subgroups in the Malabar region and 55 in the Cochin region, as well as a further 10 in the [[Madras]] area but outside Malabar. There were 44 listed in Travancore in the census of 1901. These designations were, however, somewhat fluid: the numbers tended to rise and fall, dependent upon which source and which research was employed; it is likely also that the figures were skewed by Nairs claiming a higher status than they actually had, which was a common practice throughout India. Data from the late 19th-century and early 20th-century censuses indicates that ten of these numerous subdivisions accounted for around 90% of all Nairs, that the five{{efn|Fuller names the five highest subdivisions as Kiriyam, Illam, Svarupam, Purattu Charna and Akattu Charna. Of the other five main subdivisions, the Chakkala and Itasseri were to be found in Travancore and the Pallicchan, Vattakkatan and Asthikkuracchi in Cochin and Malabar.<ref name="Fullerp290">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 290.</ref>}} highest ranking of these accounted for the majority, and that some of the subdivisions claimed as little as one member. The writer of the official report of the 1891 census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes,<ref name="Fuller1975pp289-291">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 289–291.</ref> and Fuller has speculated that the single-member subdivisions were "Nayars satisfying their vanity, I suppose, through the medium of the census."<ref name="Fuller1975p294">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 294.</ref>

The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include [[Joan Mencher]], proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the ''Veluttetan'', ''Chakkala'' and ''Vilakkittalavan'', would take titles such as ''Nair'' or ''Nayar'' in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them. It has also been postulated that some [[exogamous group|exogamous]] families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became an [[endogamous group|endogamous]] subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere.<ref name="Fuller1975pp291-292">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 291–292, 305</ref> The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social mobility within the Nair community as a whole.<ref name="Fuller1975p303">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 303</ref>

Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopted [[hypergamy]] and would utilise the rituals of ''[[Kettu Kalyanam|thalikettu kalyanam]]'' and ''[[sambandham]]'', which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-295+298">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 293–295, 298</ref>

==== Attempts to achieve caste cohesion ====
The [[Nair Service Society]] (NSS) was founded in 1914. Nossiter has described its purpose at foundation as being "... to liberate the community from superstition, taboo and otiose custom, to establish a network of educational and welfare institutions, and to defend and advance Nair interests in the political arena."<ref name="Nossiter1982p28" /> Devika and Varghese believe the year of formation to be 1913 and argue that the perceived denial of 'the natural right' of upper castes to hold elected chairs in Travancore, a Hindu state, had pressured the founding of the NSS.<ref>{{cite book |first1=J. |last1=Devika |first2=V. J. |last2=Varghese |date=March 2010 |title=To Survive or to flourish? Minority rights and Syrian Christian assertions in 20th century Travancore |publisher=Centre for Development Studies |location=Trivandrum |url=http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |pages=15–17 |access-date=28 April 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120526104825/http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |archive-date=26 May 2012 |df=dmy-all }}</ref>

As late as 1975, the NSS still had most of its support in the Central Travancore region,<ref name="Fuller1975pp303-304">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 303–304.</ref> although it also has numerous satellite groups around the world.

From its early years, when it was contending that the Nairs needed to join together if they were to become a political force, it argued that the caste members should cease referring to their traditional subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole. Census information thereafter appears to have become unreliable on the matter of the subdivisions, in part at least because of the NSS campaign to ensure that respondents did not provide the information requested of them. The NSS also promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion, although in this instance it met with only limited success. Indeed, even in the 1970s it was likely that cross-subdivision marriage was rare generally, and this was certainly the case in the Central Travancore area.<ref name="Fuller1975pp303-304" />

It has been concluded by Fuller, in 1975, that {{quote|... the question of what the Nayar caste is (or was): it is a large, named social group (or, perhaps preferably, category) with a stable status, vis-a-vis other castes in Kerala. It is not, however, a solidary group, and, the efforts of the N.S.S. notwithstanding, it is never likely to become one.<ref name="Fuller1975p309" />}}

The influence of the NSS, both within the community and in the wider political sphere, is no longer as significant as once it was. It did attempt to reassert its influence in 1973, when it established its own political party—the National Democratic Party—but this lasted only until 1977.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29" />

==== Present day ====
Today, the government of India does not treat the Nair community as a single entity. It classifies some, such as the Illathu and [[Swaroopathil Nair|Swaroopathu]] Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections, such as the Veluthedathu, [[Velakkathala Nayar|Vilakkithala]] and Andhra Nairs, as [[Backward class|Other Backward Classes]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1|access-date=12 June 2011|title=List of Other Backward Communities|publisher=District of Thiruvananthapuram|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120322053123/http://www.trivandrum.gov.in/~trivandrum/index.php/district-profile-mainmenu-73/146-listobc?showall=1|archive-date=22 March 2012|df=dmy-all}}</ref> These classifications are for the purpose of determining which groups of people in certain areas are subject to [[positive discrimination]] policies for the purposes of education and employment.

== Historical matrilineal system ==
=== Tharavad ===
[[File:Taravad.gif|thumb|upright=1.5|A typical ''tharavad'' reproduced from Panikkar's article published in 1918. Capital and small letters represent females and males respectively. Supposing that the females A, B and C were dead and the oldest male member ''karnavan'' being d, if the male members t, k and others demanded partition, the property would be divided into three parts.]]
Nairs operated a matrilineal (''[[marumakkathayam]]'') joint family structure called ''[[tharavad]]'', whereby descendant families of one common ancestress lived under a single roof. ''Tharavads'' consisting of 50 to 80 members were not uncommon and some with membership as high as 200 have been reported. Only the women lived in the main house; men lived in separate rooms{{Clarify|reason=a room is a defined space in a house|date=June 2011}} and, on some occasions, lived in a separate house nearby. The families split on instances when they became unwieldy and during crisis among its members. When it split, the family property was separated along the female lines. The ''karnavan'', the oldest male member in the ''tharavad'', had the decision-making authority including the power to manage common property. [[K. M. Panikkar|Panikkar]], a well-known writer from the Nair community, wrote in 1918 that,

{{quote|Authority in the family is wielded by the eldest member, who is called ''karnavan''. He has full control of the common property, and manages the income very much as he pleases. He arranges marriages (''sambandhams'') for the boys as well as the girls of the family. He had till lately full power (at least in practice) of alienating anything that belonged to them. His will was undisputed law. This is, perhaps, what is intended to be conveyed by the term Matri-potestas in communities of female descent. But it should be remembered that among the Nayars the autocrat of the family is not the mother, but the mother's brother.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp260-264" /> }}

The husband visited the ''tharavad'' at night and left the following morning and he had no legal obligation to his children which lay entirely with the ''karnavan''.<ref name="Nakane">{{cite journal | title=The Nayar family in a disintegrating matrilineal system| first=Chie |last=Nakane| journal=International Journal of Comparative Sociology | year=1962| volume=3 |issue=1 |edition=Reprinted (in ''Family and Marriage'', International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology: 1963: E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands)| pages=17–28| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pMMeAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA17 | doi=10.1177/002071526200300105| s2cid=220876041 }}</ref> In Nair families, young men and women about the same age were not allowed to talk to each other, unless the young man's sister was considerably older than him. The wife of ''karnavan'' had an unusual relationship in his ''tharavad'' as she belonged to a different one and her interests lay there. Panikkar wrote that ''Karnavan'' loved his sister's son more than his own and he believes it was due mainly to the instability of Nair marriages. Divorce rate was very high as both man and woman had equal right to terminate the marriage. ''Enangar'' was another family with which a ''tharavad'' remained closely related; a few such related families formed a social group whose members participated in all social activities.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp260-264">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 260–264</ref> Nakane wrote in 1956 that ''tharavads'' as a functional unit had ceased to exist and large buildings that had once hosted large ''tharavads'' were occupied by just a few of its remnants.<ref name="Nakane" />

=== Marriage system ===
Fuller has commented that "The Nayars' marriage system has made them one of the most famous of all communities in anthropological circles",<ref name="Fuller1975p283" /> and Amitav Ghosh says that, although matrilineal systems are not uncommon in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "have achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality".<ref>{{cite book |title=The Imam and the Indian: prose pieces |first=Amitav |last=Ghosh |author-link=Amitav Ghosh |edition=Third |publisher=Orient Blackswan |year=2003 |isbn=978-81-7530-047-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QQHp9wsWaZcC |page=193 |access-date=27 December 2011}}</ref> None of the rituals survive in any significant way today. Two forms of ritual marriage were traditional:<ref name="Fuller1975p284+297">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 284, 297</ref>
* the pre-puberty rite for girls known as ''thalikettu kalyanam'', which was usually followed by ''sambandham'' when they became sexually mature. The ''sambandham'' was the point at which the woman might take one or more partners and bear children by them, giving rise to the theories of them engaging in [[polyandry|polyandrous]] practices. A ritual called the ''tirandukuli'' marked the first menstruation and usually took place between these two events.<ref name="Fuller1975p297">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 297</ref>
* a form of hypergamy,{{efn|There are differences in the form of hypergamy common to south India and that which existed in north India, and these have been subject to much academic discussion.<ref name="Fullerp298">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 298</ref>}} whereby high-ranked Nairs married Samantans, Kshatriyas and Brahmins.

There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair rituals fitted the traditional definition of marriage and which of ''thalikettu kalyanam'' or ''sambandham'' could lay claim to it.<ref name="Moore1985">{{cite journal | title=A New Look at the Nayar Taravad| first=Melinda A. |last=Moore| journal=Man |series=New series| date=September 1985| volume=20 | issue = 3| pages=523–541| jstor=2802444 | doi=10.2307/2802444}}{{subscription required}}</ref><ref name="Moore1988">{{cite journal | title=Symbol and meaning in Nayar marriage ritual| first=Melinda A. |last=Moore| journal=American Ethnologist| date=May 1988| volume=15 | issue = 2| pages=254–273| jstor=644756 | doi=10.1525/ae.1988.15.2.02a00040}}{{subscription required}}</ref> Thomas Nossiter has commented that the system "was so loosely arranged as to raise doubts as to whether 'marriage' existed at all."<ref name="Nossiter1982p27">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 27</ref>

==== Thalikettu kalyanam ====
The ''[[Mangalsutra|thali]]'' is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The ''thalikettu kalyanam'' was the ritual during which the ''thali'' would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" />

The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a ''tharavad'' who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The ''karnavan'' organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer, known as a ''[[Kaniyan]]''. A ''[[pandal]]'' was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them. The person who tied the ''thali'' would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the ''tharavad'', and also ''vice versa''<ref name="Fuller1975p302">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 302</ref> since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the ''thali'' for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of [[Cochin]] in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantans.<ref name="Fullerp299-300">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 299–300</ref> Having the ''thali'' of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls.<ref name="Fullerp300">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 300</ref> The ''thali'' tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 295, 298</ref>

The girl often never saw the man who tied the ''thali'' again and later married a different man during the ''sambandham''. However, although she neither mourned the death of her ''sambandham'' husband nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her ''thali''. Panikkar argues that this proves that the real, religious marriage is the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the ''thali kalyanam'' legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp267-270">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 267–270</ref>
[[File:Naidu Nayar children (1872).jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|Three Nayar Girls of Travancore (1872) by Ramaswami Naidu. Nair children in tharavads typically played with each other, ran small errands and tasks, and would likely later undergo the thali tying ceremony together.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|pp=355–356|ps=}}]]
It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the ''thali'' might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish ''thalikettu kalyanam ''rather than in the ''tharavadu''. These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families.<ref name="Fuller1975p301">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 301</ref> Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own ''thali'' tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the ''tharavadu'', leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.<ref name="Fuller1975pp302-303">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 302–303</ref>

==== Sambandham ====
{{Main|Sambandham}}
Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was ''sambandham'', a word that comes from [[Sanskrit]] and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman had ''sambandham'' marriages with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage. This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and [[primogeniture]]. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste. The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their ''thali'', provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent (however far back that may be) or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp25-27" /><ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] pp. 270–271</ref>

The ''sambandham'' ceremony although marked with many wedding rituals was simple compared to the ''thalikettu kalyanam'', being marked by the gift of clothes (''pudava'') to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement. The pompous nature of the Sambandham ceremony depended on the status of the families involved. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayalam festivals. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests.<ref name="Fuller1975p296" /><ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />

The ''sambandham'' relationship was usually arranged by the ''karanavan'' but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first ''sambandham'' of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such marriages increased his reputation in his community. ''Sambandham'' marriages could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a ''karavanan'' forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman.<ref name="Moore1988" /> Marriage by ''sambandham'' was legally recognised and binding according to observations by William Logan. However the relationship could end at will by both parties and the participants could remarry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate ''sambandham'' marriages in colonial era by the Nayar Regulation Act of 1912 in Travancore and the [[Malabar Marriage Act, 1896|Malabar Marriage Act]] of 1896 in British Malabar were not very successful.<ref name="Panikkar1918pp270-71" />

Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her ''sambandham'' husband's (whether present or divorced) if she was to avoid being out-caste, sold into slavery or even executed. Adultery was not tolerated in the Nair society.{{quote|... a caste is a bilateral grouping and a child's place in the caste society cannot be determined by only one parent. Further, the Indian system of status attribution, under most circumstances, proscribes sexual relations between a woman and a man of status lower than herself, and generally denies to any children born of such a union membership of either parent's caste. For these reasons, some recognition of paternity and an assurance that the genitor is of the right status is necessary - even if it is only the minimal one of a man asserting paternity.<ref name="Fuller1975pp296-297">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 296–297</ref>}}

==== Hypergamy ====
The Nambudiri Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of marriage within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. Gough notes that {{quote|These hypergamous unions were regarded by Brahmans as socially acceptable concubinage, for the union was not initiated with Vedic rites, the children were not legitimized as Brahmans, and neither the woman nor her child was accorded the rights of kin. By the matrilineal castes, however, the same unions were regarded as marriage, for they fulfilled the conditions of ordinary Nayar marriage and served to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of his matrilineal lineage and caste.{{sfnp|Gough|1961|p=320|ps=}}}}

The disparity in caste ranking in a relationship between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to live with her husband(s) in the Brahmin family and so remained in her own family. The children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. Panikkar argues that it is this type of relationship that resulted in the matrilineal and matrilocal system.<ref name="Panikkar1918p265">[[#Panikkar1918|Panikkar (1918)]] p. 265.</ref> It has also been argued that the practice, along with judicious selection of the man who tied the ''thali'', formed a part of the Nair aspirational culture whereby they would seek to improve their status within the caste. Furthermore, that {{quote|... among the higher-ranking Nayars (and Kshatriyas and Samantans) in contradistinction to the "commoner" Nayars, no two subdivisions admitted to equal status. Thus the relations set up by the tall-rite [ie: the ''thalikettu kalyanam''] and the sambandham union were always hypergamous.<ref name="Fuller1975pp295+298" />}}

Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.<ref name="Fuller1975pp293-293">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 292–293, 302</ref>

==== Polyandry ====
{{See also|Polyandry in India}}
Fuller argues that there is overwhelming evidence that Nair women as well as men had more than one ''sambandham'' partner at the same time, that "both men and women could have several partners at once, and either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished."<ref name="Fuller1975p296">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 296</ref>

He believes that both polyandrous ''sambandhams'' and hypergamy were most common in Central Kerala. In northern Travancore there appears not to have been as great a prevalence of hypergamy because of a relative scarcity of Brahmins living there. Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore [[monogamy]] may have been predominant, and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the ''tharavad'' of her husband.<ref name="Fuller1975pp284-285">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] pp. 284–285</ref><ref name="Gough1965">{{cite journal | title=A Note on Nayar Marriage| first=Kathleen |last=Gough| journal=Man|publisher=Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland| date=January–February 1965| volume=65| pages=8–11| jstor=2796033 | doi=10.2307/2796033 }}</ref>

Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree state that while Nair women were maritally involved with a number of men, the men were also married to more than one woman. The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than "sexual liaison" and legitimacy for the children.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Conclusion: Asian and African Systems of Polyandry| first1=Nancy E. |last1=Levine |first2=Walter H. |last2=Sangree| journal=Journal of Comparative Family Studies| year=1980| volume=XI (3)| page=399}}Quote:The nature of the Nayar system was that just as a woman was involved in marital relationships with a number of men, a man was married to a number of women. Nayar women and their husbands traditionally did not live together in the same household. Husbands were obliged to present their wives certain gifts at specified times, but their relationship had little significance beyond the sexual liaison and the provision of legitimacy to children produced in the marriage. Since the men resided separately and were not ranked in any way, Nayar co-husbandship cannot be typified by the hierarchy characteristic of associated marriage or the solidarity of fraternal polyandry. Also in contrast with both fraternal and associated systems, the men who visited a single woman could not be brothers, nor could a man have sexual relations with two women of the same household. That is, fraternal polyandry and sororal polygyny were prohibited.</ref>
[[File:Raja Ravi Varma, Reclining Woman.jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|Reclining Nayar Woman (1902) by Raja Ravi Varma shows a Nair lady,<ref name="Dinkar p10">{{cite journal | last=Dinkar | first=Niharika | title=Private Lives and Interior Spaces: Raja Ravi Varma's Scholar Paintings | journal=Art History | publisher=Wiley | volume=37 | issue=3 | date=2014-04-11 | issn=0141-6790 | doi=10.1111/1467-8365.12085 | page=10| url=https://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1010&context=art_facpubs }}</ref><ref name="Sen 2002 p.76 ">{{cite book | last=Sen | first=G. | title=Feminine fables: imaging the Indian woman in painting, photography, and cinema | publisher=Mapin Publishing | year=2002 | isbn=978-81-85822-88-4 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_AEqAAAAYAAJ | access-date=2018-07-09 | page=76}}</ref> identified as the character Indulekha, a main character from a Malayalam novel of the same name.<ref name="Dinkar p10" /> The novel had criticized the Nair matrilocal and matrilineal system; notably the relationships with Nambudiri Brahmins.<ref name="Fuller1976p128">[[#Fuller1976|Fuller (1976)]] p128</ref>{{sfn | Arunima | 1995 | pp=161-162}}]]

Gough has gone further than Fuller with regard to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry in that area at all. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry came from the region of Central Kerala. Gough notes the differing personal experiences of earlier Nair commentators and that this could go some way to explaining the varied pronouncement: Panikkar, who queries the existence of polyandry, comes from the northern Travancore region; that [[A. Aiyappan]], who acknowledges its existence, comes from Central Kerala; and that both have based their writings on customs they grew up with in their very different environs.<ref name="Gough1965" />

==== Decline of traditional practices ====
The practices of ''thalikettu kalyanam'', the polyandrous ''sambandhams'', and also the existence of large ''tharavads'' declined during the nineteenth century, as did that of hypergamy. Monogamy and small nuclear family units became the norm, as they were elsewhere in the country. This process occurred more rapidly in some areas than in others, and in Central Kerala the traditional systems still lingered as late as the 1960s, although hypergamy had largely disappeared everywhere by the 1920s.<ref name="Fuller1975p285">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 285</ref> A possible reason for the various rates of change across the region lies in the extent to which the various agrarian local economies were dominated by the Nairs.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29" />

V. K. S. Nayar has said that, "the matrilineal system tends to produce a society at once hierarchical and authoritarian in outlook. The system is built round family pride as well as loyalty to the ''karavanar''".<ref>{{cite book |title=State Politics in India |chapter=Kerala Politics since 1947: Community Attitudes |year=1967 |editor-first=Iqbal |editor-last=Narain |first=V. K. S. |last=Nayar |page=153 |volume=1965 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Bj9YAAAAMAAJ&q=authoritarian}}</ref> Nossiter cites this as one reason why it was "congruent with the role of a military caste in a feudal society."<ref name="Nossiter1982p28">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 28</ref> and explains that the decline in the traditional warrior role, the rise of an economy based on money, together with the ending of agricultural slavery and the effects of western education, all combined to cause the decline of the traditional practices. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between [[World War I]] and [[World War II]] where that dominance was lost,<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the 1930s when the [[Diwan (title)#Title|Diwan]] [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] adopted a pro-Nair stance and an oppressive attitude towards communities such as the Syrian Christians.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20>{{cite book |first1=J. |last1=Devika |first2=V. J. |last2=Varghese |date=March 2010 |title=To Survive or to flourish? Minority rights and Syrian Christian assertions in 20th century Travancore |publisher=Centre for Development Studies |location=Trivandrum |url=http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |pages=19–20 |access-date=27 April 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120526104825/http://cds.edu/download_files/wp427.pdf |archive-date=26 May 2012 |df=dmy-all }}</ref>{{efn|The attitude of [[C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer|Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer]] during the 1930s reflected a concern among Hindus that the Christian population of Travancore was rising and that there was a consequent danger of the region becoming a Christian state. The 1931 census recorded over 31 per cent of the population as being Christian, compared to around 4 per cent in 1820.<ref name=DevikaVarghese2010pp19-20 />}} The main beneficiaries in the shifting balance of social influence were the Syrian Christians and the Ezhavas. The former, in particular, were in a position to acquire, often by subdivision, the economically unviable ''tharavad'' buildings and landholdings around the time of the [[Great Depression]]. The role of the Nair Service Society in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part.<ref name="Nossiter1982pp27-28" /> This collapse of the rural society facilitated the rise of the socialist and communist political movements in the region.<ref name="Nossiter1982p29">[[#Nossiter1982|Nossiter (1982)]] p. 29</ref>

== Demographics ==
{{Main|Demography of Nair community}}
The 1968 Socio-Economic Survey by the Government of Kerala gave the population of the Nair community as approximately 14.5% (2.9 million) of the total population of the state.<ref name="Fuller1975p283">[[#Fuller1975|Fuller (1975)]] p. 283</ref>

== See also ==
* [[C. Krishna Pillai]]
* [[List of Nairs]]
* [[Nambiar (Nair subcaste)|Nambiar]]
* [[Mamankam]]
* [[Moopil Nair]]
* [[Onnu Kure Áyiram Yogam]]
* [[Nair ceremonies and customs]]

== References ==

=== Notes ===
{{notelist}}

=== Citations ===
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}

=== Bibliography ===
{{refbegin}}
* {{cite journal | last=Ashley | first=Wayne | title=The Teyyam Kettu of Northern Kerala | journal=The Drama Review: TDR | publisher=JSTOR | volume=23 | issue=2 | pages=99–112 | year=1979 | issn=0012-5962 | doi=10.2307/1145219 | jstor=1145219 }}
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== External links ==
{{Commons category|Nair}}
* {{cite web |url=http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm |title=Digital Colonial Documents (India) |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070901154501/http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/main.htm |archive-date=1 September 2007 |df=dmy-all }}

{{Social class}}

{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2016}}

[[Category:Nair| ]]
[[Category:Indian castes]]
[[Category:Indian surnames]]
[[Category:Social groups of Kerala]]

Pithoragarh

2026-04-01T16:31:51Z

162.158.170.52: Fix it

''Italic text''{{Short description|Town in Uttarakhand, India}}
{{About|the municipality in Uttarakhand, India|its namesake district|Pithoragarh district}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2017}}
{{Use Indian English|date=July 2017}}

{{Infobox settlement
| name = Pithoragarh
| native_name =
| native_name_lang = Kumaoni
| other_name =
| nickname =
| settlement_type = [[Town]]
| image_skyline = Pithoragarh Sunrise.jpg
| image_alt =
| image_caption = View of Pithoragarh city, Uttarakhand during Sunrise
| pushpin_map = India Uttarakhand#India
| pushpin_label_position =
| pushpin_map_alt =
| pushpin_map_caption = Location in Uttarakhand, India
| pushpin_relief = yes
| coordinates = {{coord|29.58|N|80.22|E|display=inline,title}}
| subdivision_type = Country
| subdivision_name = {{flag|India}}
| subdivision_type1 = [[States and territories of India|State]]
| subdivision_name1 = [[Uttarakhand]]
| subdivision_type2 = [[List of districts of India|District]]
| subdivision_name2 = [[Pithoragarh district|Pithoragarh]]
| established_title = 
| named_for =
| government_type =
| governing_body =
| unit_pref = Metric
| area_footnotes =
| area_rank =
| area_total_km2 =
| elevation_footnotes =
| elevation_m = 1627
| population_total = 56,044
| population_as_of = 2011
| population_rank =
| population_density_km2 = auto
| population_demonym = Pithoragarhiya (Kumaoni)
| population_footnotes = <ref name="2011 census data">{{cite web|title=Census of India Search details |url=http://www.censusindia.gov.in/pca/SearchDetails.aspx?Id=56255|publisher=censusindia.gov.in|access-date=10 May 2015}}</ref>
| demographics1_title1 = Official
| demographics1_info1 = [[Hindi language|Hindi]], [[Kumaoni (pahadi) language|Kumauni]]
| timezone1 = [[Indian Standard Time|IST]]
| utc_offset1 = +5:30
| postal_code_type = [[Postal Index Number|PIN]]
| postal_code = 262501
| area_code_type = Telephone code
| area_code = 915964
| registration_plate = UK-05
| website = {{URL|pithoragarh.nic.in}}
| footnotes =
| leader_title = [[District collector]]
| leader_name = Reena Joshi, [[Indian Administrative Service|IAS]]<ref>{{Cite web |title=सीमांत जिले पिथौरागढ़ में पहली बार महिला जिलाधिकारी तैनात, बागेश्वर में भी महिला डीएम, देखें किसे मिली कमान |url=https://www.jagran.com/uttarakhand/nainital-for-the-first-time-a-woman-dm-posted-in-pithoragarh-and-in-bageshwar-also-a-woman-dm-23169115.html |access-date=2022-10-29 |website=Dainik Jagran |language=hi}}</ref>
}}

'''Pithoragarh''' ([[Kumaoni language|Kumaoni]]: ''Pithor'garh'') is a Himalayan town with a Municipal Board in [[Pithoragarh district]] in the Indian [[States and territories of India|state]] of [[Uttarakhand]]. It is the largest and unplanned town in Kumaon hills. It is an education hub of the hilly region as the town has Laxman Singh Mahar Govt.P.G.College, Seemant Institute of Technology, now known as Nanhi Pari Seemant Engineering Institute and a nursing college.

== Etymology ==
"The district is named after its headquarters town, Pithoragarh. Tradition has it that during the reign of the [[Chand kings|Chand Rajas]] of [[Kumaon division|Kumaon]], one Piru, also called Prithvi Gosain, built a fort here and named it Prithvigarh which, in the course of time, got changed to Pithoragarh."<ref name=gazetteer />
[[File:Pithoragarh Fort.jpg|thumb|A view of Pithoragarh town from the Pithoragarh Fort (also known as London Fort)]]

== History ==
Pithoragarh city and its surrounding areas were part of the [[Manaskhand]] region, which extended from the [[Kailash Mountain]] in the north to [[Bhabar]] & [[Terai]] in the south, as mentioned in the [[Skanda Purana]].<ref name="Gazetteer 1979">{{cite book |title=Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Pithoragarh |date=1979 |publisher=Government of Uttar Pradesh |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EAJDAAAAYAAJ |access-date=21 February 2020 |language=en}}</ref>{{rp|12}} The [[Asura]]s and [[Nāga|Naga]]s appear to be the earliest inhabitants of the region, who were later superseded by the [[Kirata]]s, [[Khas people|Khasa]]s and the [[Kuninda Kingdom|Kuninda]]s.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|13}} The Kuninda Kings of the region may have become the feudatories of The [[Kushan Empire|Kushana]] Kings, who held their sway over the region in the last quarter of the 1st century AD.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|16}} The region subsequently came under the [[Katyuri kings|Kurmanchal kingdom]], which had its capital first at [[Jyotirmath]] and then at Karikeyapura (Modern day [[Baijnath, Uttarakhand|Baijnath]]) in the Katyur Valley.<ref>{{Cite book |author=Kaṭhoca, Yaśavanta Siṃha |title=Uttarākhaṇḍa kā navīna itihāsa |year=2010 |isbn=978-81-86844-91-5 |oclc=948116582}}</ref>

Upon the disintegration of the Katyuris and fall of kingdom in 13th century, Pithoragarh came under the rule of Bam kings of [[Saur Valley|Saur]]. The Bam kings were feudal to the Raikas of [[Doti]] and was a branch of katyuri kings, and had their capital at Udaipur near Pithoragarh, However, the Rajas used to come down to Rameshwar and Bailorkol during the winter months.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|24}} The Bam kings, who ruled over Saur were:<ref name="Pande">{{cite book|last1=Pande|first1=Badri Datt|title=History of Kumaun : English version of "Kumaun ka itihas"|date=1993|publisher=Shyam Prakashan|location=[[Almora]]|isbn=81-85865-01-9}}</ref>{{rp|216}}
{{div col|colwidth=20em}}
# Karakil Bam
# Kakil Bam
# Chanari Bam
# Arki Bam
# Jnani Bam
# Shakti Bam
# Vijai Bam
# Hari Bam
{{div col end}}

In the fifteenth century, King [[Chand kings#List of Chand Kings|Bharti Chand]] of [[Champawat]] amassed a huge army, and started plundering and killing in the regions ruled by the Doti Kings. This resulted in a war, which lasted for 12 years, and ended with a victory for the Chands.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|213–214}} After the death of Bharti Chand in 1462, Nagmalla, the king of Doti attacked his son, Ratna Chand who was successful in defending himself.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|213–214}} Nagmalla was killed in the war and the Bams became feudatories of the Chands.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|215–216}} The pargana of Saur came under direct control of the [[Kingdom of Kumaon]] in the sixteenth century during the rule of King Balo Kalyan Chand, when it was given to him by the Raika king of Doti as dowry for marrying his Daughter.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|226}}

In 1790, the Chand kings built a new fort on the hill where the present Girls Inter College is situated. This fort was destroyed by the Indian government in 1962 after China attacked India.[<nowiki/>[[wikipedia:Please clarify|why?]]] The Chand rule, at its zenith, is seen as one of the most prominent empires in Kumaon. Their rule also coincides with a period of cultural resurgence. Archeological surveys point towards the development of culture and art forms in this period.

A Branch of [[Indian National Congress]] was established in the region in 1912, and in 1916, many people from Pithoragarh attended the Lucknow session of Congress. The [[Non-cooperation movement]] was started in the region in 1921 and in 1930, 10 people from Pithoragarh participated in the [[Civil disobedience movement]]. Subsequently, the Congress won the Pithoragarh seat in the [[1937 Indian provincial elections|Provincial Elections in 1937]]. The [[Quit India Movement]] of 1942 found greater support in Pithoragarh and about 150 persons were arrested while several were fined. The Congress won the Pithoragarh seat again in the [[1945 Indian general election|General Elections of 1945]] for the Provincial Assembly, and in 1947, along with the rest of India, this region also won independence from the British Rule.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|38}}

== The Cheh Patti Sor ==
The '''Soar Valley''' (historically known as Saur or Sor) was traditionally organised into six ancestral and adminstrative revenue circles known as the '''Cheh Patti Sor''' (छह पट्टी सोर) [6]. These division are central to the socio-cultural fabric of Pithoragarh and are uniquely tied to the management and traditions of the regi''Italic text''onal deity, '''Mostamanu Devta''' (the Rain God of the valley).

'''The Six Pattis'''
The social hierarchy and the adminstration of the valley are distributed among six primary lineages, traditionally listed in the follow
# Numbered list item
ing order of presedence
* '''Mahar''' '''(महर)'''
* '''Waldia''' ''' (वल्दिया)'''
* '''Soun''' '''(सौन)'''
* '''Seti''' '''(सेती)'''
* '''Kharayat''' '''(खरायत)'''
* '''Rawal''' '''(रावल)'''

'''Thokdari influence'''

Historically, the '''Mahar''' and '''Waldia''' clans emerged as the prominent '''Thokdars''' (regional chieftains\landed gentry) within the valley. During the reign of the khatyuri and chand Dynasties and the subsequent British administration, these families held significant socio-political authority, acting as the primary administrators of the valley's resources. While all six Pattis are considered the ''pillars'' of the valley's cultural identity and are equal stakeholders in the annual '''Mostamanu Fair''' (held on Rishi Panchami), the Waldia and Mahar families are noted for their historical role as the valley's '''De Facto Rulers'''.

'''Cultural Significance'''
The division remains functional today during the religious ceremonies. Residents of all six Pattis contribute to the management of the '''Mostamanu Temple''' and participate in the ritual Dola (palanquin) procession, which servers as a symbol of unity of the entire Saur region.

== Geography ==
[[File:AesculusIndica.jpg|left|250px|thumb| Himalayan view from Pithoragarh]]
Pithoragarh is located at {{Coord|29.58|N|80.22|E|}}.<ref>[http://www.fallingrain.com/world/IN/39/Pithoragarh.html Falling Rain Genomics, Inc – Pithoragarh]</ref> in the district of [[Pithoragarh district|Pithoragarh]], [[Uttarakhand]], India. It lies in the revenue Division of [[Kumaon Division|Kumaon]]<ref>{{cite book|title=Kumaon Himalaya|publisher=Shree Almora Book Depot|isbn=9788190020992|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pWs-AgAACAAJ&q=almora|language=en}}</ref> and is located 188 km northeast of [[Nainital]], the administrative headquarters of Kumaon. It has an average elevation of 1,627 [[metre]]s (5,338 [[foot (length)|feet]]).<ref name=gazetteer>[http://pithoragarh.nic.in/Gazetteer/gazetter19.pdf A document from official website of Pithoragarh] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090410072247/http://pithoragarh.nic.in/Gazetteer/gazetter19.pdf |date=10 April 2009 }}</ref><ref>[http://pithoragarh.nic.in/ Official website of Pithoragarh]</ref> It is situated in the centre of the western half of the [[Saur Valley]]. The valley is spread across around 50 square kilometers. According to the [[Bureau of Indian Standards]], on a scale ranging from I to V in order of increasing susceptibility to earthquakes, the city lies inside [[Earthquake hazard zoning of india|seismic zone V]].<ref>{{cite book|title=Hazard profiles of Indian districts|publisher=National Capacity Building Project in Disaster Management, UNDP|url=http://www.undp.org.in/dmweb/hazardprofile.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060519100611/http://www.undp.org.in/dmweb/hazardprofile.pdf|access-date=17 October 2016|archive-date=19 May 2006}}</ref> It lies in the Moderate damage risk (B) area in Wind & Cyclone Zone and is declared a No Flood Zone.

===Climate===
Pithoragarh has a monsoon-influenced climate. The summer season from April to mid-June is moderately warm with occasional thunderstorms, whilst the monsoon season from mid-June to mid-September is humid with heavy showers almost daily. This gives way to a warm and sunny autumn season. The winter season brings pleasant afternoons, very cold mornings, and spells of frontal rain accompanied by sparse snowfall.
{{Weather box 
| width = auto
| open = yes
|metric first = yes
|single line = yes
| location = Pithoragarh
| temperature colour = pastel

| Jan mean C =7.8
| Feb mean C =9.4
| Mar mean C =14.2
| Apr mean C =19.2
| May mean C =22.1
| Jun mean C =23.1
| Jul mean C =21.9
| Aug mean C =21.6
| Sep mean C =20.4
| Oct mean C =17.4
| Nov mean C =13.2
| Dec mean C =9.7
| year mean C = 16.7

|Jan high C= 13.7
|Feb high C= 15.5
|Mar high C= 20.7
|Apr high C= 25.9
|May high C= 28.7
|Jun high C= 28.5
|Jul high C= 25.9
|Aug high C= 25.4
|Sep high C= 24.9
|Oct high C= 23.3
|Nov high C= 19.7
|Dec high C= 15.8
|year high C= 22.3

| Jan low C =1.9
| Feb low C =3.4
| Mar low C =7.7
| Apr low C =12.6
| May low C =15.7
| Jun low C =17.7
| Jul low C =17.9
| Aug low C =17.8
| Sep low C =16
| Oct low C =11.5
| Nov low C =6.8
| Dec low C =3.5
| year low C =11

| Jan precipitation mm =37.4
| Feb precipitation mm =42.8
| Mar precipitation mm =39.4
| Apr precipitation mm =34.7
| May precipitation mm =56.7
| Jun precipitation mm =164.8
| Jul precipitation mm =317.3
| Aug precipitation mm =305.2
| Sep precipitation mm =174.4
| Oct precipitation mm =47.9
| Nov precipitation mm =7.3
| Dec precipitation mm =16.7
| year precipitation mm =1244.5
| precipitation colour = green
| unit precipitation days =
| Jan precipitation days =3.4
| Feb precipitation days =3.8
| Mar precipitation days =3.7
| Apr precipitation days =3.1
| May precipitation days =4.1
| Jun precipitation days =10.9
| Jul precipitation days =16.5
| Aug precipitation days =17.6
| Sep precipitation days =10.5
| Oct precipitation days =2.9
| Nov precipitation days =1.2
| Dec precipitation days =1.3
| year precipitation days =79.1

|source = Weatherbase<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.weatherbase.com/weather/weather.php3?s=596060&cityname=Pithoragarh-Uttarakhand-India|title=Monthly Weather Averages Summary, Pithoragarh, India|access-date=2016-10-17}}</ref>
}}

== Government and politics ==
Pithoragarh is an urban town with a [[Municipal Council (India)|Nagar Palika Parishad]] or Municipal Council<ref>{{Cite web|title=Municipalities {{!}} District Pithoragarh, Government of Uttarakhand {{!}} India|url=https://pithoragarh.nic.in/public-utility-category/municipality/|access-date=2020-09-15|language=en-US}}</ref> spread over an area of 9 square km.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Census of India - Uttarakhand - Town Amenities (Excel Row 53)|url=https://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/DCHB.html|access-date=15 September 2020|website=Census of India}}</ref> It is divided into 20 wards for the sake of administration.<ref>{{Cite web|author=Prem Punetha|date=Dec 18, 2019|title=12 ward members resign over use of Dev Singh Ground for exhibition {{!}} Dehradun News - Times of India|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/12-ward-members-resign-over-use-of-dev-singh-ground-for-exhibition/articleshow/72859073.cms|access-date=2020-09-15|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref> It is also part of the [[Almora (Lok Sabha constituency)|Almora Lok Sabha Constituency]], thus has BJP MP [[Ajay Tamta]] representing the city<ref>{{Cite web|title=Uttarakhand: BRO constructs 180-feet-long bailey bridge in cloudburst-hit Jauljibi sector|url=https://www.aninews.in/news/national/general-news/uttarakhand-bro-constructs-180-feet-long-bailey-bridge-in-cloudburst-hit-jauljibi-sector20200816233019/|access-date=2020-09-15|website=ANI News|language=en}}</ref> and part of the Pithoragarh Vidhan Sabha constituency, represented by INC's [[Mayukh Mahar]].<ref>{{Cite web|title=MP/MLA {{!}} District Almora, Government of Uttarakhand {{!}} India|url=https://almora.nic.in/mp-mla/|access-date=2020-09-15|language=en-US}}</ref>

Pithoragarh town, before the creation of a Municipal Board, was administered as a Town Area by a committee consisting of 10 members and a chairman. The Municipality of Pithoragarh came into existence on 24 Nov 1962 and the members and the chairman of Town Area Committee became its members. The board was, however, dissolved on 12 Mar 1963, and the town was then administered by the [[District Magistrate]], who was the ex-officio chairman of the board under the U.P. Municipalities Act of 1916. There was no elected body and the affairs were supervised by an Officer-in-charge (a deputy collector) to whom the powers were delegated by the District Magistrate.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|157}}

== Culture ==
[[File:Hilljatra-festival-photos.jpg|thumb|Hiljatra in Pithoragarh]]

=== Festivals ===
[[Pithoragarh Mahotsav]] has played a significant role in conserving and sharing Pithorgarh's unique culture. It showcases local culture through music and dance, often featuring performances in the [[Kumaoni language]].

'''Kandali Festival''' A flower called Kandali ([[Strobilanthes wallichii]]) blooms once every twelve years in the Chaudans region of Pithoragarh district, and the people celebrate the Kandali festival between August and October. Local people, known as Shaukars or Rangs, take part in the week-long festival with joy and enthusiasm in various villages throughout the region. The festival begins with the worship of a [[Shiva linga]] made of a flour mixture of barley and buckwheat. During this festival, local liquor is traditionally consumed. It is performed in a decorated corner of the courtyard by each household. People pray for good fortune. The individual Poojas are followed by a community feast. Then, the women and men, in traditional dresses and laden with gold and silver ornaments, assemble around a tree on the sacred ground of the village. Strips of white cloth are tied to the tree and a flag is raised.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/90-kandali-festival|title=Kandali Festival|publisher=Govt of Kumaon}}</ref>

'''Hilljatra''' is a pastoralists' and agriculturalists' festival, which is celebrated in some parts of Pithoragarh districts. The aathon (eight day of bhado) and Gawra Visarjan became part of Hilljatra during the development process. The festival, which originated in West Nepal's Sorar (Mahakali) region, was first introduced to the valley in Kumor village, Pithoragarh.The hiljatra of Urai (Dewalthal)is the most famous.Tha tableau of the Lakhiya bhoot is the main attraction.On the evening of hiljatra,worship of goddess Mahakali is performed tableaux are tajen out.The people of Bajethi, another village near Pithoragarh, accepted the Jatra, and it was modified and introduced as Hiran chital in the Kanalichhina and Askot regions. Hilljatra is linked to ropai (paddy planting) and other rainy-season agricultural and pastoral labours (Hill = mud, Jatra = Jaat). It has also been linked to the [[Champawat]] ruler's victory.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/89-hilljatra|title=Hilljatra|publisher=Govt of Kumaon}}</ref>

=== In popular culture ===
[[File:pithoragarh Panorama.jpg|center|900px|thumb|A panoramic view of Pithoragarh]]
The small town was extensively described in a novel by American author Bradley Swift, ''From Pithoragarh to Pittsburg''. Major parts of the Bollywood film [[Sandeep Aur Pinky Faraar]] have been shot in the city.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Service |first1=Tribune News |title=Bollywood in Pithoragarh for 'Sandeep & Pinki Farar' |url=https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/archive/bollywood-in-pithoragarh-for-sandeep--pinki-farar-508379 |access-date=20 February 2020 |work=Tribuneindia News Service |language=en}}</ref>

== Transport ==

[[File:Pithoragarh Naini Saini Airport.jpg|thumb|[[Pithoragarh Airport|Naini Saini Airport]]]]
Pithoragarh is not connected by any direct [[Rail transport in India|train services]]; however, it is well connected by road, and it also has an airport. The [[National Highway 9 (India)|National Highway 9]] passes through Pithoragarh.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2015/163579.pdf|title=National highway 9 route substitution notification|date=31 Mar 2015|website=[[The Gazette of India]]|access-date=1 Aug 2018}}</ref> [[Landslides]] and [[cloudburst]]s, caused by heavy rains that fall during the summer monsoon, often interrupt transportation networks.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Singh|first1=Kautilya|title=263 roads across Uttarakhand closed, efforts on to open them for vehicular movement|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/263-roads-across-Uttarakhand-closed-efforts-on-to-open-them-for-vehicular-movement/articleshow/53288408.cms|access-date=18 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=19 July 2016|location=Dehradun}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Singh|first1=Kautilya|title=Heavy rains block 338 roads in Uttarakhand|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Heavy-rains-block-338-roads-in-Uttarakhand/articleshow/53271509.cms|access-date=18 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=18 July 2016|location=Dehradun}}</ref>

The [[Pithoragarh Airport]], also known as the Naini Saini Airport, is located about {{convert|5|km|mi}} north-east of the city. The airport, which was constructed in 1991 for administrative use,<ref name="Chakrabarty">{{cite news|last1=Chakrabarty|first1=Arpita|title=Naini-Saini airstrip awaits flying license|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Naini-Saini-airstrip-awaits-flying-license/articleshow/52857515.cms|access-date=17 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=21 July 2016|location=Almora}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Chakrabarty|first1=Arpita|title=No commercial flights from Pithoragarh any time soon|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/No-commercial-flights-from-Pithoragarh-any-time-soon/articleshow/54270318.cms|access-date=17 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=10 September 2016|location=Almora}}</ref> was previously mainly used by the [[Indian Air Force]] for defence purposes.<ref name ="ER">{{cite web|title=Executive Summary, Expansion of Naini-Saini airport|url=http://ueppcb.uk.gov.in/files/Naini-Saiini-Airstrip-Executive-Summary-English_1.pdf |access-date=20 September 2019|work=[[RITES]]|date=October 2012}}</ref> The airport was upgraded in 2016 at an estimated cost of Rs 64.91 crore.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Chakrabarty |first1=Arpita |title=Regular flights to take off from Naini Saini airstrip from Jan 26 |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Regular-flights-to-take-off-from-Naini-Saini-airstrip-from-Jan-26/articleshow/49806761.cms |access-date=20 February 2020 |work=The Times of India |date=16 Nov 2015 |language=en}}</ref>

[[Bareilly Airport]] is located around 249 km from Pithoragarh is a major airport nearby which is connected to cities like Mumbai, New Delhi and Bengaluru.

Pithoragarh is connected to the rest of [[Uttarakhand]] by all-weather motorable roads. The total road length in Pithoragarh is 80 km.<ref name="dchba" />{{rp|683}} [[Haldwani]] and [[Tanakpur]] are two entry points for entering Pithoragarh by road. Both are connected by railway services, the nearest railway stations being [[Tanakpur railway station|Tanakpur]] (151 km) and [[Kathgodam railway station|Kathgodam]] (212 km). Regular state bus transport services along with private taxi services are available at both places. Buses, which are the most commonly used mode of transport, are run by government agencies and private operators. Agencies operating long-distance bus services include [[Uttarakhand Transport Corporation]], K.M.O.U, and various private operators.

==Education==
[[File:Temporary campus of SIT pithoaragarh.jpg|thumb|Temporary campus of [[Seemant Institute of Technology]]]]
Schools in Pithoragarh are run by the state government or private organisations, Hindi and English are the primary languages of instruction. Schools in Pithoragarh follow the [[Education in India|"10+2+3" plan]].

After completing their secondary education, students typically enroll in Inter Colleges that have a higher secondary facility and are affiliated with the [[Central Board of Secondary Education]], [[CISCE]] or the Department of Education of the [[Government of Uttarakhand]]. They usually choose a focus on liberal arts, business, or science.{{citation needed|date=July 2018}}

As of 2011, Pithoragarh had 17 primary schools, 20 middle schools, 22 secondary schools, 14 senior secondary schools, and 1 degree college.<ref name="dchba">{{cite book|title=District Census Handbook Pithoragarh Part-A|publisher=Directorate of Census Operations, Uttarakhand|location=Dehradun|url=http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/0507_PART_A_DCHB_PITHORAGARH.pdf|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref>{{rp|685}} Before independence, during the middle of the 19th century when Pithoragarh was part of [[Almora district|Almora]], there were only two middle schools in Pithoragarh.<ref name="education">{{cite web|last1=Indusnettechnologies|first1=Goutam Pal, Dipak K S, SWD|title=Education: District of Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand, India|url=http://pithoragarh.nic.in/pages/display/70-education|website=pithoragarh.nic.in|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref>

LSM Govt. Post Graduate College is the only government college in the town providing studies up to post-graduation.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Indusnettechnologies|first1=Goutam Pal, Dipak K S, SWD|title=L. S. M. Government Post Graduate College Pithoragarh (Uttarakhand)|url=http://pithoragarh.nic.in/pages/view/36/37-l-s-m--government-post-graduate-college-pithoragarh-(uttarakhand)-|website=pithoragarh.nic.in|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref> It was previously affiliated to [[Kumaun University]], [[Nainital]]. With the growing impact of [[Information technology in India|I.T.]], the government opened [[Seemant Institute of Technology|SIT Pithoragarh]] in 2011. Almost a dozen of privately owned computer centres opened up later in the town.<ref name="education" /> A few of the IT centres which are in Pithoragarh town are [[NIIT]], Hiltron, [[Aptech]], UpHill Computers, Info. Park, Sri Calculation and Care Computer.

Construction of a medical college is proposed by the state government and it has been allotted a budget of ₹450 crores ($64 million).<ref>{{Cite web|title=पिथौरागढ़ मेडिकल कालेज का कार्य प्रारंभ होने के आसार|url=https://www.jagran.com/uttarakhand/pithoragarh-the-work-of-pithoragarh-medical-college-is-likely-to-start-21867774.html|access-date=2022-02-15|website=Dainik Jagran|language=hi}}</ref>

== Temples==
*[[Haat Kalika Temple]]
*[[Kotgari Temple]]
*[[Patal Bhuvaneshwar]]

== Notable people ==
* [[Khadg Singh Valdiya]]
* [[Vinod Kapri]]
* [[Hemant Pandey]]

*[[Pushkar Singh Dhami]]
*[[Unmukt Chand]]
* [[Mary Reed (missionary)|Mary Reed]]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

== External links ==

* [http://pithoragarh.nic.in/ Pithoragarh website]
* [http://wikimapia.org/country/India/Uttaranchal/Pithoragarh/ Pithoragarh] at ''[[wikimapia]]''.

{{Pithoragarh district}}
{{Municipalities of Uttarakhand}}

{{Uttarakhand}}

[[Category:Pithoragarh| ]]
[[Category:Tourism in Uttarakhand]]
[[Category:Cities and towns in Pithoragarh district]]
{{ci|date=October 2022}}

Pithoragarh

2026-04-01T16:30:43Z

162.158.170.52:

''Italic text''{{Short description|Town in Uttarakhand, India}}
{{About|the municipality in Uttarakhand, India|its namesake district|Pithoragarh district}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2017}}
{{Use Indian English|date=July 2017}}

{{Infobox settlement
| name = Pithoragarh
| native_name =
| native_name_lang = Kumaoni
| other_name =
| nickname =
| settlement_type = [[Town]]
| image_skyline = Pithoragarh Sunrise.jpg
| image_alt =
| image_caption = View of Pithoragarh city, Uttarakhand during Sunrise
| pushpin_map = India Uttarakhand#India
| pushpin_label_position =
| pushpin_map_alt =
| pushpin_map_caption = Location in Uttarakhand, India
| pushpin_relief = yes
| coordinates = {{coord|29.58|N|80.22|E|display=inline,title}}
| subdivision_type = Country
| subdivision_name = {{flag|India}}
| subdivision_type1 = [[States and territories of India|State]]
| subdivision_name1 = [[Uttarakhand]]
| subdivision_type2 = [[List of districts of India|District]]
| subdivision_name2 = [[Pithoragarh district|Pithoragarh]]
| established_title = 
| named_for =
| government_type =
| governing_body =
| unit_pref = Metric
| area_footnotes =
| area_rank =
| area_total_km2 =
| elevation_footnotes =
| elevation_m = 1627
| population_total = 56,044
| population_as_of = 2011
| population_rank =
| population_density_km2 = auto
| population_demonym = Pithoragarhiya (Kumaoni)
| population_footnotes = <ref name="2011 census data">{{cite web|title=Census of India Search details |url=http://www.censusindia.gov.in/pca/SearchDetails.aspx?Id=56255|publisher=censusindia.gov.in|access-date=10 May 2015}}</ref>
| demographics1_title1 = Official
| demographics1_info1 = [[Hindi language|Hindi]], [[Kumaoni (pahadi) language|Kumauni]]
| timezone1 = [[Indian Standard Time|IST]]
| utc_offset1 = +5:30
| postal_code_type = [[Postal Index Number|PIN]]
| postal_code = 262501
| area_code_type = Telephone code
| area_code = 915964
| registration_plate = UK-05
| website = {{URL|pithoragarh.nic.in}}
| footnotes =
| leader_title = [[District collector]]
| leader_name = Reena Joshi, [[Indian Administrative Service|IAS]]<ref>{{Cite web |title=सीमांत जिले पिथौरागढ़ में पहली बार महिला जिलाधिकारी तैनात, बागेश्वर में भी महिला डीएम, देखें किसे मिली कमान |url=https://www.jagran.com/uttarakhand/nainital-for-the-first-time-a-woman-dm-posted-in-pithoragarh-and-in-bageshwar-also-a-woman-dm-23169115.html |access-date=2022-10-29 |website=Dainik Jagran |language=hi}}</ref>
}}

'''Pithoragarh''' ([[Kumaoni language|Kumaoni]]: ''Pithor'garh'') is a Himalayan town with a Municipal Board in [[Pithoragarh district]] in the Indian [[States and territories of India|state]] of [[Uttarakhand]]. It is the largest and unplanned town in Kumaon hills. It is an education hub of the hilly region as the town has Laxman Singh Mahar Govt.P.G.College, Seemant Institute of Technology, now known as Nanhi Pari Seemant Engineering Institute and a nursing college.

== Etymology ==
"The district is named after its headquarters town, Pithoragarh. Tradition has it that during the reign of the [[Chand kings|Chand Rajas]] of [[Kumaon division|Kumaon]], one Piru, also called Prithvi Gosain, built a fort here and named it Prithvigarh which, in the course of time, got changed to Pithoragarh."<ref name=gazetteer />
[[File:Pithoragarh Fort.jpg|thumb|A view of Pithoragarh town from the Pithoragarh Fort (also known as London Fort)]]

== History ==
Pithoragarh city and its surrounding areas were part of the [[Manaskhand]] region, which extended from the [[Kailash Mountain]] in the north to [[Bhabar]] & [[Terai]] in the south, as mentioned in the [[Skanda Purana]].<ref name="Gazetteer 1979">{{cite book |title=Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Pithoragarh |date=1979 |publisher=Government of Uttar Pradesh |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EAJDAAAAYAAJ |access-date=21 February 2020 |language=en}}</ref>{{rp|12}} The [[Asura]]s and [[Nāga|Naga]]s appear to be the earliest inhabitants of the region, who were later superseded by the [[Kirata]]s, [[Khas people|Khasa]]s and the [[Kuninda Kingdom|Kuninda]]s.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|13}} The Kuninda Kings of the region may have become the feudatories of The [[Kushan Empire|Kushana]] Kings, who held their sway over the region in the last quarter of the 1st century AD.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|16}} The region subsequently came under the [[Katyuri kings|Kurmanchal kingdom]], which had its capital first at [[Jyotirmath]] and then at Karikeyapura (Modern day [[Baijnath, Uttarakhand|Baijnath]]) in the Katyur Valley.<ref>{{Cite book |author=Kaṭhoca, Yaśavanta Siṃha |title=Uttarākhaṇḍa kā navīna itihāsa |year=2010 |isbn=978-81-86844-91-5 |oclc=948116582}}</ref>

Upon the disintegration of the Katyuris and fall of kingdom in 13th century, Pithoragarh came under the rule of Bam kings of [[Saur Valley|Saur]]. The Bam kings were feudal to the Raikas of [[Doti]] and was a branch of katyuri kings, and had their capital at Udaipur near Pithoragarh, However, the Rajas used to come down to Rameshwar and Bailorkol during the winter months.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|24}} The Bam kings, who ruled over Saur were:<ref name="Pande">{{cite book|last1=Pande|first1=Badri Datt|title=History of Kumaun : English version of "Kumaun ka itihas"|date=1993|publisher=Shyam Prakashan|location=[[Almora]]|isbn=81-85865-01-9}}</ref>{{rp|216}}
{{div col|colwidth=20em}}
# Karakil Bam
# Kakil Bam
# Chanari Bam
# Arki Bam
# Jnani Bam
# Shakti Bam
# Vijai Bam
# Hari Bam
{{div col end}}

In the fifteenth century, King [[Chand kings#List of Chand Kings|Bharti Chand]] of [[Champawat]] amassed a huge army, and started plundering and killing in the regions ruled by the Doti Kings. This resulted in a war, which lasted for 12 years, and ended with a victory for the Chands.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|213–214}} After the death of Bharti Chand in 1462, Nagmalla, the king of Doti attacked his son, Ratna Chand who was successful in defending himself.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|213–214}} Nagmalla was killed in the war and the Bams became feudatories of the Chands.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|215–216}} The pargana of Saur came under direct control of the [[Kingdom of Kumaon]] in the sixteenth century during the rule of King Balo Kalyan Chand, when it was given to him by the Raika king of Doti as dowry for marrying his Daughter.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|226}}

In 1790, the Chand kings built a new fort on the hill where the present Girls Inter College is situated. This fort was destroyed by the Indian government in 1962 after China attacked India.[<nowiki/>[[wikipedia:Please clarify|why?]]] The Chand rule, at its zenith, is seen as one of the most prominent empires in Kumaon. Their rule also coincides with a period of cultural resurgence. Archeological surveys point towards the development of culture and art forms in this period.

A Branch of [[Indian National Congress]] was established in the region in 1912, and in 1916, many people from Pithoragarh attended the Lucknow session of Congress. The [[Non-cooperation movement]] was started in the region in 1921 and in 1930, 10 people from Pithoragarh participated in the [[Civil disobedience movement]]. Subsequently, the Congress won the Pithoragarh seat in the [[1937 Indian provincial elections|Provincial Elections in 1937]]. The [[Quit India Movement]] of 1942 found greater support in Pithoragarh and about 150 persons were arrested while several were fined. The Congress won the Pithoragarh seat again in the [[1945 Indian general election|General Elections of 1945]] for the Provincial Assembly, and in 1947, along with the rest of India, this region also won independence from the British Rule.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|38}}

== The Cheh Patti Sor ==
The '''Soar Valley''' (historically known as Saur or Sor) was traditionally organised into six ancestral and adminstrative revenue circles known as the '''Cheh Patti Sor''' (छह पट्टी सोर) [6]. These division are central to the socio-cultural fabric of Pithoragarh and are uniquely tied to the management and traditions of the regi''Italic text''onal deity, '''Mostamanu Devta''' (the Rain God of the valley).

'''The Six Pattis'''
The social hierarchy and the adminstration of the valley are distributed among six primary lineages, traditionally listed in the follow
# Numbered list item
ing order of presedence
* '''Mahar''' '''(महर)'''
* ''Waldia''' ''' (वल्दिया)'''
3 '''Soun''' '''(सौन)'''
4 '''Seti''' '''(सेती)'''
5 '''Kharayat''' '''(खरायत)'''
6 '''Rawal''' '''(रावल)'''

'''Thokdari influence'''

Historically, the '''Mahar''' and '''Waldia''' clans emerged as the prominent '''Thokdars''' (regional chieftains\landed gentry) within the valley. During the reign of the khatyuri and chand Dynasties and the subsequent British administration, these families held significant socio-political authority, acting as the primary administrators of the valley's resources. While all six Pattis are considered the ''pillars'' of the valley's cultural identity and are equal stakeholders in the annual '''Mostamanu Fair''' (held on Rishi Panchami), the Waldia and Mahar families are noted for their historical role as the valley's '''De Facto Rulers'''.

'''Cultural Significance'''
The division remains functional today during the religious ceremonies. Residents of all six Pattis contribute to the management of the '''Mostamanu Temple''' and participate in the ritual Dola (palanquin) procession, which servers as a symbol of unity of the entire Saur region.

== Geography ==
[[File:AesculusIndica.jpg|left|250px|thumb| Himalayan view from Pithoragarh]]
Pithoragarh is located at {{Coord|29.58|N|80.22|E|}}.<ref>[http://www.fallingrain.com/world/IN/39/Pithoragarh.html Falling Rain Genomics, Inc – Pithoragarh]</ref> in the district of [[Pithoragarh district|Pithoragarh]], [[Uttarakhand]], India. It lies in the revenue Division of [[Kumaon Division|Kumaon]]<ref>{{cite book|title=Kumaon Himalaya|publisher=Shree Almora Book Depot|isbn=9788190020992|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pWs-AgAACAAJ&q=almora|language=en}}</ref> and is located 188 km northeast of [[Nainital]], the administrative headquarters of Kumaon. It has an average elevation of 1,627 [[metre]]s (5,338 [[foot (length)|feet]]).<ref name=gazetteer>[http://pithoragarh.nic.in/Gazetteer/gazetter19.pdf A document from official website of Pithoragarh] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090410072247/http://pithoragarh.nic.in/Gazetteer/gazetter19.pdf |date=10 April 2009 }}</ref><ref>[http://pithoragarh.nic.in/ Official website of Pithoragarh]</ref> It is situated in the centre of the western half of the [[Saur Valley]]. The valley is spread across around 50 square kilometers. According to the [[Bureau of Indian Standards]], on a scale ranging from I to V in order of increasing susceptibility to earthquakes, the city lies inside [[Earthquake hazard zoning of india|seismic zone V]].<ref>{{cite book|title=Hazard profiles of Indian districts|publisher=National Capacity Building Project in Disaster Management, UNDP|url=http://www.undp.org.in/dmweb/hazardprofile.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060519100611/http://www.undp.org.in/dmweb/hazardprofile.pdf|access-date=17 October 2016|archive-date=19 May 2006}}</ref> It lies in the Moderate damage risk (B) area in Wind & Cyclone Zone and is declared a No Flood Zone.

===Climate===
Pithoragarh has a monsoon-influenced climate. The summer season from April to mid-June is moderately warm with occasional thunderstorms, whilst the monsoon season from mid-June to mid-September is humid with heavy showers almost daily. This gives way to a warm and sunny autumn season. The winter season brings pleasant afternoons, very cold mornings, and spells of frontal rain accompanied by sparse snowfall.
{{Weather box 
| width = auto
| open = yes
|metric first = yes
|single line = yes
| location = Pithoragarh
| temperature colour = pastel

| Jan mean C =7.8
| Feb mean C =9.4
| Mar mean C =14.2
| Apr mean C =19.2
| May mean C =22.1
| Jun mean C =23.1
| Jul mean C =21.9
| Aug mean C =21.6
| Sep mean C =20.4
| Oct mean C =17.4
| Nov mean C =13.2
| Dec mean C =9.7
| year mean C = 16.7

|Jan high C= 13.7
|Feb high C= 15.5
|Mar high C= 20.7
|Apr high C= 25.9
|May high C= 28.7
|Jun high C= 28.5
|Jul high C= 25.9
|Aug high C= 25.4
|Sep high C= 24.9
|Oct high C= 23.3
|Nov high C= 19.7
|Dec high C= 15.8
|year high C= 22.3

| Jan low C =1.9
| Feb low C =3.4
| Mar low C =7.7
| Apr low C =12.6
| May low C =15.7
| Jun low C =17.7
| Jul low C =17.9
| Aug low C =17.8
| Sep low C =16
| Oct low C =11.5
| Nov low C =6.8
| Dec low C =3.5
| year low C =11

| Jan precipitation mm =37.4
| Feb precipitation mm =42.8
| Mar precipitation mm =39.4
| Apr precipitation mm =34.7
| May precipitation mm =56.7
| Jun precipitation mm =164.8
| Jul precipitation mm =317.3
| Aug precipitation mm =305.2
| Sep precipitation mm =174.4
| Oct precipitation mm =47.9
| Nov precipitation mm =7.3
| Dec precipitation mm =16.7
| year precipitation mm =1244.5
| precipitation colour = green
| unit precipitation days =
| Jan precipitation days =3.4
| Feb precipitation days =3.8
| Mar precipitation days =3.7
| Apr precipitation days =3.1
| May precipitation days =4.1
| Jun precipitation days =10.9
| Jul precipitation days =16.5
| Aug precipitation days =17.6
| Sep precipitation days =10.5
| Oct precipitation days =2.9
| Nov precipitation days =1.2
| Dec precipitation days =1.3
| year precipitation days =79.1

|source = Weatherbase<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.weatherbase.com/weather/weather.php3?s=596060&cityname=Pithoragarh-Uttarakhand-India|title=Monthly Weather Averages Summary, Pithoragarh, India|access-date=2016-10-17}}</ref>
}}

== Government and politics ==
Pithoragarh is an urban town with a [[Municipal Council (India)|Nagar Palika Parishad]] or Municipal Council<ref>{{Cite web|title=Municipalities {{!}} District Pithoragarh, Government of Uttarakhand {{!}} India|url=https://pithoragarh.nic.in/public-utility-category/municipality/|access-date=2020-09-15|language=en-US}}</ref> spread over an area of 9 square km.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Census of India - Uttarakhand - Town Amenities (Excel Row 53)|url=https://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/DCHB.html|access-date=15 September 2020|website=Census of India}}</ref> It is divided into 20 wards for the sake of administration.<ref>{{Cite web|author=Prem Punetha|date=Dec 18, 2019|title=12 ward members resign over use of Dev Singh Ground for exhibition {{!}} Dehradun News - Times of India|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/12-ward-members-resign-over-use-of-dev-singh-ground-for-exhibition/articleshow/72859073.cms|access-date=2020-09-15|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref> It is also part of the [[Almora (Lok Sabha constituency)|Almora Lok Sabha Constituency]], thus has BJP MP [[Ajay Tamta]] representing the city<ref>{{Cite web|title=Uttarakhand: BRO constructs 180-feet-long bailey bridge in cloudburst-hit Jauljibi sector|url=https://www.aninews.in/news/national/general-news/uttarakhand-bro-constructs-180-feet-long-bailey-bridge-in-cloudburst-hit-jauljibi-sector20200816233019/|access-date=2020-09-15|website=ANI News|language=en}}</ref> and part of the Pithoragarh Vidhan Sabha constituency, represented by INC's [[Mayukh Mahar]].<ref>{{Cite web|title=MP/MLA {{!}} District Almora, Government of Uttarakhand {{!}} India|url=https://almora.nic.in/mp-mla/|access-date=2020-09-15|language=en-US}}</ref>

Pithoragarh town, before the creation of a Municipal Board, was administered as a Town Area by a committee consisting of 10 members and a chairman. The Municipality of Pithoragarh came into existence on 24 Nov 1962 and the members and the chairman of Town Area Committee became its members. The board was, however, dissolved on 12 Mar 1963, and the town was then administered by the [[District Magistrate]], who was the ex-officio chairman of the board under the U.P. Municipalities Act of 1916. There was no elected body and the affairs were supervised by an Officer-in-charge (a deputy collector) to whom the powers were delegated by the District Magistrate.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|157}}

== Culture ==
[[File:Hilljatra-festival-photos.jpg|thumb|Hiljatra in Pithoragarh]]

=== Festivals ===
[[Pithoragarh Mahotsav]] has played a significant role in conserving and sharing Pithorgarh's unique culture. It showcases local culture through music and dance, often featuring performances in the [[Kumaoni language]].

'''Kandali Festival''' A flower called Kandali ([[Strobilanthes wallichii]]) blooms once every twelve years in the Chaudans region of Pithoragarh district, and the people celebrate the Kandali festival between August and October. Local people, known as Shaukars or Rangs, take part in the week-long festival with joy and enthusiasm in various villages throughout the region. The festival begins with the worship of a [[Shiva linga]] made of a flour mixture of barley and buckwheat. During this festival, local liquor is traditionally consumed. It is performed in a decorated corner of the courtyard by each household. People pray for good fortune. The individual Poojas are followed by a community feast. Then, the women and men, in traditional dresses and laden with gold and silver ornaments, assemble around a tree on the sacred ground of the village. Strips of white cloth are tied to the tree and a flag is raised.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/90-kandali-festival|title=Kandali Festival|publisher=Govt of Kumaon}}</ref>

'''Hilljatra''' is a pastoralists' and agriculturalists' festival, which is celebrated in some parts of Pithoragarh districts. The aathon (eight day of bhado) and Gawra Visarjan became part of Hilljatra during the development process. The festival, which originated in West Nepal's Sorar (Mahakali) region, was first introduced to the valley in Kumor village, Pithoragarh.The hiljatra of Urai (Dewalthal)is the most famous.Tha tableau of the Lakhiya bhoot is the main attraction.On the evening of hiljatra,worship of goddess Mahakali is performed tableaux are tajen out.The people of Bajethi, another village near Pithoragarh, accepted the Jatra, and it was modified and introduced as Hiran chital in the Kanalichhina and Askot regions. Hilljatra is linked to ropai (paddy planting) and other rainy-season agricultural and pastoral labours (Hill = mud, Jatra = Jaat). It has also been linked to the [[Champawat]] ruler's victory.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/89-hilljatra|title=Hilljatra|publisher=Govt of Kumaon}}</ref>

=== In popular culture ===
[[File:pithoragarh Panorama.jpg|center|900px|thumb|A panoramic view of Pithoragarh]]
The small town was extensively described in a novel by American author Bradley Swift, ''From Pithoragarh to Pittsburg''. Major parts of the Bollywood film [[Sandeep Aur Pinky Faraar]] have been shot in the city.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Service |first1=Tribune News |title=Bollywood in Pithoragarh for 'Sandeep & Pinki Farar' |url=https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/archive/bollywood-in-pithoragarh-for-sandeep--pinki-farar-508379 |access-date=20 February 2020 |work=Tribuneindia News Service |language=en}}</ref>

== Transport ==

[[File:Pithoragarh Naini Saini Airport.jpg|thumb|[[Pithoragarh Airport|Naini Saini Airport]]]]
Pithoragarh is not connected by any direct [[Rail transport in India|train services]]; however, it is well connected by road, and it also has an airport. The [[National Highway 9 (India)|National Highway 9]] passes through Pithoragarh.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2015/163579.pdf|title=National highway 9 route substitution notification|date=31 Mar 2015|website=[[The Gazette of India]]|access-date=1 Aug 2018}}</ref> [[Landslides]] and [[cloudburst]]s, caused by heavy rains that fall during the summer monsoon, often interrupt transportation networks.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Singh|first1=Kautilya|title=263 roads across Uttarakhand closed, efforts on to open them for vehicular movement|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/263-roads-across-Uttarakhand-closed-efforts-on-to-open-them-for-vehicular-movement/articleshow/53288408.cms|access-date=18 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=19 July 2016|location=Dehradun}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Singh|first1=Kautilya|title=Heavy rains block 338 roads in Uttarakhand|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Heavy-rains-block-338-roads-in-Uttarakhand/articleshow/53271509.cms|access-date=18 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=18 July 2016|location=Dehradun}}</ref>

The [[Pithoragarh Airport]], also known as the Naini Saini Airport, is located about {{convert|5|km|mi}} north-east of the city. The airport, which was constructed in 1991 for administrative use,<ref name="Chakrabarty">{{cite news|last1=Chakrabarty|first1=Arpita|title=Naini-Saini airstrip awaits flying license|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Naini-Saini-airstrip-awaits-flying-license/articleshow/52857515.cms|access-date=17 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=21 July 2016|location=Almora}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Chakrabarty|first1=Arpita|title=No commercial flights from Pithoragarh any time soon|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/No-commercial-flights-from-Pithoragarh-any-time-soon/articleshow/54270318.cms|access-date=17 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=10 September 2016|location=Almora}}</ref> was previously mainly used by the [[Indian Air Force]] for defence purposes.<ref name ="ER">{{cite web|title=Executive Summary, Expansion of Naini-Saini airport|url=http://ueppcb.uk.gov.in/files/Naini-Saiini-Airstrip-Executive-Summary-English_1.pdf |access-date=20 September 2019|work=[[RITES]]|date=October 2012}}</ref> The airport was upgraded in 2016 at an estimated cost of Rs 64.91 crore.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Chakrabarty |first1=Arpita |title=Regular flights to take off from Naini Saini airstrip from Jan 26 |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Regular-flights-to-take-off-from-Naini-Saini-airstrip-from-Jan-26/articleshow/49806761.cms |access-date=20 February 2020 |work=The Times of India |date=16 Nov 2015 |language=en}}</ref>

[[Bareilly Airport]] is located around 249 km from Pithoragarh is a major airport nearby which is connected to cities like Mumbai, New Delhi and Bengaluru.

Pithoragarh is connected to the rest of [[Uttarakhand]] by all-weather motorable roads. The total road length in Pithoragarh is 80 km.<ref name="dchba" />{{rp|683}} [[Haldwani]] and [[Tanakpur]] are two entry points for entering Pithoragarh by road. Both are connected by railway services, the nearest railway stations being [[Tanakpur railway station|Tanakpur]] (151 km) and [[Kathgodam railway station|Kathgodam]] (212 km). Regular state bus transport services along with private taxi services are available at both places. Buses, which are the most commonly used mode of transport, are run by government agencies and private operators. Agencies operating long-distance bus services include [[Uttarakhand Transport Corporation]], K.M.O.U, and various private operators.

==Education==
[[File:Temporary campus of SIT pithoaragarh.jpg|thumb|Temporary campus of [[Seemant Institute of Technology]]]]
Schools in Pithoragarh are run by the state government or private organisations, Hindi and English are the primary languages of instruction. Schools in Pithoragarh follow the [[Education in India|"10+2+3" plan]].

After completing their secondary education, students typically enroll in Inter Colleges that have a higher secondary facility and are affiliated with the [[Central Board of Secondary Education]], [[CISCE]] or the Department of Education of the [[Government of Uttarakhand]]. They usually choose a focus on liberal arts, business, or science.{{citation needed|date=July 2018}}

As of 2011, Pithoragarh had 17 primary schools, 20 middle schools, 22 secondary schools, 14 senior secondary schools, and 1 degree college.<ref name="dchba">{{cite book|title=District Census Handbook Pithoragarh Part-A|publisher=Directorate of Census Operations, Uttarakhand|location=Dehradun|url=http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/0507_PART_A_DCHB_PITHORAGARH.pdf|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref>{{rp|685}} Before independence, during the middle of the 19th century when Pithoragarh was part of [[Almora district|Almora]], there were only two middle schools in Pithoragarh.<ref name="education">{{cite web|last1=Indusnettechnologies|first1=Goutam Pal, Dipak K S, SWD|title=Education: District of Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand, India|url=http://pithoragarh.nic.in/pages/display/70-education|website=pithoragarh.nic.in|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref>

LSM Govt. Post Graduate College is the only government college in the town providing studies up to post-graduation.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Indusnettechnologies|first1=Goutam Pal, Dipak K S, SWD|title=L. S. M. Government Post Graduate College Pithoragarh (Uttarakhand)|url=http://pithoragarh.nic.in/pages/view/36/37-l-s-m--government-post-graduate-college-pithoragarh-(uttarakhand)-|website=pithoragarh.nic.in|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref> It was previously affiliated to [[Kumaun University]], [[Nainital]]. With the growing impact of [[Information technology in India|I.T.]], the government opened [[Seemant Institute of Technology|SIT Pithoragarh]] in 2011. Almost a dozen of privately owned computer centres opened up later in the town.<ref name="education" /> A few of the IT centres which are in Pithoragarh town are [[NIIT]], Hiltron, [[Aptech]], UpHill Computers, Info. Park, Sri Calculation and Care Computer.

Construction of a medical college is proposed by the state government and it has been allotted a budget of ₹450 crores ($64 million).<ref>{{Cite web|title=पिथौरागढ़ मेडिकल कालेज का कार्य प्रारंभ होने के आसार|url=https://www.jagran.com/uttarakhand/pithoragarh-the-work-of-pithoragarh-medical-college-is-likely-to-start-21867774.html|access-date=2022-02-15|website=Dainik Jagran|language=hi}}</ref>

== Temples==
*[[Haat Kalika Temple]]
*[[Kotgari Temple]]
*[[Patal Bhuvaneshwar]]

== Notable people ==
* [[Khadg Singh Valdiya]]
* [[Vinod Kapri]]
* [[Hemant Pandey]]

*[[Pushkar Singh Dhami]]
*[[Unmukt Chand]]
* [[Mary Reed (missionary)|Mary Reed]]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

== External links ==

* [http://pithoragarh.nic.in/ Pithoragarh website]
* [http://wikimapia.org/country/India/Uttaranchal/Pithoragarh/ Pithoragarh] at ''[[wikimapia]]''.

{{Pithoragarh district}}
{{Municipalities of Uttarakhand}}

{{Uttarakhand}}

[[Category:Pithoragarh| ]]
[[Category:Tourism in Uttarakhand]]
[[Category:Cities and towns in Pithoragarh district]]
{{ci|date=October 2022}}

Pithoragarh

2026-04-01T16:29:30Z

162.158.170.52:

''Italic text''{{Short description|Town in Uttarakhand, India}}
{{About|the municipality in Uttarakhand, India|its namesake district|Pithoragarh district}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2017}}
{{Use Indian English|date=July 2017}}

{{Infobox settlement
| name = Pithoragarh
| native_name =
| native_name_lang = Kumaoni
| other_name =
| nickname =
| settlement_type = [[Town]]
| image_skyline = Pithoragarh Sunrise.jpg
| image_alt =
| image_caption = View of Pithoragarh city, Uttarakhand during Sunrise
| pushpin_map = India Uttarakhand#India
| pushpin_label_position =
| pushpin_map_alt =
| pushpin_map_caption = Location in Uttarakhand, India
| pushpin_relief = yes
| coordinates = {{coord|29.58|N|80.22|E|display=inline,title}}
| subdivision_type = Country
| subdivision_name = {{flag|India}}
| subdivision_type1 = [[States and territories of India|State]]
| subdivision_name1 = [[Uttarakhand]]
| subdivision_type2 = [[List of districts of India|District]]
| subdivision_name2 = [[Pithoragarh district|Pithoragarh]]
| established_title = 
| named_for =
| government_type =
| governing_body =
| unit_pref = Metric
| area_footnotes =
| area_rank =
| area_total_km2 =
| elevation_footnotes =
| elevation_m = 1627
| population_total = 56,044
| population_as_of = 2011
| population_rank =
| population_density_km2 = auto
| population_demonym = Pithoragarhiya (Kumaoni)
| population_footnotes = <ref name="2011 census data">{{cite web|title=Census of India Search details |url=http://www.censusindia.gov.in/pca/SearchDetails.aspx?Id=56255|publisher=censusindia.gov.in|access-date=10 May 2015}}</ref>
| demographics1_title1 = Official
| demographics1_info1 = [[Hindi language|Hindi]], [[Kumaoni (pahadi) language|Kumauni]]
| timezone1 = [[Indian Standard Time|IST]]
| utc_offset1 = +5:30
| postal_code_type = [[Postal Index Number|PIN]]
| postal_code = 262501
| area_code_type = Telephone code
| area_code = 915964
| registration_plate = UK-05
| website = {{URL|pithoragarh.nic.in}}
| footnotes =
| leader_title = [[District collector]]
| leader_name = Reena Joshi, [[Indian Administrative Service|IAS]]<ref>{{Cite web |title=सीमांत जिले पिथौरागढ़ में पहली बार महिला जिलाधिकारी तैनात, बागेश्वर में भी महिला डीएम, देखें किसे मिली कमान |url=https://www.jagran.com/uttarakhand/nainital-for-the-first-time-a-woman-dm-posted-in-pithoragarh-and-in-bageshwar-also-a-woman-dm-23169115.html |access-date=2022-10-29 |website=Dainik Jagran |language=hi}}</ref>
}}

'''Pithoragarh''' ([[Kumaoni language|Kumaoni]]: ''Pithor'garh'') is a Himalayan town with a Municipal Board in [[Pithoragarh district]] in the Indian [[States and territories of India|state]] of [[Uttarakhand]]. It is the largest and unplanned town in Kumaon hills. It is an education hub of the hilly region as the town has Laxman Singh Mahar Govt.P.G.College, Seemant Institute of Technology, now known as Nanhi Pari Seemant Engineering Institute and a nursing college.

== Etymology ==
"The district is named after its headquarters town, Pithoragarh. Tradition has it that during the reign of the [[Chand kings|Chand Rajas]] of [[Kumaon division|Kumaon]], one Piru, also called Prithvi Gosain, built a fort here and named it Prithvigarh which, in the course of time, got changed to Pithoragarh."<ref name=gazetteer />
[[File:Pithoragarh Fort.jpg|thumb|A view of Pithoragarh town from the Pithoragarh Fort (also known as London Fort)]]

== History ==
Pithoragarh city and its surrounding areas were part of the [[Manaskhand]] region, which extended from the [[Kailash Mountain]] in the north to [[Bhabar]] & [[Terai]] in the south, as mentioned in the [[Skanda Purana]].<ref name="Gazetteer 1979">{{cite book |title=Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Pithoragarh |date=1979 |publisher=Government of Uttar Pradesh |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EAJDAAAAYAAJ |access-date=21 February 2020 |language=en}}</ref>{{rp|12}} The [[Asura]]s and [[Nāga|Naga]]s appear to be the earliest inhabitants of the region, who were later superseded by the [[Kirata]]s, [[Khas people|Khasa]]s and the [[Kuninda Kingdom|Kuninda]]s.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|13}} The Kuninda Kings of the region may have become the feudatories of The [[Kushan Empire|Kushana]] Kings, who held their sway over the region in the last quarter of the 1st century AD.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|16}} The region subsequently came under the [[Katyuri kings|Kurmanchal kingdom]], which had its capital first at [[Jyotirmath]] and then at Karikeyapura (Modern day [[Baijnath, Uttarakhand|Baijnath]]) in the Katyur Valley.<ref>{{Cite book |author=Kaṭhoca, Yaśavanta Siṃha |title=Uttarākhaṇḍa kā navīna itihāsa |year=2010 |isbn=978-81-86844-91-5 |oclc=948116582}}</ref>

Upon the disintegration of the Katyuris and fall of kingdom in 13th century, Pithoragarh came under the rule of Bam kings of [[Saur Valley|Saur]]. The Bam kings were feudal to the Raikas of [[Doti]] and was a branch of katyuri kings, and had their capital at Udaipur near Pithoragarh, However, the Rajas used to come down to Rameshwar and Bailorkol during the winter months.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|24}} The Bam kings, who ruled over Saur were:<ref name="Pande">{{cite book|last1=Pande|first1=Badri Datt|title=History of Kumaun : English version of "Kumaun ka itihas"|date=1993|publisher=Shyam Prakashan|location=[[Almora]]|isbn=81-85865-01-9}}</ref>{{rp|216}}
{{div col|colwidth=20em}}
# Karakil Bam
# Kakil Bam
# Chanari Bam
# Arki Bam
# Jnani Bam
# Shakti Bam
# Vijai Bam
# Hari Bam
{{div col end}}

In the fifteenth century, King [[Chand kings#List of Chand Kings|Bharti Chand]] of [[Champawat]] amassed a huge army, and started plundering and killing in the regions ruled by the Doti Kings. This resulted in a war, which lasted for 12 years, and ended with a victory for the Chands.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|213–214}} After the death of Bharti Chand in 1462, Nagmalla, the king of Doti attacked his son, Ratna Chand who was successful in defending himself.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|213–214}} Nagmalla was killed in the war and the Bams became feudatories of the Chands.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|215–216}} The pargana of Saur came under direct control of the [[Kingdom of Kumaon]] in the sixteenth century during the rule of King Balo Kalyan Chand, when it was given to him by the Raika king of Doti as dowry for marrying his Daughter.<ref name="Pande" />{{rp|226}}

In 1790, the Chand kings built a new fort on the hill where the present Girls Inter College is situated. This fort was destroyed by the Indian government in 1962 after China attacked India.[<nowiki/>[[wikipedia:Please clarify|why?]]] The Chand rule, at its zenith, is seen as one of the most prominent empires in Kumaon. Their rule also coincides with a period of cultural resurgence. Archeological surveys point towards the development of culture and art forms in this period.

A Branch of [[Indian National Congress]] was established in the region in 1912, and in 1916, many people from Pithoragarh attended the Lucknow session of Congress. The [[Non-cooperation movement]] was started in the region in 1921 and in 1930, 10 people from Pithoragarh participated in the [[Civil disobedience movement]]. Subsequently, the Congress won the Pithoragarh seat in the [[1937 Indian provincial elections|Provincial Elections in 1937]]. The [[Quit India Movement]] of 1942 found greater support in Pithoragarh and about 150 persons were arrested while several were fined. The Congress won the Pithoragarh seat again in the [[1945 Indian general election|General Elections of 1945]] for the Provincial Assembly, and in 1947, along with the rest of India, this region also won independence from the British Rule.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|38}}

== The Cheh Patti Sor ==
The '''Soar Valley''' (historically known as Saur or Sor) was traditionally organised into six ancestral and adminstrative revenue circles known as the '''Cheh Patti Sor''' (छह पट्टी सोर) [6]. These division are central to the socio-cultural fabric of Pithoragarh and are uniquely tied to the management and traditions of the regi''Italic text''onal deity, '''Mostamanu Devta''' (the Rain God of the valley).

'''The Six Pattis'''
The social hierarchy and the adminstration of the valley are distributed among six primary lineages, traditionally listed in the follow
# Numbered list item
ing order of presedence
#
* Numbered list item
1 '''Mahar''' '''(महर)'''
2 '''Waldia''' ''' (वल्दिया)'''
3 '''Soun''' '''(सौन)'''
4 '''Seti''' '''(सेती)'''
5 '''Kharayat''' '''(खरायत)'''
6 '''Rawal''' '''(रावल)'''

'''Thokdari influence'''

Historically, the '''Mahar''' and '''Waldia''' clans emerged as the prominent '''Thokdars''' (regional chieftains\landed gentry) within the valley. During the reign of the khatyuri and chand Dynasties and the subsequent British administration, these families held significant socio-political authority, acting as the primary administrators of the valley's resources. While all six Pattis are considered the ''pillars'' of the valley's cultural identity and are equal stakeholders in the annual '''Mostamanu Fair''' (held on Rishi Panchami), the Waldia and Mahar families are noted for their historical role as the valley's '''De Facto Rulers'''.

'''Cultural Significance'''
The division remains functional today during the religious ceremonies. Residents of all six Pattis contribute to the management of the '''Mostamanu Temple''' and participate in the ritual Dola (palanquin) procession, which servers as a symbol of unity of the entire Saur region.

== Geography ==
[[File:AesculusIndica.jpg|left|250px|thumb| Himalayan view from Pithoragarh]]
Pithoragarh is located at {{Coord|29.58|N|80.22|E|}}.<ref>[http://www.fallingrain.com/world/IN/39/Pithoragarh.html Falling Rain Genomics, Inc – Pithoragarh]</ref> in the district of [[Pithoragarh district|Pithoragarh]], [[Uttarakhand]], India. It lies in the revenue Division of [[Kumaon Division|Kumaon]]<ref>{{cite book|title=Kumaon Himalaya|publisher=Shree Almora Book Depot|isbn=9788190020992|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pWs-AgAACAAJ&q=almora|language=en}}</ref> and is located 188 km northeast of [[Nainital]], the administrative headquarters of Kumaon. It has an average elevation of 1,627 [[metre]]s (5,338 [[foot (length)|feet]]).<ref name=gazetteer>[http://pithoragarh.nic.in/Gazetteer/gazetter19.pdf A document from official website of Pithoragarh] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090410072247/http://pithoragarh.nic.in/Gazetteer/gazetter19.pdf |date=10 April 2009 }}</ref><ref>[http://pithoragarh.nic.in/ Official website of Pithoragarh]</ref> It is situated in the centre of the western half of the [[Saur Valley]]. The valley is spread across around 50 square kilometers. According to the [[Bureau of Indian Standards]], on a scale ranging from I to V in order of increasing susceptibility to earthquakes, the city lies inside [[Earthquake hazard zoning of india|seismic zone V]].<ref>{{cite book|title=Hazard profiles of Indian districts|publisher=National Capacity Building Project in Disaster Management, UNDP|url=http://www.undp.org.in/dmweb/hazardprofile.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060519100611/http://www.undp.org.in/dmweb/hazardprofile.pdf|access-date=17 October 2016|archive-date=19 May 2006}}</ref> It lies in the Moderate damage risk (B) area in Wind & Cyclone Zone and is declared a No Flood Zone.

===Climate===
Pithoragarh has a monsoon-influenced climate. The summer season from April to mid-June is moderately warm with occasional thunderstorms, whilst the monsoon season from mid-June to mid-September is humid with heavy showers almost daily. This gives way to a warm and sunny autumn season. The winter season brings pleasant afternoons, very cold mornings, and spells of frontal rain accompanied by sparse snowfall.
{{Weather box 
| width = auto
| open = yes
|metric first = yes
|single line = yes
| location = Pithoragarh
| temperature colour = pastel

| Jan mean C =7.8
| Feb mean C =9.4
| Mar mean C =14.2
| Apr mean C =19.2
| May mean C =22.1
| Jun mean C =23.1
| Jul mean C =21.9
| Aug mean C =21.6
| Sep mean C =20.4
| Oct mean C =17.4
| Nov mean C =13.2
| Dec mean C =9.7
| year mean C = 16.7

|Jan high C= 13.7
|Feb high C= 15.5
|Mar high C= 20.7
|Apr high C= 25.9
|May high C= 28.7
|Jun high C= 28.5
|Jul high C= 25.9
|Aug high C= 25.4
|Sep high C= 24.9
|Oct high C= 23.3
|Nov high C= 19.7
|Dec high C= 15.8
|year high C= 22.3

| Jan low C =1.9
| Feb low C =3.4
| Mar low C =7.7
| Apr low C =12.6
| May low C =15.7
| Jun low C =17.7
| Jul low C =17.9
| Aug low C =17.8
| Sep low C =16
| Oct low C =11.5
| Nov low C =6.8
| Dec low C =3.5
| year low C =11

| Jan precipitation mm =37.4
| Feb precipitation mm =42.8
| Mar precipitation mm =39.4
| Apr precipitation mm =34.7
| May precipitation mm =56.7
| Jun precipitation mm =164.8
| Jul precipitation mm =317.3
| Aug precipitation mm =305.2
| Sep precipitation mm =174.4
| Oct precipitation mm =47.9
| Nov precipitation mm =7.3
| Dec precipitation mm =16.7
| year precipitation mm =1244.5
| precipitation colour = green
| unit precipitation days =
| Jan precipitation days =3.4
| Feb precipitation days =3.8
| Mar precipitation days =3.7
| Apr precipitation days =3.1
| May precipitation days =4.1
| Jun precipitation days =10.9
| Jul precipitation days =16.5
| Aug precipitation days =17.6
| Sep precipitation days =10.5
| Oct precipitation days =2.9
| Nov precipitation days =1.2
| Dec precipitation days =1.3
| year precipitation days =79.1

|source = Weatherbase<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.weatherbase.com/weather/weather.php3?s=596060&cityname=Pithoragarh-Uttarakhand-India|title=Monthly Weather Averages Summary, Pithoragarh, India|access-date=2016-10-17}}</ref>
}}

== Government and politics ==
Pithoragarh is an urban town with a [[Municipal Council (India)|Nagar Palika Parishad]] or Municipal Council<ref>{{Cite web|title=Municipalities {{!}} District Pithoragarh, Government of Uttarakhand {{!}} India|url=https://pithoragarh.nic.in/public-utility-category/municipality/|access-date=2020-09-15|language=en-US}}</ref> spread over an area of 9 square km.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Census of India - Uttarakhand - Town Amenities (Excel Row 53)|url=https://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/DCHB.html|access-date=15 September 2020|website=Census of India}}</ref> It is divided into 20 wards for the sake of administration.<ref>{{Cite web|author=Prem Punetha|date=Dec 18, 2019|title=12 ward members resign over use of Dev Singh Ground for exhibition {{!}} Dehradun News - Times of India|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/12-ward-members-resign-over-use-of-dev-singh-ground-for-exhibition/articleshow/72859073.cms|access-date=2020-09-15|website=The Times of India|language=en}}</ref> It is also part of the [[Almora (Lok Sabha constituency)|Almora Lok Sabha Constituency]], thus has BJP MP [[Ajay Tamta]] representing the city<ref>{{Cite web|title=Uttarakhand: BRO constructs 180-feet-long bailey bridge in cloudburst-hit Jauljibi sector|url=https://www.aninews.in/news/national/general-news/uttarakhand-bro-constructs-180-feet-long-bailey-bridge-in-cloudburst-hit-jauljibi-sector20200816233019/|access-date=2020-09-15|website=ANI News|language=en}}</ref> and part of the Pithoragarh Vidhan Sabha constituency, represented by INC's [[Mayukh Mahar]].<ref>{{Cite web|title=MP/MLA {{!}} District Almora, Government of Uttarakhand {{!}} India|url=https://almora.nic.in/mp-mla/|access-date=2020-09-15|language=en-US}}</ref>

Pithoragarh town, before the creation of a Municipal Board, was administered as a Town Area by a committee consisting of 10 members and a chairman. The Municipality of Pithoragarh came into existence on 24 Nov 1962 and the members and the chairman of Town Area Committee became its members. The board was, however, dissolved on 12 Mar 1963, and the town was then administered by the [[District Magistrate]], who was the ex-officio chairman of the board under the U.P. Municipalities Act of 1916. There was no elected body and the affairs were supervised by an Officer-in-charge (a deputy collector) to whom the powers were delegated by the District Magistrate.<ref name="Gazetteer 1979" />{{rp|157}}

== Culture ==
[[File:Hilljatra-festival-photos.jpg|thumb|Hiljatra in Pithoragarh]]

=== Festivals ===
[[Pithoragarh Mahotsav]] has played a significant role in conserving and sharing Pithorgarh's unique culture. It showcases local culture through music and dance, often featuring performances in the [[Kumaoni language]].

'''Kandali Festival''' A flower called Kandali ([[Strobilanthes wallichii]]) blooms once every twelve years in the Chaudans region of Pithoragarh district, and the people celebrate the Kandali festival between August and October. Local people, known as Shaukars or Rangs, take part in the week-long festival with joy and enthusiasm in various villages throughout the region. The festival begins with the worship of a [[Shiva linga]] made of a flour mixture of barley and buckwheat. During this festival, local liquor is traditionally consumed. It is performed in a decorated corner of the courtyard by each household. People pray for good fortune. The individual Poojas are followed by a community feast. Then, the women and men, in traditional dresses and laden with gold and silver ornaments, assemble around a tree on the sacred ground of the village. Strips of white cloth are tied to the tree and a flag is raised.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/90-kandali-festival|title=Kandali Festival|publisher=Govt of Kumaon}}</ref>

'''Hilljatra''' is a pastoralists' and agriculturalists' festival, which is celebrated in some parts of Pithoragarh districts. The aathon (eight day of bhado) and Gawra Visarjan became part of Hilljatra during the development process. The festival, which originated in West Nepal's Sorar (Mahakali) region, was first introduced to the valley in Kumor village, Pithoragarh.The hiljatra of Urai (Dewalthal)is the most famous.Tha tableau of the Lakhiya bhoot is the main attraction.On the evening of hiljatra,worship of goddess Mahakali is performed tableaux are tajen out.The people of Bajethi, another village near Pithoragarh, accepted the Jatra, and it was modified and introduced as Hiran chital in the Kanalichhina and Askot regions. Hilljatra is linked to ropai (paddy planting) and other rainy-season agricultural and pastoral labours (Hill = mud, Jatra = Jaat). It has also been linked to the [[Champawat]] ruler's victory.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/89-hilljatra|title=Hilljatra|publisher=Govt of Kumaon}}</ref>

=== In popular culture ===
[[File:pithoragarh Panorama.jpg|center|900px|thumb|A panoramic view of Pithoragarh]]
The small town was extensively described in a novel by American author Bradley Swift, ''From Pithoragarh to Pittsburg''. Major parts of the Bollywood film [[Sandeep Aur Pinky Faraar]] have been shot in the city.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Service |first1=Tribune News |title=Bollywood in Pithoragarh for 'Sandeep & Pinki Farar' |url=https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/archive/bollywood-in-pithoragarh-for-sandeep--pinki-farar-508379 |access-date=20 February 2020 |work=Tribuneindia News Service |language=en}}</ref>

== Transport ==

[[File:Pithoragarh Naini Saini Airport.jpg|thumb|[[Pithoragarh Airport|Naini Saini Airport]]]]
Pithoragarh is not connected by any direct [[Rail transport in India|train services]]; however, it is well connected by road, and it also has an airport. The [[National Highway 9 (India)|National Highway 9]] passes through Pithoragarh.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2015/163579.pdf|title=National highway 9 route substitution notification|date=31 Mar 2015|website=[[The Gazette of India]]|access-date=1 Aug 2018}}</ref> [[Landslides]] and [[cloudburst]]s, caused by heavy rains that fall during the summer monsoon, often interrupt transportation networks.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Singh|first1=Kautilya|title=263 roads across Uttarakhand closed, efforts on to open them for vehicular movement|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/263-roads-across-Uttarakhand-closed-efforts-on-to-open-them-for-vehicular-movement/articleshow/53288408.cms|access-date=18 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=19 July 2016|location=Dehradun}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Singh|first1=Kautilya|title=Heavy rains block 338 roads in Uttarakhand|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Heavy-rains-block-338-roads-in-Uttarakhand/articleshow/53271509.cms|access-date=18 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=18 July 2016|location=Dehradun}}</ref>

The [[Pithoragarh Airport]], also known as the Naini Saini Airport, is located about {{convert|5|km|mi}} north-east of the city. The airport, which was constructed in 1991 for administrative use,<ref name="Chakrabarty">{{cite news|last1=Chakrabarty|first1=Arpita|title=Naini-Saini airstrip awaits flying license|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Naini-Saini-airstrip-awaits-flying-license/articleshow/52857515.cms|access-date=17 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=21 July 2016|location=Almora}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Chakrabarty|first1=Arpita|title=No commercial flights from Pithoragarh any time soon|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/No-commercial-flights-from-Pithoragarh-any-time-soon/articleshow/54270318.cms|access-date=17 October 2016|agency=TNN|work=The Times of India|date=10 September 2016|location=Almora}}</ref> was previously mainly used by the [[Indian Air Force]] for defence purposes.<ref name ="ER">{{cite web|title=Executive Summary, Expansion of Naini-Saini airport|url=http://ueppcb.uk.gov.in/files/Naini-Saiini-Airstrip-Executive-Summary-English_1.pdf |access-date=20 September 2019|work=[[RITES]]|date=October 2012}}</ref> The airport was upgraded in 2016 at an estimated cost of Rs 64.91 crore.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Chakrabarty |first1=Arpita |title=Regular flights to take off from Naini Saini airstrip from Jan 26 |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/Regular-flights-to-take-off-from-Naini-Saini-airstrip-from-Jan-26/articleshow/49806761.cms |access-date=20 February 2020 |work=The Times of India |date=16 Nov 2015 |language=en}}</ref>

[[Bareilly Airport]] is located around 249 km from Pithoragarh is a major airport nearby which is connected to cities like Mumbai, New Delhi and Bengaluru.

Pithoragarh is connected to the rest of [[Uttarakhand]] by all-weather motorable roads. The total road length in Pithoragarh is 80 km.<ref name="dchba" />{{rp|683}} [[Haldwani]] and [[Tanakpur]] are two entry points for entering Pithoragarh by road. Both are connected by railway services, the nearest railway stations being [[Tanakpur railway station|Tanakpur]] (151 km) and [[Kathgodam railway station|Kathgodam]] (212 km). Regular state bus transport services along with private taxi services are available at both places. Buses, which are the most commonly used mode of transport, are run by government agencies and private operators. Agencies operating long-distance bus services include [[Uttarakhand Transport Corporation]], K.M.O.U, and various private operators.

==Education==
[[File:Temporary campus of SIT pithoaragarh.jpg|thumb|Temporary campus of [[Seemant Institute of Technology]]]]
Schools in Pithoragarh are run by the state government or private organisations, Hindi and English are the primary languages of instruction. Schools in Pithoragarh follow the [[Education in India|"10+2+3" plan]].

After completing their secondary education, students typically enroll in Inter Colleges that have a higher secondary facility and are affiliated with the [[Central Board of Secondary Education]], [[CISCE]] or the Department of Education of the [[Government of Uttarakhand]]. They usually choose a focus on liberal arts, business, or science.{{citation needed|date=July 2018}}

As of 2011, Pithoragarh had 17 primary schools, 20 middle schools, 22 secondary schools, 14 senior secondary schools, and 1 degree college.<ref name="dchba">{{cite book|title=District Census Handbook Pithoragarh Part-A|publisher=Directorate of Census Operations, Uttarakhand|location=Dehradun|url=http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/0507_PART_A_DCHB_PITHORAGARH.pdf|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref>{{rp|685}} Before independence, during the middle of the 19th century when Pithoragarh was part of [[Almora district|Almora]], there were only two middle schools in Pithoragarh.<ref name="education">{{cite web|last1=Indusnettechnologies|first1=Goutam Pal, Dipak K S, SWD|title=Education: District of Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand, India|url=http://pithoragarh.nic.in/pages/display/70-education|website=pithoragarh.nic.in|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref>

LSM Govt. Post Graduate College is the only government college in the town providing studies up to post-graduation.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Indusnettechnologies|first1=Goutam Pal, Dipak K S, SWD|title=L. S. M. Government Post Graduate College Pithoragarh (Uttarakhand)|url=http://pithoragarh.nic.in/pages/view/36/37-l-s-m--government-post-graduate-college-pithoragarh-(uttarakhand)-|website=pithoragarh.nic.in|access-date=11 July 2017}}</ref> It was previously affiliated to [[Kumaun University]], [[Nainital]]. With the growing impact of [[Information technology in India|I.T.]], the government opened [[Seemant Institute of Technology|SIT Pithoragarh]] in 2011. Almost a dozen of privately owned computer centres opened up later in the town.<ref name="education" /> A few of the IT centres which are in Pithoragarh town are [[NIIT]], Hiltron, [[Aptech]], UpHill Computers, Info. Park, Sri Calculation and Care Computer.

Construction of a medical college is proposed by the state government and it has been allotted a budget of ₹450 crores ($64 million).<ref>{{Cite web|title=पिथौरागढ़ मेडिकल कालेज का कार्य प्रारंभ होने के आसार|url=https://www.jagran.com/uttarakhand/pithoragarh-the-work-of-pithoragarh-medical-college-is-likely-to-start-21867774.html|access-date=2022-02-15|website=Dainik Jagran|language=hi}}</ref>

== Temples==
*[[Haat Kalika Temple]]
*[[Kotgari Temple]]
*[[Patal Bhuvaneshwar]]

== Notable people ==
* [[Khadg Singh Valdiya]]
* [[Vinod Kapri]]
* [[Hemant Pandey]]

*[[Pushkar Singh Dhami]]
*[[Unmukt Chand]]
* [[Mary Reed (missionary)|Mary Reed]]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

== External links ==

* [http://pithoragarh.nic.in/ Pithoragarh website]
* [http://wikimapia.org/country/India/Uttaranchal/Pithoragarh/ Pithoragarh] at ''[[wikimapia]]''.

{{Pithoragarh district}}
{{Municipalities of Uttarakhand}}

{{Uttarakhand}}

[[Category:Pithoragarh| ]]
[[Category:Tourism in Uttarakhand]]
[[Category:Cities and towns in Pithoragarh district]]
{{ci|date=October 2022}}